분단의 비극서사, 간첩‘들’의 탄생

김정인(Kim Jeong-In) 한국사학회 2020 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.138

간첩은 그냥 간첩이어야 한다. 하지만 분단이라는 현실, 반공이라는 이념에 의해 우리 사회에서는 간첩에 붙은 수식어가 여럿 존재한다. 우리가 알고 있는 정석으로서의 간첩은 북한에서 남한으로 내려온 남파간첩이다. 간첩은 곧 남파간첩을 의미하는 줄만 알았는데 북파간첩도 있다는 사실이 널리 알려진 것은 1990년대 후반의 일이었다. 남파간첩이든, 북파간첩이든 그들은 실제로 간첩이었다. 하지만 간첩이 아닌데 간첩이라는 올가미에 걸려 삶이 무너지고 혹은 죽음에까지 이른 이들이 있으니, 바로 ‘조작간첩’들이다. 법 위에 선 권력으로서 간첩을 조작해온 독재권력은 간첩의 생각도 개조할 수 있다며 남파간첩에게는 전향을 강요했다. 독재 권력이 무너지고 1987년 6월 항쟁으로 민주화 시대가 열린 이후에도 간첩이라는 주홍글씨의 힘은 쉽사리 사라지지 않았다. 정보기관이 간첩을 조작하는 악습도 박근혜 정부까지 이어졌다. 그리고 지금 여기, 서울의 광화문 광장에서 극우세력들은 대통령마저 ‘간첩’이라며 자신들과 생각이 다른 세력을 종북좌파이자 간첩이라고 주장하고 있다. 이처럼 분단국가인 한국에서는 보편 개념으로서의 간첩을 포함해 다양한 형태의 간첩‘들’이 존재한다. 나와 다르면 ‘간첩’이라는 배제 논리가 지금도 극우세력에 의해 작동되고 있다. Even though spies are just spies, there are many types of spies in South Korea due to the reality of the peninsula split in half, and the existence of powerful anti-Communist sentiments. The most common type of spies we often talk and hear have been spies from North Korea infiltrating the South Korean society. On the other hand, spies of nature the other way around was only made known in the latter half of the 1990s. In the end, either North Korean spies or South, they were all real spies. At the same time, there have also been people who were not spies yet were accused to be, and were consequently deprived of their normal life and even their own lives. These were the so-called ‘Framed as spies.’ Dictatorial powers of South Korea, which considered themselves to be above the law, have created spies out of innocent people and at the same time tried to ‘convert’ real spies infiltrating South as well. Even after the dictatorship ended and a new era of Democracy kicked in following the Struggle of June in 1987, the intelligence bodies’ practice of framing people as spies did not go away and continued even during the Park Geun-hye administration. The power of the reference itself also firmly remained as a Scarlet letter. Right now, there are far-right activists calling no other than the President of South Korea to be a spy at the Gwang’hwa-mun Square. They also call out any person who differs in opinion from them and label them as NK-following Leftists as well as treacherous spies. We can see that a divided region like the Korean peninsula can have a lot of types of spies. Most regretfully, a powerful logic of hatred which sees anyone different as a spy still prevails amongst ultra rightists.

의문형 종결어미 ‘-지’의 의미 · 화용적 기능의 분화

김정인(Kim Jeong-in) 어문연구학회 2018 어문연구 Vol.97 No.-

일반적인 의문문은 명제에 대한 화자가 가지는 의문성을 표현하지만 종결어미 ‘-지’가 사용되는 의문문은 오히려 명제에 대한 화자의 확실성을 확인할 수 있다. 본고는 이에 주목하여 의문형 종결어미 ‘-지’의 특징을 살펴보았다. 첫째, 종결어미 ‘-지’는 반말체인 해체에 속하므로 청자와 화자의 관계가 동등하거나 화자의 위계가 청자보다 높을 때 실현된다. 둘째, 종결어미 ‘-지’는 구어에서만 사용되는 구어체이다. 셋째, 의문형 종결어미 ‘-지’ 를 통해 화자는 명제에 대한 확실성을 표지한다. 넷째, 종결어미 ‘-지’가 판정 의문문에서 실현될 때 화자의 회상노력의 태도를 비치거나 청자의 동의를 요구하는 양상을 보인다. 나아가 청자가 명제에 대해 동의하지 않는다 하더라도 의문형 종결어미 ‘-지’를 통해 실현 된 당연한 명제를 청자가 부정해야 하는 부담을 제공한다. 이는 곧 화자가 위계적 담화상황을 이용하여 청자에게 제한적인 응답의 의무를 부과하는 것이며 의문형 종결어미 ‘-지’의 화용적 기능이 분화된 것으로 이해할 수 있다. While general interrogative sentences express speakers’ uncertainty about propositions, the interrogative sentences with final ending ‘-ji’ rather express speakers’certainty about propositions. First, final ending ‘-ji’ is used in Panmal style. Panmal style is used when one of the speaker’s position is higher than the other or when their position is the same. Second, final ending ‘-ji’ is only used in colloquial situations. Third, final ending ‘-ji’ marks the speaker’s certainty about the proposition based on the meaning [already known]. Fourth, speakers ask for listeners’ agreement or help about the proposition or express their remembrance effort. In ‘yes-no question’ speakers asks for an agreement from listeners with final ending ‘-ji’. Especially, the usage of final ending ‘-ji’ in yes-no question’ works as confirmation of the obvious proposition. Since the speaker regards the proposition as a fact without any doubts, the listener is required to agree on the speaker’s suggestion. The important matter is that the listener’s position is lower than the speaker’s or the same. This position of the speaker and the listener makes the listener hard to reply with the disagreement. The final ending ‘-ji’ in interrogative sentence works as extremely closed questions and the listeners is asked to agreed on the already decided proposition proposed by the speaker. Even if the listener does not agree on what is suggested or asked by the speaker, the listener is given a burden to deny the fact that the speaker suggested with no doubts. This can be understood as the speakers’ strategy to achieve their goals in the discourse by increasing the burden to listeners.

1919년 3월 1일 만세시위, 연대의 힘

金正仁(Kim Jeong-in) 역사교육연구회 2018 歷史敎育 Vol.147 No.-

In 1919, on the first day of March, people poured out to the streets and shouted “Manse!”, which was a call for the liberation of Korea from Japanese occupation. Those shout-outs were staged in total of seven cities in Korea: Seoul, Pyeong’yang, Jinnampo, Annam [of Pyeong’an Nam-do province], Seoncheon, Euiju [of Pyeong’an Buk-do province] and Weonsan [of Hamgyeong Nam-do province]. Interestingly enough, with the exception of Seoul, all of them were located in the northern part of the peninsula. Of course, the shout-outs were not contained in those areas. In the following two weeks these Manse shout-outs spreaded, and in mid-March they began to occur in the middle and southern parts of the country as well. They eventually became sort of a daily event for the Korean people. It is an important question nonetheless that demands an adequate answer regardless of how many years have passed since that fateful day. The pursuit of such answer will hopefully lead us to find a unique quality that the March 1st Movement manifested in abundance, which would be the power of solidarity. Religious solidarity between the Cheondo-gyo sect and the Christians, and the solidarity between religion and the students, all enabled the first wave of shout-outs calling for the liberation of Korea, and led people of an occupied state to the streets and alleys demanding freedom.

수소 에너지 선진 국가의 정책 비교와 한국의 향후 방향

김정인(Kim Jeong-In) 에너지경제연구원 2004 에너지경제연구 Vol.3 No.1

There is glowing tendency for the hydrogen society in the future in order to substitute for petroleum among the developed countries. United States had initiated several hydrogen laws from 1990 such as Matsunaga Hydrogen Research and Development, Hydrogen Future Act. and in 2003, Bush administration is willing to make Energy Policy Act. Automobile industries are the main field of hydrogen energy use market. According to the Daimler Chrysler, during the 2005-2010, 50,000 cars will be supplied with fuel cell and in the 2030's 50 million cars will be produced in every year. Under the Sunshine project, and new sunshine project, Japan is trying to research on the critical technology for the hydrogen energy within the WE-Net program. Until 2020, 5million fuel cell based car will be operated. From 1997 Germany have invested 25 to 30 million Deutsch Marks in Munghen international airport. European Union already started the CUTE program for changing city transportation to fuel cell based automobiles. In summary, world's hydrogen economic is moving with a rather full of continuous support from the domestic demand and environmental reasons. If we solve the oil shortage problems as well as environmental degradation, we will have strong and continuous economic growth in the future. For this reason, hydrogen energy is detrimental for the Korea and the World.

아프리카의 기후변화 대응역량 구축을 위한 CDM 활용 가능성

임효숙(Yim Hyo-Sook),김정인(Kim Jeong-In),김재진(Kim Jae-Jin) 한국아프리카학회 2009 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.29 No.-

In the processing of Kyoto protocol, Africa is facing several issues such as low income, lack of information for negotiation, political instability, and few professional persons in the negotiation process. However, many African people are working in the agricultural sector and has experiencing natural disaster and need to change life style to preserve the nature. Therefore, Africa is more venerable to climate change. In order to respond to these situations, Africa need green growth approaches for the protection of environment and at the same time increase economic growth. Among the options, CDM(Clean Development Mechanism) project and REDD projects show effective strategies. Future prospect of CDM is promising until 2008-2011 based on the regions. However, Africa had 30 numbers out of total 1569 number as of April 2009. In order to induce foreign investment from abroad, we canthinking about several options. Firstly, ODA (Official Development Aid) is one of emerging issues for the financial support, especially forestry area. In the after Kyoto protocol, credit from ODA should be discussed in the international negotiation. Secondly, technical transfer in africa should be more cost effective and economically effective. Namely, forestry management, water resource conservation, renewable energy areas will be based on these ides. Thirdly, education is very important factor to respond to climate change. Lastly, beneficiary pays principles (BPP) could be applied in Africa for the protection of forestry since forestry resources are good source of sinking asa public good, for the GHGs. Therefore, the other developed countries need to pay direct subsidy for them for the sake of safe Earth.

제강슬래그에서 인의 침출 거동에 대한 pH의 영향

김정인,김선중,Kim, Jeong-In,Kim, Sun-Joong 한국자원리싸이클링학회 2016 資源 리싸이클링 Vol.25 No.6

본 연구는 제강슬래그로부터 인성분을 추출하여 농업용 비료의 자원으로서 사용하기 위한 침출공정을 연구하였다. 일반적으로 제강 슬래그에 함유되어 있는 인성분은 $C_2S-C_3P$상에 고용되어 있고, 이 고용체는 슬래그 내의 free-CaO 다음으로, 다른 상들보다 수용해성이 크다. 본 실험에서는 다원계 슬래그를 이용하여, 다양한 원소들의 용해거동에 미치는 pH의 영향을 알아보았다. 낮은 pH에서 제강슬래그로부터 수용액 중 Ca, Si, P, Fe의 농도는 증가되었다. pH가 3인 경우, 수용액 중 P 이온의 농도는 시간에 따라 감소하였고, P이온과 Fe이온과의 침전 반응을 감소 원인으로 고찰하였다. In this study, leaching process to extract phosphorus from the steelmaking slag was investigated for using the fertilizer resources of agriculture. In general, the phosphorus of steelmaking slag is formed as $C_2S-C_3P$ solid solution, and also, this solid solution is soluble in water more than the other phase in slag, and less than free CaO phase. In the present experiment, the influence of pH on the leaching behavior of various elements from the steelmaking slag was investigated by using multi-component steelmaking slag. When the pH was decreased, the concentration of Ca, Si, P and Fe in solution from the steelmaking slag was increased. Furthermore, at a pH of 3, the concentration of P ion in solution was decreased as leaching time increased. It is considered that the decrement of P was caused from the precipitation reaction between P ion and Fe ion in solution.

역사 교과서 논쟁과 뉴라이트의 역사인식

金正仁(Kim, Jeong-In) 역사교육연구회 2015 역사교육 Vol.133 No.-

In Korea, a political faction called “the New Right” surfaced in 2004. The term ‘New’ refers to Neo-Liberalism. This new spin on a conservative political agenda managed to ally the new conservatives with the ‘Old’ conservatives through an Anti-North(Anti-Communist) stance, and that kind of alliance elevated the New Right to a new formidable political voice. Their framing of the Leftists as pro-North, which the New Right prominently suggested when its supporters started a sort of history war with the progressives, was also directly from such nature of the New-Old alliance. The historical perspective of this sort, featured heavily by the New Right, has two faces: the belief that the market will regulate itself, as dictated by Neo-Liberalism, and a stark anti-North sentiment. With this new philosophical combination used as an ideological weapon in the so-called history war, the conflicts between the conservatives and the progressives have been growing sharper and harsher ever since. It is time to pull the New Right historical perspective from the political and media arena, and bring it into academic debates. Any more conflicts outside the academic realm would only aggravate conflicts throughout the society. The New Right historical perspective displays aspects similar to the one that ruled the social science circle’s contemporary historical studies (the “Modernization View”) since the liberation in 1945 and through the 1980s. For an energetic and productive debate in the future, a new and alternative historical perspective to counteract the New Right’s perspective should be developed and searched for rather quickly.

나이브 베이즈 기반 소셜 미디어 상의 신조어 감성 판별 기법

김정인(Jeong In Kim),박상진(Sang Jin Park),김형주(Hyoung Ju Kim),최준호(Jun Ho Choi),김한일(Han Il Kim),김판구(Pan Koo Kim) 한국스마트미디어학회 2020 스마트미디어저널 Vol.9 No.1

인터넷의 발달과 스마트폰의 보급으로 인하여 그에 따른 소셜 미디어 문화가 형성됨에 따라 PC통신부터 지금까지 소셜 미디어 신조어가 그 문화로 자리 잡아가고 있다. 소셜 미디어의 등장과 사람들의 가교역할을 해주는 스마트폰의 보급화로 신조어가 생기고 빈번하게 사용되고 있는 추세이다. 신조어의 사용은 다양한 문자 제한 메신저의 문제점을 해결하고 짧은 문장을 사용하여 데이터를 줄이는 등 많은 장점을 가지고 있다. 그러나 신조어에는 사전적인 의미가 없으므로 데이터 마이닝 기술이나 빅데이터와 같은 연구에서 사용되는 알고리즘의 성능 저하와 연구에 제약사항이 발생한다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 웹 크롤링을 통해 텍스트 데이터를 추출하고, 텍스트 마이닝과 오피니언 마이닝을 통해 의미부여 및 단어들에 대한 감정적 분류를 통한 문장의 오피니언 파악을 진행하고자 한다. 실험은 다음과 같이 3단계로 진행하였다. 첫째, 소셜 미디어에서 새로운 단어를 수집하여 수집된 단어는 긍정적이고 부정적인 학습을 받게 하였다. 둘째, 표준 문서를 사용하여 감정적 가치를 도출하고 검증하기 위해 TF-IDF를 사용하여 데이터의 감정적 가치를 측정하기 위해 명사 빈도수를 측정한다. 신조어와 마찬가지로 분류된 감정적 가치가 적용되어 감정이 표준 언어 문서로 분류되는지 확인하였다. 마지막으로, 새로 합성된 단어와 표준 감정적 가치의 조합을 사용하여 장비 기술의 비교분석을 수행하였다. From PC communication to the development of the internet, a new term has been coined on the social media, and the social media culture has been formed due to the spread of smart phones, and the newly coined word is becoming a culture. With the advent of social networking sites and smart phones serving as a bridge, the number of data has increased in real time. The use of new words can have many advantages, including the use of short sentences to solve the problems of various letter-limited messengers and reduce data. However, new words do not have a dictionary meaning and there are limitations and degradation of algorithms such as data mining. Therefore, in this paper, the opinion of the document is confirmed by collecting data through web crawling and extracting new words contained within the text data and establishing an emotional classification. The progress of the experiment is divided into three categories. First, a word collected by collecting a new word on the social media is subjected to learned of affirmative and negative. Next, to derive and verify emotional values using standard documents, TF-IDF is used to score noun sensibilities to enter the emotional values of the data. As with the new words, the classified emotional values are applied to verify that the emotions are classified in standard language documents. Finally, a combination of the newly coined words and standard emotional values is used to perform a comparative analysis of the technology of the instrument.

의사결정나무모형을 이용한 대학생의 에너지 환경행위 결정

김정인 ( Jeong In Kim ),정아영 ( Aa Young Jeong ) 한국환경정책학회 2012 環境政策 Vol.20 No.4

Since university is a higher educational institute that carries out education and human resource cultivation, itmust provide its students―a crucial part of society in the future ―incentives to save energy. The investigator hopes study findings will contribute to the change of university students` life-style andmake university not suffer the disgrace of an institute which consumes much energy but become a cornerstone of preventing national crisis of energy and climatic change. In order to understand environmental policies that could be applicable to the sector of university, literature data on environmental policies of domestic and overseas governments and universities were collected and then an empirical study was carried out via a questionnaire survey of university students, thus examining the relationship among university students` life-style, intent of energy saving and intent of environmental activities. In addition, the characteristics of university students who are expected to be amajor class of participating in environmental policieswere looked into.

식민사관 비판론의 등장과 내재적 발전론의 형성

김정인(Kim Jeong-in) 한국사학회 2017 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.125

본고에서는 해방과 함께 제기된 반식민사학의 흐름 속에서 식민사관 비판론과 내재적 발전론의 ‘내적’ 기원을 찾는 동시에 1960년대에 양자간의 연관성이 어떻게 형성되었는지를 살펴보았다. 이는 곧 내재적 발전론 ‘이후’보다는 ‘이전’과 형성기를 좀 더 면밀하게 살피는 작업에 해당한다. 내재적 발전론의 기원을 해방 정국의 역사학에까지 거슬러 올라가 살핀다는 점, 1960년대 식민사관 비판론과 내재적 발전론 간의 관계를 다룬다는 점에서 본고의 의의를 찾을 수 있을 것이다. 또한, 식민사관 비판론이 일본인의 식민주의 사관만을 비판한 것이 아니라, 문헌고증사학으로 대표되는 아류와 유산으로서의 식민사학을 극복하고자 제기되었다는 점과 식민사관 비판론과 내재적 발전론을 잇는 매개 고리가 반식민사학인 일제시기 민족주의사학과 마르크스주의사학이었다는 사실을 밝혔다. Examined in this article is the ‘Origin’ of two trends: Critical analyses of the occupied Joseon people which were launched against ‘Colonial Historiography,’ and the “Internal Development theory” launched later by Korean historians. The beginning points of these two trends may seem (at first glance) to have been different from each other, but both trends actually took place at the time of liberation from Japanese occupation, and amidst the surge of Anti-Colonial historiography studies. And these two trends sure interacted with each other in the 1960s, so such interaction is examined in this article as well. This is not an analysis of what came after the emergence of the Internal Development theory, but rather of what came ‘before’ it, as the origin itself should be construed within the context of situations (as well as academic efforts in the area of history) that unfolded right after the liberation. And in order to do that right, we should also be well aware of how a series of critical analyses of ‘Colonial Historiography,’ and the eventual advent of “Internal Development theory,” sort of fueled each other for years, to reach their full potential. Meanwhile, also stressed in this article is that critical analyses of Colonial historiography did not only criticise the colonial historical perspective shown by the Japanese, but were launched to overcome colonial historical studies done by Korean scholars, which were performed in the name of pursuing “empirical studies (dealing ‘facts’ that could be confirmed by written records).” And most importantly, suggested in this article is that it was the Nationalistic historiography and Marxist historiography, which were both against Colonial historiography, that bridged critical analyses of colonial historiography and the Internal Development theory.