동사성 명사의 인상과 목적어 이동

이두원 현대문법학회 2004 현대문법연구 Vol.35 No.-

The aim of this paper is to show that raising and object shift of the verbal noun are determined by agentivity and stativity of the verbal noun. The functional head v is related to the agentive role of the subject and the transitivity of the verb (cf. Jung 2003). In Chomsky's (1995) conception, v is the light verb to which V overtly raises. In this vein, following Ahn (2002) and Jung (2003), we suggest that ha occupies the functional head v, which means that it is a realization of v. We also claim that it is the [+agentive] feature rather than the [-stative] feature of the verbal noun and the so-called light verb ha 'do' that induces OS of the verbal noun with (l)ul in the ha-construction. We further show that the verbal noun on L (i.e., here, neutral head) undergoes raising to ha on v at S-structure (cf. Ahn 1991), which is due to the morpho-syntactic property of ha on v (cf. Pesetsky 1989, Ahn 2002).

Noun Incorporation of Phrasal Projection in Ha ‘do’ Idioms

이두원 미래영어영문학회 2018 영어영문학 Vol.23 No.4

All the verbal idioms consisting of an object and ha ‘do’ allow case-marked object regardless of whether the object is a phrasal projection or not. While the case-marked objects in question form a verbal idiom with ha ‘do’, the caseless objects do not necessarily induce a verbal idiom in the ha ‘do’ constructions when they are a phrasal projection rather than a head. Thus, all caseless objects in the verbal idioms consisting of an object and ha ‘do’ cannot undergo Baker’s (1988, 2009) NI or Massam’s (2001) PNI. However, case drop and low scope of a direct object found in Korean ha ‘do’ idioms are what the PNI shows. The caseless direct object (i.e., PNIed one) takes a low scope over the plural subjects. An idiom is an expression whose meaning does not conform to the principle of compositionality. The verbal idiom consisting of an object and ha ‘do’ is regarded as one single unit derived from the noun incorporation (NI) of any nominal extended projections to the verb regardless of whether it is case-marked or not. This seems to be in accordance with Barrie and Mathieu’s (2016) system for Onondaga (Northern Iroquoian) and Ojibwe (Algonquian).

The Different Aspects between Anaphor Binding and Scope Interpretation in the Dative IO/CAUSEE Constructions

이두원 한국중원언어학회 2019 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.51

The dative indirect object (IO) or CAUSEE triggers freezing effects of the reflexive anaphor binding or the scope interpretation against the direct object (DO) in the IO/CAUSEE-DO order. There are freezing effect differences in between. The narrow scope of the DO is always triggered by the dative IO or CAUSEE whatever the word order is. However, the anaphor binding of the DO cannot be induced by its following dative IO or CAUSEE. The scope freezing effect of the IO or CAUSEE against the DO disappears when the IO or CAUSEE undergoes case alternation with accusative. The new discoveries are as follows. The anaphor in the DO position of the host clause of the gapped right dislocation constructions can be coindexed with the subject appendix, but not with the dative IO or CAUSEE appendix. The dative IO or CAUSEE always triggers scope freezing effect against the DO, regardless of whether the IO precedes or follows the DO. These are different aspects between anaphor binding and scope interpretation in the dative IO/CAUSEE constructions.

English Counterparts of Causative Verb Cwu and Benefactive Suffix Verb (a/e) Cwu Constructions

이두원 한국중앙영어영문학회 2015 영어영문학연구 Vol.57 No.2

Accomplishment events typically show that a structure expresses movement away from or toward an endpoint state and induces change of location/state). This is what the causative cwu- and benefactive suffix (a/e) cwu-constructions in Korean show. The causative verb cwu is a causative signature compatible with accomplishments, which is the reason why the causative verb cwu cannot be translated into give in English. Some tests are further taken to identify whether the verb cwu is a dative verb cwu or a causative verb cwu, by examining their implicational semantic properties. The benefactive suffix (a/e) cwu is base-generated on v when it forms a serial verb, attaching to the dative verb. There necessarily arises a relation of ownership between the goal and the theme, which is triggered by the benefactive feature of (a/e) cwu on v, which induces change of ownership. This induces the gradable adverb cemcem ‘gradually’ to be compatible with the benefactive suffix (a/e) cwu sentences. The benefactive possessor should be [+animate] and the [ACC-ACC] order displays an animacy constraint. This is the reason why the benefactive suffix (a/e) cwu constructions should be translated into English double object constructions.

항공사 승무원의 개인-팀 적합성이 직무몰입과 서비스 지향성에 미치는 영향

이두원,류성민 대한경영학회 2016 대한경영학회 학술발표대회 발표논문집 Vol.2016 No.1

D-Effects of Scope Change and Focus in the RTO Construction

이두원,이나운 원광대학교 인문학연구소 2009 열린정신 인문학연구 Vol.10 No.1

영어와 일본어의 여격구문에서 여격 목적어-직접목적어의 어순은 여격 목적어 의 광의 영향권만을 갖는 반면에, 직접목적어-간접목적어 어순은 본래의 영향권 변화를 야기한다. 이를 바탕으로 목적어인상구문에서 인상된 목적어의 영향권 변화 가 이동의 증거가 됨을 고찰하였다. Chomsky (2005)의 주변자질이동에 근거한 D. Yang (2009)의 무표적 병합은 수의적으로 일어나는 이동이 비일치로 이루어지며 주변자질에 의해 그 이동의 동기가 부여된다는 특징을 갖는다. 그 무표적 병합의 결과가 이동한 요소의 담화 효과이다. 한국어 인상구문에서 인상되는 하위절 주어 의 작용역 변화와 초첨해석이 이에 해당한다. 인상 요소는 주제로 기능할 수 없음을 H. Im (2008)의 주제표현 검증 장치인 ‘-로 말하면’으로 입증하였다. 결국, 이 연구는 한국어 인상구문에서 보문절 주어가 상위절로 초점 표시자인 ‘를’이 외현적으로 실 현되면서 이동함을 그 영향권 변화를 근거로 주장하였다.

이차결과구문 다시보기: 타동사 결과구문의 결손 pro 위치를 중심으로

이두원 한국중앙영어영문학회 2023 영어영문학연구 Vol.65 No.1

Transitive and unergative resultative predicates in Korean are nonfinite CP structures which might contain a null little pro, whereas the resultative phrases in unaccusative resultatives are adverbs. They all adjoined to VP. The subject of an infinitive in English cannot usually be an overt NP, so PRO has often been taken to be in complementary distribution with overt pronouns. The most relevant kind of example of a deficient/weak pronoun for the null subject of the transitive/unergative resultative in Korean is a little pro. Notice that pro can be replaced as an overt inalienable possession, which means that the latter is a deficient constituent. The weaker the pronoun is, the more likely it is to be null. In this vein, the deficient/weak pronoun must be picked over strong pronouns such as the overt pronoun when there is a choice between the two (Satık 2022b). This is captured via Cardinaletti and Starke’s(1999) economy constraint to minimize syntactic structure. The transitive verbs such as twutulita ‘hammer’ and talita ‘iron’ do not imply any change of state or any result. Nevertheless the sentences certainly imply some result when napcakhakey ‘flat’ and ppasppashakey ‘stiff’ appear as their respective transitive predicate. To reiterate, such resultatives are path and telicity related constructions with pro.

Economic Impact of Korea’s Outward FDIs into Developed and Developing Economies across Industries

이두원,허현승 한국무역학회 2009 Journal of Korea trade Vol.13 No.2

Along with the growth of Korea’s outward foreign direct investments (FDI), the concern for the so-called ‘hollowing-out’ effect has grown as well. This paper aims to empirically assess the impacts of Korea’s FDI on Korea’s exports and employment by using time-series and panel analyses. Particularly, the paper compares the impact of Korea’s FDI into developed countries with the impact of Korea’s FDI into developing countries. The manufacturing sector is categorized into 11 sub-industries to account for the possible industry-specific effects. According to the time series analysis, the FDI in China caused exports in several capital-intensive industries. According to the panel analysis, FDI induced more exports, and this effect is particularly strong among Korea’s FDIs in developing economies. In particular, Korea’s FDI in China has induced more exports, but Korean domestic employment has suffered. Employment problems like this are more severe in labor-intensive industries.

한국어 스트리핑 구문의 복합명사구 제약 효과

이두원 한국언어과학회 2021 언어과학 Vol.28 No.1

Distributive plural marker tul and its structural licensing

이두원 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2013 언어연구 Vol.30 No.1

Korean has a copied plural marker -tul (i.e., distributive plural marker, DPM), which looks like a plural morpheme in its form but does not denote genuine plurality of the element it is attached to since it is simply copied from the preceding plural marker. The DPM can be attached not only to a singular noun but also to a verb, adverb, whole verbal chunk or even complementizer, which inherently triggers distributivity, but resists genuine plurality. The licensor of DPMs is not always necessarily a subject but can be a c-commanding nominal. As for the shifted object licensing the DPM attached to the VP adverb, it carries discourse effect such as specificity or presupposed interpretation of distributivity, which induces it to move to the Spec of v*P. Hence, the shifted object c-commands and licenses the DPM attached to the VP adverb. The argument to which the typical distributive markers such as -mata ‘every’, -ssik ‘each’, or hana hana ‘one-by-one’ as well as the plural marker -tul are attached can be a licensor of the DPM. I put forward the observation that in the bi-clausal structure, the DPM attached to the embedded complementizer -ko as well as the matrix adverb is only licensed by the matrix distributive argument. As for the RTOed nominal, it is located in the matrix clause, which induces it to c-command and license the DPM attached to the complementizer and matrix adverb. Like the shifted distributive object, the RTOed argument to which the plural marker -tul is attached also carries discourse effect such as specificity and presupposed interpretation of distributivity, which induces the RTOed object to move to the Spec of v*P in the matrix clause. This set of facts leads us to suggest the condition that the DPM must be locally c-commanded and licensed by PRO, a trace, null argument (i.e, pro) or syntactic argument, which bears distributivity.