급성 카드뮴중독시 랏트의 고환조직내 Catalase 및 Superoxide Dismutase 활성도와의 양-반응관계

박보영,박정덕,정규철,Park, Bo-Young,Park, Jung-Duck,Chung, Kyou-Chull 대한예방의학회 1988 Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health Vol.21 No.2

Dose-response relationship among blood cadmium concentrations, catalase and superoxide dismutase activities were studied with acutely intoxicated rats by cadmium. The Sprague-Dawley male rats to which single dose of $1{\sim}32mg/kg\;CdCl_2$ were administered into peritoneal cavity were sacrificed by decapitation at $3{\sim}36$ hours after the administration. Cadmium concentrations in blood increased significantly with dose of $CdCl_2$ administered and reached peak level at 3 hours later. Catalase activities in rats' testes were not correlated with esposure time elapsed after the administration in rats to which $1{\sim}2mg/kg\;of\;CdCl_2$ were administered, but they showed linear relationship with time in groups to which $4{\sim}32mg/kg\;of\;CdCl_2$ were administered. Cu, Zn-SOD activities in testes of acutely intoxicated rats by cadmium were not altered either by dosage or by time elapsed after the administration. Mn-SOD activities in the testes were also not influenced by dosage of $1{\sim}2mg/kg\;CdCl_2$, but remarkably inactivated by dosage of $4{\sim}32mg/kg\;CdCl_2$ with time elapsed after the administration. Neither catalase, Cu, Zn-SOD nor Mn-SOD activities of testes were correlated with blood cadmium concentrations in acutely intoxicated rats by cadmium.

지역사회개발사업과 발전주의 복지정치: 박정희 정권의 새마을운동을 중심으로

박보영 ( Bo Young Park ) 한국사회복지정책학회 2011 사회복지정책 Vol.38 No.3

올해부터 매년 4월 22일을 ``새마을의 날``로 지정할 만큼 근래에 새마을운동에 대한 대대적인 재조명이 이루어지고 있다. 이런 재조명을 주도하는 측에서는 박정희 정권의 새마을운동이 세계에서 유례를 찾아볼 수 없을 정도로 큰 성공을 거둔 의식개혁 운동이자, 지역사회개발을 통해 조국근대화를 앞당긴 거국적 국민운동이었다고 주장한다. 하지만 본 연구는 박정희 정권의 새마을운동이 이런 의의에도 불구하고 발전국가의 체제안정화를 위한 국민총화 프로젝트로서의 한계를 지녔다고 주장한다. 즉 발전주의 복지정치의 맥락에서 새마을운동은 정권의 체제안정에 기여한 대표적인 ``정당화의 정치`` 기제였다고 볼 수 있다는 것이다. 본 연구는 박정희 정권이 새마을운동을 통해 세 가지의 정치적 이점을 노릴 수 있었다고 주장한다. 첫째로 대대적인 농촌지역 개발을 통해 전통적 지지기반인 농민의 정치적 지지를 유지할 수 있었다. 둘째로 집체교육을 통한 관제동원운동을 추진함으로써 영구집권 시도에 반대하는 세력들을 정치적으로 무력화시킬 수 있었다. 셋째로 민간자원을 통한 지역사회개발을 추진함으로써 별다른 복지지출 없이도 가시적인 생활환경 개선 효과를 낼 수 있었다. 즉 복지에 대한 재정적 보수주의 원칙을 훼손하지 않으면서도 지역사회개발이라는 가시적인 성과를 낼 수 있었다. 이런 점에서 새마을운동의 사회정책적 한계와 문제점을 반추해 보는 본 연구는 이제 막 움트기 시작한 한국 복지국가가 어떤 정치적 기원과 성격을 갖고 있는지를 가늠해 볼 수 있는 계기를 제공할 수 있을 것이다. Recently, the Saemaul Movement, or "new village" movement, has been becoming the main public interest. The government commemorates the Saemaul Day on April 22 from this year. The Saemaul Movement was a state-led community development project for rural development in the 1970s initiated by the former President Park Chung-Hee. According to the supporters of the Saemaul Movement, the Saemaul Movement was a greatly successful enlightenment and rural development campaign to modernize the rural economy. But unlike their claims, this study suggests that the Saemaul Movement under the Park Chung-Hee regime was the political project of national consensus to serve the regime stability of the authoritarian developmental state. In turn, the Saemaul Movement was a social planning to legitimize the rule of the weakly legitimated government in terms of the politics of legitimation, or the welfare politics of the authoritarian developmental state. This study suggests that the Park Chung-Hee regime could take three political advantages through the Saemaul Movement. Firstly, developing rural areas and economy was to maintain the political support of the peasants who traditionally had formed the bedrock of the Park Chung-Hee regime`s support. Secondly, mobilizing the people for Saemaul Movement`s collective instruction led by the authoritarian state was to paralyze the forces hostile to the dictatorship of Park Chung-Hee regime. Thirdly, utilizing the private sectors` resources in local community development was to improve the peoples` life conditions without welfare spending. That is, apparently the local community development was a great success without undermining the principle of fiscal conservatism in social welfare spending.

부부가구와 1인가구 노인의 정신건강 비교

박보영(Park, Bo-Young),권호장(Kwon, Ho-Jang),하미나(Ha, Mi-Na),범은애(Burm, Eun-Ae) 한국보건간호학회 2016 韓國保健看護學會誌 Vol.30 No.2

한국 , 중국 , 일본 여성의 색조화장문화

박보영(Bo Young Park),황춘섭(Choon Sup Hwang) 한국복식학회 1998 服飾 Vol.39 No.-

The present research is to study the makeup culture of Korea and its neighboring countries such as China and Japan during the period from the prehistoric age to the 19th century. The research was made by documents analysis. The results are summerised as follows : (1) A man has a basic instinct to beautify himself. There was not a significant difference between the make-up behavior of men and women in its primal stage. It was by the start of farming and the division of labor that made the make-up behavior as a feminine culture. The difference of sexual role caused the conceptual difference between manly beauty and womanly beauty. It was very natural for women to regard the make-up as the best way for showing their feminine beauty. In Korea, China and Japan, there were various kinds of primal actions such as tattooing, body-painting, and tooth make-up which were used in the purpose of body protection, incantation, ornament, and so on. As their ornamental purpose was becoming more important, these primal actions became the basis of the feminine make-up culture. Nowadays make-up, having mental and emotional function, is helpful to increasing self-satisfaction, promoting good personal relationship, and attracting attention from the other sex. It also has other functions of showing social status, wealth, age, sex, courage, power, and so on. (2) The representative make-up product used widely in the three countries was Boon(powder) which decides the overall color of face. They key point in the production of Boon was to increase its power of adsorption. The invention of Yunboon (powder mixed with lead) solved this major problem of Boon. Yeonji which decides the color of cheek was the mixture of Boon and the powder of Honghwa (a kind of red-colored flower or tree). Mimook (eyebrow pencil) was developed to match up with the various and changing currencies of penciling eyebrows in each nation and times. Yeonji and Joosa (red sand) were used as Jinji (lip stick). The predominant color of Jinji was red. As miscellaneous methods of partial make-up, there were Kon-ji used in a wedding ceremony in korea, Aek-hwang, Hwa-jeon, Sa-hong, and Myun-yup in China, and Chi-heuk, a peculial method of partial make-up in japan. (3) There were various factors which decided the characteristics of make-up culture usually reflects international atmosphere, the form of government, economic situation, religious and social ideology, aesthetic sense, symbolizing meanings of color, and so on. The up and down of an influentian country was one of the major factors which decided the characteristics of the make-up culture of its neighboring countries. When a country took a liberal form of government, it had diverse and splendid tendencies in its make-up culture. The better a nation`s economic situation is, the more abandant and various its make-up culture is, and sometimes, the more eccentric and decadent it was. In the field of make-up production, the three countries had their own characteristics. But, as a whole, China was the leading nation who spread the culture and products of make-up to Korea and Japan. Though the Chinese make-up culture and products were usually spread to Japan through Korea, there was some evidence of direct exchanges between China and Japan through its dispatches of kyun-Tang-Sa (Japanese delegation to the Tang Dynasty). While religion had a positive influence on the development of make-up culture by introducing new methods of make-up, Confucianism exercised strict control over the make-up culture. The currencies in arts and changes of esthetic sense introduced new methods and booms to the make-up culture. Literature made people pay increasing attentions to the countenances of women and changed the standards of esthetic sense. We can find out that the social status of woman was also reflected in the make-up culture. As the social status of women became higher, the ferminine make-up culture also developed more then ever.

만 2세 영아들의 문식성 환경과의 상호작용 연구*

박보영(Park, Bo young),정선아(Chung, Shun ah) 한국어린이교육문화비평학회 2013 영유아교육과정연구 Vol.3 No.1

본 연구의 목적은 만 2세 영아들의 문식성 환경과의 상호작용을 탐구하는데 있다. 연구 참여자는 꽃나무어린이집 봉오리반 영아 21명이며, 자료 수집은 2010년 6월 28일부터 10월 1일까지 오전 9시 에서 12시까지 메시지 센터에 제시된 문식성 환경과의 상호작용을 관찰하여 이루어졌다. 문식성 환경은 문자 관련 환경뿐만 아니라 영아들이 환경의 특성을 파악하고 이를 자신의 경험에 빗대어 해석하며 의미를 부여할 수 있는 다양한 텍스트(text)와 그 의미를 소통할 수 있는 공간을 포함한다. 본 연구는 영아들이 텍스트를 포함하는 다양한 문식성 자료와 상호작용하는 과정을 탐구하고자 한다. 그 결과 영아들은 다양한 문식성 자료와 상호작용할 때 자료의 특징을 통해 의미를 부여한다. 그리고 상징화 하는 경험을 통해 새로운 의미를 만드는 읽기 과정을 경험한다. 또한 영아들은 이렇게 읽게 되는 의미를 다른 사람에게 전하고 소통하려는 쓰기의 과정을 경험한다. 이는 기존의 문자 관련 요소만을 읽고 쓴다는 인식과는 다른 문식성 연구에 대한 새로운 관점을 제시할 수 있으리라 본다. The purpose of this study is to observe interaction with literacy environment of 2-year old infants. Participants of this study were 21 infants who are in the Bud class of he Flower tree child-care center. This study was conducted 3 hours a day from 9 AM to 12 AM in the message center from 28th, June to 1st, October, 2010. It was observed their interaction with literacy environment. Literacy environment included the texts which can be interpreted through their own experience and be given meaning. Literacy environment include the space that can be communicated, as well. The results of this study were as follow. When infants interacted with literacy environment, they gave meanings through characters of literacy materials. And they experienced the reading progress on making meaning through symbolization experienced. Also, they experienced writing progress of communication with meanings what they read or made. Therefore, this study is able to provide a new perspective for the study other than before.

탈산업화 시대의 복지정치

박보영 ( Bo Young Park ) 극동대학교 사회복지연구소 2009 극동사회복지저널 Vol.5 No.-

탈산업사회로의 이행은 종래의 전후 복지국가와는 다른 새로운 복지국가를 요구한다. 이 같은 사회경제적 변화는 종래의 전후 복지국가(post-war welfare states)가 보장했던 위험들과는 전혀 다른 종류의 새로운 위험들을 야기하기 때문이다. 다시 말해, 신사회위험(new social risks)에 대한 복지국가의 적응, 즉 복지국가의 현대화가 진행되고 있는 것이다. 특히 노동시장과 가족구조가 변화하고, 소득불평등과 노동시장의 불안정성이 증대된다. 그 결과 신사회위험은 세 부분으로 나타나고 있다: ①가족관련 위험, ②노동시장관련 위험, ③사회보장 커버리지 관련위험. 이 글은 이러한 신사회위험의 출현을 분석하고 그것이 어떠한 함의를 갖는지를 복지정치의 맥락에서 검토하고 있다. The post-industrial transition calls for the new welfare states that are very different from existing post-war welfare states. Because these socioeconomic changes generate a range of new social risks (NSR) that is not covered by post-war welfare settlement. Post-war welfare states are designed to cover old social risks (OSR)-old age, sickness, industrial disaster, unemployment and the like-so that existing post-war welfare settlement hards to cover NSR. To that extent, there is in process of the adaptation to NSR, or the welfare modernization. Notably, labour market and family structure have been changed, and income inequality and labour market unstability have being moved upward. Thereby, NSR is likely to emerge from three areas: risks relating to changes in the family and gender roles; risks relating to labour market changes; risks relating to insufficient social security coverage. This paper explores the emergence of NSR and its significances in the context of welfare politics.

과거사 사건에서 소멸시효의 적용 - 헌재 2018. 8. 30. 2014헌바148 등(병합)에 대한 평석 -

박보영(Park, Bo-young) 한국법학원 2019 저스티스 Vol.- No.173

국가권력이 조직적으로 저지른 민간인 집단 희생사건이나 중대한 인권침해사건과 조작의혹사건, 소위 ‘과거사 사건’의 피해자들이 국가를 상대로 제기한 국가배상청구소송에서 소멸시효 쟁점은 논란의 핵심이었다. 대법원은 피해자들의 국가배상청구권에도 소멸시효 규정이 적용되지만 국가의 소멸시효 항변이 신의칙 위반이라고 보아 청구를 인용하는 판결을 하다가, 2013년 무렵부터 납득하기 어려운 태도 변화를 거쳐 결국 피해자들의 국가배상청구권 행사기간을 극도로 제한함으로써 기존 판결들을 뒤엎고 청구를 배척하기에 이르렀다. 피해자들은 소멸시효규정에 관한 헌법소원심판을 청구했고, 헌법재판소는 2018. 8. 30. 소멸시효 규정의 일부가 위헌임을 확인하는 결정을 했다. 모순적인 대법원 판결의 논리를 떨쳐내고, 과거사 사건을 종국적으로 해결할 수 있는 단초가 제공되었다. 법원과 국회는 이러한 헌법재판소 결정을 최대한 존중하여 위헌성이 제거된 법률조항들을 합헌적으로 해석 및 적용함으로써 국가권력에 의해 희생된 자들을 구제할 수 있는 길을 모색해야 할 것이다. At the point of the controversy was the issue of the extinctive prescription in the lawsuit filed against the state by the victims of past human rights violations. The Supreme Court ruled that the extinctive prescription shall also apply to the victims" claim for national compensation, but rejected a plea of the extinctive prescription based on the principle of good faith. Then, since 2013, the attitude of the Supreme Court has changed and the reason of this change was difficult to understand. In the end, the period of exercise of the victims" right to demand national compensation has been extremely limited, which led the Surpeme Court to overturn the existing rulings and reject the claims of the victims. The victims filed a petition to the Constitutional Court on the extinctive prescription, and the Constitutional Court decided on August 30, 2018 to confirm that part of the extinctive prescription was unconstitutional. This provided a starting point for eventual resolution of past human rights violation cases. The court and the National Assembly should respect the decision of the Constitutional Court as much as possible and interpret and apply the provisions of the law which have been abolished from the partial-unconstitutionality decision. Through this, we must find a way to salvage the victims of state power.

유방암 발생과 환경유해인자노출 관련성 평가를 위한 환자-대조군 연구

박보영(Bo Young Park),신애선(Ae Sun Shin),하은희(Eun Hee Ha),정해관(Hae Kwan Cheong),신윤용(Yhun Yhong Sheen),정최경희(Kyung Hee Jung-Choi),하미나(Mi Na Ha),김현정(Hyun Jeong Kim),박경화(Kyung Hwa Park) 환경독성보건학회 2013 한국독성학회 심포지움 및 학술발표회 Vol.2013 No.5

연구논문 : 지역사회 자활사업의 증진방안에 관한 소고 -복지 거버넌스를 중심으로-

박보영 ( Bo Young Park ) 극동대학교 사회복지연구소 2011 글로벌사회복지연구 Vol.1 No.1

본 논문의 목적은 지역사회 자활사업을 증진시키기 위한 전략과 방법을 이론적으로 탐색해 보는 것이다. 본 논문은 복지 거버넌스(welfare governance)―민관 파트너십에 기초한 사회복지 네트워크를 통해 문제해결을 시도하는―가 그에 대한 하나의 답이 될 수 있을 것이라고 본다. 즉 재정자립도가 낮고 인프라가 취약한 우리의 지역사회복지 현실을 감안했을 때, 복지 거버넌스는 복합적이고 다양한 욕구를 가진 자활사업 대상자들의 복지욕구를 해결하는 데에 현실적 대안이 될 수 있다고 보는 것이다. 왜냐하면 복지 거버넌스는 여러 기관들의 연계를 통한 통합적 사회서비스 제공을 가능케 함으로써 열악한 현실조건을 극복할 수 있는 강점이 있기 때문이다. 이러한 맥락에서 본 논문은 자활사업의 증진방안으로 복지 거버넌스를 통한 자활사업의 전달체계 개선과 통합적 서비스체계 구축을 제시한다. 본 논문은 크게 세 부분으로 구성된다. 먼저 지역사회 자활사업의 현황과 사례를 통해 우리나라 지역사회 자활사업의 현주소를 짚어 본다. 다음으로 복지 거버넌스가 지역사회복지 전달체계의 현대화 전략으로서 어떤 의미를 갖는지 살펴보고, 아울러 복지 거버넌스의 맥락에서 우리나라 지역사회 자활사업의 증진방안을 제안한다. 마지막으로 앞서의 논의를 정리하면서 우리의 현실에서 복지 거버넌스가 어떠한 실천적 함의를 갖는지를 논한다. The purpose of this paper is to exploratively observe the strategy for developing Local Self-sufficiency Promotion Programs (LSP) in Korea. This paper offers that welfare governance, the way to stem the social problems through welfare networks based on the public-private partnership, would be an effective strategy for developing LSP. In turn, as we consider inadequate conditions of local community welfare in Korea that is marked by low financial viability and backward welfare infrastructure, welfare governance would be an alternative to serve the needs of participants in the LSP who have a variety of mixed needs. Because, welfare governance could cope with inadequate conditions by its own purchases, for being a policy idea to provide the one-stop social services based on networking several welfare institutions in local community. In this context, this paper suggests two action programs founded on the strategy of welfare governance, improving the delivery systems and creating the one-stop service systems, to develop the self-sufficiency promotion programs in the level of local community. This paper can be largely divided into three parts. The first part reviews the realities of Korea`s local self-sufficiency promotion to focus on its current situation and case. The second part theoretically examines the meaning of welfare governance as an efficacious means to modernize the delivery systems in local community welfare, and suggests action programs to develop LSP in terms of welfare governance. The last part ends with a discussion of the practical implications of welfare governance in Korean community welfare.

일제 초기 사립교육령과 독일 선교사들의 실업교육 활동

박보영 ( Park¸ Bo-young ) 대구사학회 2020 대구사학 Vol.140 No.-

식민지 초기 ‘간이하고 실용적인 지식’은 중등 이하 실업교육에 부합하는 지적 체계였다. ‘개념지식’을 차단하고 하층 ‘기술지식’ 보급을 구조화한 1910년대는 결과적으로는 식민지 공업화의 기술인력 공급의 예비기간이었다. 통상 ‘식민지 우민화’ 정책으로 호명되는 이 시기에 독일 선교사들은 실업학교인 ‘숭공학교’를 통해 수공업 기술인력을 양성하고 자립경제가 가능한 중산층 신자 형성을 꾀했다. 그로써 천주교 신자들의 사회적 영향력이 높아지고 결과적으로 교회의 대중적 흡인력이 높아지기를 기대했다. 식민지 교육체제는 관공립 우선정책과 사립학교 억제정책, 종당에는 종교교육 철폐로 선교사들의 교육사업을 무력화시키는 한편, 중등 종결교육으로서 실업교육은 묵인하며 억압 수위를 조절했다. 당시 실업교육의 현황은 사회적 기대 수준에 비해 단기실무양성 확대로 사회적 불만을 무마시키는 정도에 그쳤다. 독일 선교사들은 고등교육을 포기하는 대신 실업교육의 내실을 기하고, 인력보강과 규모확대를 위한 설계를 갖추어나갔다. 교육 내용은 자립경제가 가능한 한 사람의 기술가이자 경영인으로 양성되도록 강도 높은 실습 위주의 도제방식이 적용되었다. 3년간의 견습과정 수료 후 제도와 원가계산, 실습제작을 완료하는 시험을 통과하면 숙련공 자격이 주어졌다. 그 어떤 구호보다 강하게 ‘자립’을 함축하고 있는 독일 선교사들의 도제교육은 식민지 질서 안에서 치밀한 통제대상이었던 이론교육의 범주를 빗겨나 있었다. 노동하고 땀 흘리며 행위실천으로 전이되는 장인(匠人)의 기술지식은 텍스트로 발화되지 않고, 손과 손으로 내면화 되는 ‘개념 지식’이며, 생을 통해 관철되는 무형의 자산이었다. 식민지 교육정책의 갖가지 억압적 요소 가운데서도 숭공학교는 꾸준히 명맥을 유지할 수 있었다. 그러나 세계 제1차대전의 여파와 1920년 원산교구 설정과 함께 주어진 새로운 선교과제는 숭공학교를 포기하도록 만들었다. 실업 혹은 공업교육이 절대적으로 미진하고 하급지식에 머물던 초기 식민지기, 독일 선교사들의 자립적 수공업자 양성은 하나의 대안적 가치로서 주목할만 하다. At the beginning of the colonial rule, the ‘easy and practical knowledge’ represented the intellectual system that corresponded to technical training below secondary school level. The 1910s saw the prohibition of ‘conceptual knowledge’ and the structuralized dissemination of the lower level ‘technical knowledge’. In this sense, it was a preliminary period of technical labor supply for the colonial industrialization. During this period, commonly known as the ‘colonial unenlightenment’ policy, German missionaries fostered manpower for manual labor at the Soong-gong Technical School with a view to forming middle-class believers who could manage a self-reliant economy. In doing so, they hoped to increase the social influence of Catholicism and thereby render the Church more attractive to the masses. The colonial education system relied on a policy of prioritizing public schools and controlling private schools, while religious education was ultimately abolished, neutralizing the educational work of missionaries. Nonetheless, the level of repression was somewhat adjusted and technical training was still tolerated at the end of middle school. But in regard to social expectations, technical training could only amount to alleviate social discontent by expanding short-term work training. Instead of giving up on Koreans’ higher education, German missionaries focused on improving the quality of technical education and worked out a plan to expand its scale and reinforce manpower. The training method consisted of an intensive, practice-oriented apprenticeship to form technicians capable of self-reliant economy. One was qualified as skilled worker after completing the 3-year apprenticeship and passing the examination that concluded the system, cost calculations and practical manufacturing. The apprenticeship training provided by the German missionaries implicitly promoted ‘self-reliance’ more than any slogan and deviated from theoretical education, which was tightly controlled within the colonial order. The technical knowledge of hard-working craftsmen is a type of ‘conceptual knowledge’ transferred through practice and internalized through hands rather than expressed through texts, as well as an intangible asset achieved through life. Amid the various elements of repression under the colonial education policy, Soong-gong School was able to maintain its name. However, with the aftermath of World War I and the new missions that came along the establishment of Wonsan Diocese in 1920 Soong-gong School was abandoned. The German missionaries’ efforts to promote technical education based on industrial apprenticeship and emphasis on self-reliant craftsmanship could serve as an alternative case study when looking into this early colonial period such knowledge and industrial education remained as a very low level. (Researcher, center of Asia study, KNU / jeanned@hanmail.net)