근대 한국 민주주의 문화의 전통 수립과 특질

김정인(Kim, Jeong-in) 한국역사연구회 2013 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.87

In this article, reconstruction of the historical nature of the Korean modern democracy will be attempted. But it will not view democracy as something foreign that was transplanted upon Korean soil. Democracy will be analyzed as a network of values, convictions, and action. It will be perceived as a culture. Democratic values supporting horizontal relationships among people, such as freedom, equality and independence, replaced traditional Confucian values which supported vertical relationships, such as loyalty or filial piety. Democratic values prompted not only individuals but also groups and institutions to change, and established themselves as a culture in Korea. First, we shall remember that it was the people who inherited the Korean traditions of democratic nature, and connected them to the democratic reforms. The Dong"hak Peasantry movement, the Gabo-year reform which was a democratic effort performed under a despotic kingdom, the Parliamentary Foundation movement which was staged by the Independence Club and Man"min Gongdong-hwe and strived for a Legal Kingdom and the realization of democracy, and the March 1st movement in 1919 which demanded freedom and equality for the Korean people, and the foundation of the Dae"han Min"guk Provisional Government as a Republic. All the turning points in Korean history of democracy were triggered by the people themselves. Second, the characteristic nature of Korean modern democracy should be examined from two directions. Modern historical studies have concentrated their focus upon nationalism. Instead of maintaining such trend, the concept of "Group Democracy" should be examined. The logic of independence argued by modern nationalism can be interpreted in democratic terms, and judging from that angle, another argument that "freedom and equality for all the Korean people, in other words democracy for all the Korean people, is the same with independence, also works. And another characteristic of the Korean modern democratic culture is that the concept of equality established itself in the Korean history rather quickly, since the appearance of social demands in the 19th century for the abolishment of the social class system, through the Equality argument in the "Dae"han Min"guk Provisional Constitution" in 1919. In the process, discriminative Confucianism lost its ground, and lowborn and female population became part of the people.

내재적 발전론과 민족주의

김정인(Kim Jeong-in) 한국역사연구회 2010 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.77

Seen from a perspective that views history as a series of movements, the theory of Internal development seems to have first appeared with the resurgence of Nationalism which happened with the breakout of the April 19th democratic movement, then diverged into several directions, and later merged with the flow of "People's Nationalism" and played an instrumental part in the launching of the so-called "People's History," which opted for a historical perspective concentrating upon changes and reforms in human history. In other words, the theory of Internal Development was a product of the Korean historical community, and shared the same destiny with the evolution of Nationalism, that had always served certain causes such as 'pursuing the Centrist path' or 'pursuing Cooperation (between the Left and the Right)' within the South Korean society. And to be noticed, historical studies based upon materialistic conception of history, which were positioned in the rather 'Left field' within the spectrum of Internal Development theories, coexisted with several other trends of studies under the umbrella of the theory of Internal Development, and just like Nationalism which worked as a defensive shield against the infiltration of Communism, served as a bridge between several steps of historical studies, such as the Marxist historical studies that surged right after the liberation from the Japanese occupation, the Practical history movement suggested by the Neo-Nationalist historical studies, and the history movements that resurfaced with the establishment of People's history in the 1980s. Although it did not survive and evolve into a lasting historical movement armed with momentum and practicality, due to the issues of the time such as division of the Korean peninsula, the prevailing anti-Communist sentiment and the conservative nature of the historical community, it did play an important role of bridging trends together. The reason why the historical community since the 1980s was able to provide the democratization movement with a firm historical statement of changes and reforms, and also bring popularity to the history movements, was because historical studies based upon the Internal Development theory and especially the materialistic conception of history continued to accumulate in terms of quality and quantity in the 1960s and '70s. This was a trend that was never to be found in other areas and branches of academic studies.

2009개정교육과정에 따른 고등학교 "한국사"와 "동아시아사" 교과서를 통해 본 영토교육의 현황과 과제

김정인 ( Jeong In Kim ) 수선사학회 2015 史林 Vol.0 No.52

Examined in this article are eight types of High School Korean History Textbooks, as well as three types of High School East Asian History Textbooks, which were all commissioned and published in 2014 according to the Revised Education System of 2009. Analyzed here in particular are references to certain ‘territorial issues,’ in order to determine how the history of borders and territories are described in these textbooks, and how they are usually discussed nowadays. With such determination, I would like to raise some points that would concern the direction education of such histories should take in the future. Personally, it feels relevant to ask what kind of new challenges are being thrown at the historical education community, in a day and age when education of those subjects are being reinforced. Coming into the 21st century, historical education of territories and boundaries continued to be reinforced substantially. In both Korean History and East Asian History highschool textbooks, the amount of paragraphs and chapters dedicated to the description of such histories definitely increased. But the overall tone and nuance displayed by all these textbooks turn out to be more of the same. They do not reflect diverse perspectives from academic differences as much as they reflect state-sanctioned materials for educating territorial and boundary histories.The most primary objective of today’s territory education, which shows a long history being led by the government, and had maintained the issue surrounding Dok-do island as its centerpiece, was the preservation of the territory of the Republic of Korea. In the future, such objective has to be overcome. We should set a new goal that transcends all that. There should be more than one goal that could be pursued by us. The Korean realm of life should be preserved, but a new, forward-looking kind of relationship should be established between Korea and Japan, and theKorean people should keep training themselves on their way to becoming true guardians of democratic values. These goals will often put us on contradictory paths, but a compromise should be out there, somewhere. Historical education of territories and boundaries should be able to serve ultimately as a tool to educate people the merit of peace. And the academic community should not shy away from throwing hard questions, and responding to them in kind.

미용서비스업 종사자의 업무형태에 따른 직무만족도에 관한 연구

김정인 ( Jeong-in Kim ),김성남 ( Sung-nam Kim ) 한국미용예술경영학회 2007 미용예술경영연구 Vol.1 No.2

The beauty industry representative of service industry is that morale itself of beauty salon employees, who should provide their service from direct contact with customs, plays a decisive role in the success and failure of management. The management of human resources in beauty salon is therefore raised as an important issue to improve the quality of providing service and customer satisfaction. More efficient, scientific and systematic management for the staff has to be therefore realized in the beauty industry of high dependence on human resources by inquiring into the relation of staff's job satisfaction factor based on beauty service employees’ service type. For this, it made a survey of the effect of beauty service industry employees' service type on the job satisfaction through a preliminary survey. And it made an analysis of the collected data with statistics package. The results of this study were as follows: First, factor analysis of 36 questions about job satisfaction showed that 8 factors(supervision of higher-up and executive, company's policy and management, wage level, promotion and self-development, relation between colleagues, welfare, working conditions and service burden, and sense of belonging) are led. And it gave the name of factor based on the central concept of questions. Second, it showed that job satisfaction by service type is a significant difference in the supervision of higher-up and executive, company's policy and management, wage level, promotion and self-development, relation between colleagues, welfare, working conditions and service burden, and sense of belonging, for the class of one's position, year of continuous service, service hour, service day, size of shop, number of employee and monthly average income. Consequently, it should continuously conduct a study for the personnel management of beauty industry in the future, and it is in need of lasting concern and study for employees of beauty service industry to provide efficient motivation and environment suitable.

국정 『국사』 교과서와 검정 『한국사』 교과서의 현대사 체계와 내용 분석

김정인(Kim, Jeong-in) 한국역사연구회 2014 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.92

Korean Contemporary historical studies became active in the 1980s. But education of it had begun and continued since right after the liberation, through textbooks. In a sense, education of the Korean contemporary history preceded the academic research of it. Then, since the 『National History』 textbook, which first appeared in 1974 under the government’s textbook-designation system, the national history textbooks ‘designated’ by the government for example in 1979 and 1982 served as a method of ideology education based upon an anti-Communist agenda. Only coming into the 1990s, with the society’s demand for democracy higher than ever and studies in the contemporary history of Korea accumulated to a certain degree, such ideology education grew weaker. A giant leap taken in the education of Korea’s contemporary history was made possible with the new Textbook Certification system, and the advent of a new breed of Korean modern and contemporary history textbooks which were based upon results from new academic researches, in 2002. With this turning point, the textbooks came to serve not as a tool of ideology education, but a conduit to relay academic knowledge to the students in an educational fashion. The textbooks, even the government-designated ones released in 2002 and 2006 along with the ‘certified’ textbooks were no different in that regard. Among the 2014 textbooks, only the Gyohak-sa textbook (and its Contemporary history section) resembled the perspective and structure of the government-designated ones, while the textbooks from the other seven publishers resembled that of the 2002 Certified Korean Modern and Contemporary historical textbooks. Currently there is a drive that intends to resurrect the textbook designation system, and publish the Korean history textbooks accordingly. But Korean Contemporary history education performed through government-designated textbooks would create results entirely different from those that would be created by the academic circle whose overall intention is to connect research and education in an ideal way. In such circumstances, it is highly possible that education would be tainted by political agendas. We should be more than concerned about that prospect.

종북프레임과 민주주의의 위기

김정인(Kim, Jeong-in) 한국역사연구회 2014 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.93

2013 was a year that not only marked the first year of the Park Geun-hye registration, but also witnessed the so-called ‘Following-North’ frame (in ideologial conflicts) taking shape and gaining influence. The primary function of this frame, is in fact not to energize the animosity against the North (North Korea) primarily, but to be used in attacking opponent political factions with the accusation that it is indeed helping the ‘enemy.’ From the standpoint of all conservative parties throughout the Korean society, any faction ‘following the North’ should be regarded essentially as an anti-ROK(Republic of Korea) element and should be crushed for that reason alone. This ‘Following-North’ frame continued to gain popularity thanks to the conservative press. The conservative faction of Korea will most surely continue to use this frame as much as it can, in order to consolidate its supporters and ‘warn’ the public of the instability of the North Korean Kim Jeong-eun regime. One thing is certain: As this frame continues to gain strength, the democracy will be increasingly threatened. This is a frame that is used to crush not only the enemy ‘outside’ as in desperate times like the Korean war, but also monitor, locate and oppress enemies ‘inside,’ even at the cost of breaching the integrity of law and proper procedures. It is indeed from a culture and atmosphere based upon a wartime sentiment. Efforts to secure human dignity, maintain autonomous control over one’s life, and restore social community should continue, in order for us to overcome the aforementioned offensive way of life, and restore unity and coexistence as the everyday way of life. This ‘Following-North’ frame, the epitome of hatred cultivated by war, conflict, dissension that continued for over 60 years, should be overcome in order for democracy to thrive once again.

복수가 동반된 간경변증을 가진 말기 신부전 환자에서 복막투석의 안정성

김정인 ( Jung In Kim ),이정은 ( Jung Eun Lee ),백현정 ( Hyun Jeong Baek ),최성철 ( Sung Chul Choi ),도정호 ( Jung Ho Do ),허우성 ( Woo Seong Huh ),김윤구 ( Yoon Goo Kim ),김대중 ( Dae Joong Kim ),오하영 ( Ha Young Oh ) 대한신장학회 2007 Kidney Research and Clinical Practice Vol.26 No.3

Purpose : When liver cirrhosis patients accompanying ascites need renal replacement therapy because of chronic renal failure (CRF), peritoneal dialysis (PD) can allow direct removal of ascites and prevent anticoagulants use. However, since PD might aggravate hypoalbuminemia and increase chances of peritonitis, clinicians tend to hesitate to apply it to those patients. The aim of the present study is to assess the outcome and stability of PD for the treatment of CRF patient with cirrhosis accompanying ascites. Methods : A retrospective study based on the clinical records was performed in cirrhotic patients with ascites in whom PD was performed for the treatment of CRF and who were followed up at Samsung Medical Center unit, between January 1995 and July 2005. Results : In our study, 15 patients were enrolled. Child-pugh class was worse in non-survival group than survival group (p<0.01). One-year patient survival was 40% in Class C and 75% in Class B, and patient survival differed between Class C and Class B (p=0.0014). Causes of death were terminal liver failure (n=6) and sepsis due to pneumonia (n=1). Total 27 episodes of peritonitis occurred, and the peritonitis rates were 0.91 episodes/patients-year. Conclusion : Although the peritonitis rates turned out somewhat high, the use of PD for the treatment of CRF in patients with liver cirrhosis accompanying ascites seems to be safe and effective. Main cause of death in our study seems to be related to liver disease.

아프리카의 기후변화 대응역량 구축을 위한 CDM 활용 가능성

임효숙(Yim Hyo-Sook),김정인(Kim Jeong-In),김재진(Kim Jae-Jin) 한국아프리카학회 2009 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.29 No.-

In the processing of Kyoto protocol, Africa is facing several issues such as low income, lack of information for negotiation, political instability, and few professional persons in the negotiation process. However, many African people are working in the agricultural sector and has experiencing natural disaster and need to change life style to preserve the nature. Therefore, Africa is more venerable to climate change. In order to respond to these situations, Africa need green growth approaches for the protection of environment and at the same time increase economic growth. Among the options, CDM(Clean Development Mechanism) project and REDD projects show effective strategies. Future prospect of CDM is promising until 2008-2011 based on the regions. However, Africa had 30 numbers out of total 1569 number as of April 2009. In order to induce foreign investment from abroad, we canthinking about several options. Firstly, ODA (Official Development Aid) is one of emerging issues for the financial support, especially forestry area. In the after Kyoto protocol, credit from ODA should be discussed in the international negotiation. Secondly, technical transfer in africa should be more cost effective and economically effective. Namely, forestry management, water resource conservation, renewable energy areas will be based on these ides. Thirdly, education is very important factor to respond to climate change. Lastly, beneficiary pays principles (BPP) could be applied in Africa for the protection of forestry since forestry resources are good source of sinking asa public good, for the GHGs. Therefore, the other developed countries need to pay direct subsidy for them for the sake of safe Earth.

지역공동체 주도적 공공공간 재생 방법으로서 GBD(Green Benefit District)에 관한 연구 - 미국 샌프란시스코 Potrero Hill과 Dogpatch를 중심으로

김정인(Kim, Jeong-In),손은신(Son, Eun-Shin),권윤구(Kwon, Yoon-Ku) 한국도시설계학회 2024 도시설계 : 한국도시설계학회지 Vol.25 No.2

1919년 3월 1일 만세시위, 연대의 힘

金正仁(Kim Jeong-in) 역사교육연구회 2018 歷史敎育 Vol.147 No.-

In 1919, on the first day of March, people poured out to the streets and shouted “Manse!”, which was a call for the liberation of Korea from Japanese occupation. Those shout-outs were staged in total of seven cities in Korea: Seoul, Pyeong’yang, Jinnampo, Annam [of Pyeong’an Nam-do province], Seoncheon, Euiju [of Pyeong’an Buk-do province] and Weonsan [of Hamgyeong Nam-do province]. Interestingly enough, with the exception of Seoul, all of them were located in the northern part of the peninsula. Of course, the shout-outs were not contained in those areas. In the following two weeks these Manse shout-outs spreaded, and in mid-March they began to occur in the middle and southern parts of the country as well. They eventually became sort of a daily event for the Korean people. It is an important question nonetheless that demands an adequate answer regardless of how many years have passed since that fateful day. The pursuit of such answer will hopefully lead us to find a unique quality that the March 1st Movement manifested in abundance, which would be the power of solidarity. Religious solidarity between the Cheondo-gyo sect and the Christians, and the solidarity between religion and the students, all enabled the first wave of shout-outs calling for the liberation of Korea, and led people of an occupied state to the streets and alleys demanding freedom.