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『修心正經』은 그 배경이 宋末 鄭思肖의 『太極祭鍊內法』으로부터 시작하여, 구한말 이옥포의 『靈寶局定靜篇』, 『正心要訣』, 이어 圓佛敎 최초의 교서인 『修養硏究要論』의 『定靜要論』, 그리고 정산종사의 『修心正經』, 그리고 원불교 『坐禪法』과 『丹田住禪』에 이르기까지 고금의 내단수련과 연속성을 지니고 있으며, 특히 『수심정경』의 母本이 되는 『正心要訣』과 같은 내단서들이 구한말 민중들의 삶에 영향을 미쳤던 신흥종교들의 종교적 가르침 속에 그대로 살아있음을 발견하게 되었다. 본 논문에서는 『修心正經』에 대한 이해와 『修心正經』의 내단사상 그리고 『修心正經』의 내용이 수용되어진 '圓佛敎 丹田住禪법'과 그 내단수련 방법에 대한 연구를 해보고자 한다. 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』 began by background of 『Tae kuk jae ryun nae bub(太極祭鍊內法)』 written by Jeong sa cho(鄭思肖, later Song dynasty), and went on 『Young bo kuk jeong pyun(靈寶局定靜篇)』, 『Jeong sim yo kyul(正心要訣)』 written by Lee ohk po(李玉圃), later chosun dynasty) up to 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』 written by 『Jeong san jong sa(鼎山宗師)』 and Won buddhism's 『Joa sun bub(坐禪法)』 & 『Resting in the Elixir Field method(丹田住禪)』. All of these have Training of Nei-Dan and continuity of andence and modem times. I found especially 『Jeong sim yo kyul(正心要訣)』 a kind of book of Nei-dan which based on 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』 really affected later cho-sun's New born religions' instructions which affected that time of people's life. In this paper, I want to study understanding of 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』, Nei-Dan theory of 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』, 'Won-Buddhism's Resting in the Elixir Field method' which accepted 『Soo Shim Jeong Gyeong(修心正經)』 and method of Training of Nei-Dan.
"The Words of Ten and Five Accorded with One"(十五一言) may sound strange to those not acquainted with Jeong Yeok (正易). It is a condensed expression of three principles, namely, Ten the Illimitable(無極 Mu-geuk), Five the Central Ultimate(皇極 Hwang-geuk), and One the Great Ultimate(太極 Tae-geuk). Ten(Mu-geuk) and Five(Hwang-geuk) are the central numbers of the Yellow River Map (河圖). And One the Great Ultimate, when accompanied by Ten the Illimitable, makes "Ten and One Rendered to the Same Body"(十一歸體) as was noted as the Illimitable (being) the Great Ultimate(無極而太極). It is the point of departure and arrival of all the things dead and alive, and is represented to be the very middle of Five the Central Ultimate. Many crucial facts of Jeong-Yeok―e.g., Ban-go(盤古)'s transformation(盤古化), the origin of the Orthodox Learnings(道學) and its successors, and the arrangement and realization of the Jeong Yeok's Map of Trigrams (正易八卦圖), etc.―are derived from the principle of "The Words of Ten and Five Accorded with One." The general scheme of the observations the author made is as follows: 1. The problems of 'Ban-go'(盤古) In I Ching(or the Book of Changes 周易) it is noted that He (Pao Hsi 伏羲, 포희) proceeded directly from the human body and indirectly from natural objects" (近取諸身, 遠取諸物). In accordance with this the author analyzed both human birth and universal creation into four embryological steps, namely, Fertilization, Pregnancy, Nourishment and Birth(胞胎養生). These four steps were contrasted with the numbers of changing features of heavenly bodies (i.e., Heaven, Earth, Sun, Moon). And it was explained why they have their causes in the activities of Ban-go with special emphasis on the meaning of the Ban-go's transformation(盤古化) and the Ban-go's fifth transformation(盤古五化). 2. The origin of the Orthodox Learnings(道學) The principle of Stagnation and Communication(否泰) which is characteristic of the Yellow Rive Map(河圖) and of the River Lo Writing(洛書) gives some light to the understanding of the origin of the Orthodox Learnings. One passage which may account for the Learnings of Jeong Yeok is that Suppressing Yin and Elevating Yang is the main theme of the learning in the former Heaven and Harmonizing Yang and Rythmizing Yin is the Way of the latter Heaven. (抑陰尊陽先天心法之學, 調陽律音後天性理之道) As the Orthodox Learnings has it origin "The Words of Ten and Five Accorded with One" in the Yellow River Map and the River Lo Writing, so have the fifteen sages who have been the successors of the Learnings. Fourteen of them are sages of the former Heaven whose missions are to be eventually fulfilled by Il Bu(literally 'One Man', the sage of the latter Heaven. This is what the following line implies: All movements under Heaven become One in due course. (天下之動 貞夫一者) 3. The problem of the Jeong Yeok posited to the Golden Mean(中位正易) The Jeong Yeok posited to the Golden Mean implies the accomplishment of Jeong Yeok as Heaven and Earth receive their deserved positions, Thunder and Wind do not act contrary to each other, Water and Fire attain together and Mountain and Lake interchange their infuences. (天地正位, 雷風不相悖, 水火相逮, 山澤通氣) Some points are made here: 1) According to the theory of Thunder and Wind posited to the Golden Mean, Ten the Thunder (Che^n 震) and Five the Wind (Sun 巽), having accomplished the role of directors in the former Heaven in the title of Ch'ien(乾) and K'un(坤), recede to the positions of One and Six. Thus to the positions of Ten and Five come the deserved members of Ch'ien and K'un and their administrative authority and musical virtuosity are conceded to "Ten and One rendered to the same body(十一歸體)" of Mountain and Lake. Now the principle that the filial son doesn't contradict (his parents) (孝子不相悖) is observed and way of humility (Ch'ien 謙) is followed. 2) From the theory of Water and Fire attaining together the following points are made. The changes meant by I Ching are changes of the Sun and the Moon. The phase of the Moon is ceaselessly changing while constancy is characteristic of the Sun. The changes of the Moon especially noted in Jeong Yeok are the changes in months and years. A month (lunar) in the former Heaven begins on the day Mu Jin(戊辰), and that in the latter Heaven on the day Kye Mi(癸未). Hence the calendar without intercalation is to be used in the latter Heaven, which means a year consisted of 360 days net. To keep pace with this astronomical change which is simply beyond man's reach everyone should become a man of complete virtue by ever changing his inner self―this is what is emphasized in the hexagram Ko(Molting 革). The Great Man changes himself like a tiger. The Superior Man changes himself like a panther. (大人虎豹, 君子豹變) 3) As is shown in the treatise on "Moutain and Lake Interchanging their Influences" (山澤通氣) there are two levels on which the Wei Chi(Before Completion 未濟) of the former Heaven changes into the Chi Chi(After Completion 旣濟) of the latter Heaven. On the personal level a harmonious marital life and domestic courteousness lead to the production of men of complete virtue and harmony, and on the social level Union of Ken (Moutain) and Tui (Lake) (艮兌合德) and the Administration of Ten and One(十一用政) make for the construction of the New World Illimitable(无量世界). The way to it is―to enhance and enlarge human love to the extent that One makes one's fellowship in the open(同人于野) and One bears with the uncultured in gentleness(包荒). 4) The theory of Ch'ien and K'un posited to the deserved positions(乾坤正位論) is that Ten the Thunder (Che^n 辰) and Five the Wind(Sun 巽) recede to the positions of One and Six from the positions of Ten and Five, and to the positions Ten and Five come Ch'ien(乾) and K'un(坤). Now Ch'ien and K'un are at the blank position(空位) as the result of Sublimation(of Ch'ien and K'un to the blank positions 乾坤尊空). Everything comes to be in order. Filial piety in the latter Heaven firmly takes root, and all the mischievous disappear. Besides, modest Che^n(震) and Sun(巽) concede their administration to Ke^n(艮) and Tui(兌) (i.e., Mountain and Lake that interchange their influences) a penetrating brotherly love is fulfilled. Thus filial piety and brotherly love are fulfilled all over the world. As Ch'ien and K'un are posited to their deserved positions, the Jeong Yeok's year arrives―a year consisting of 360 days with every season and month ever mild and fresh. All the people become peace-lovers. In this way the Rule of the Being Himself(己位親政) and the construction of the New World Illimitable become inevitable. 4. On the hexagram Ch'ien (Modesty 謙) According to the Sequence of Hexagrams(序卦), Ch'ien(謙) is the 15th hexagram of I Ching. Generally specking the orderly sequence displayed in the Sequence has some specific meaning. In the former part of I Ching it is closely related with the phasic changes of the Moon such as Obscure, New Moon, Quarters, and Full Moon. Why is the hexagram Ch'ien(謙) at the fifteenth of this Sequence while the hexagram of the full moon (namely, Ta Yu, 大有, Possession in Great Measure) comes to the fourteenth? The answer we find in I Ching: He who keeps to be modest in spite of his possession in great measure, carries things through(有大而能謙…君子有終). Ten and Five are numbers of Che^n(震) and Sun(巽) as well as of Ch'ien(乾) and K'un(坤). As are shown by the Jeong Yeok's Map of Trigrams, Thunder and Wind recede ro the positions of One and Six to sublimate Ch'ien(乾) and K'un(坤) to the blank positions(乾坤尊空) and to make Mountain(山) and Lake(澤) do their administration of Ten and One in the East and West. This is the realization of the proposition that Thunder and Wind do not act contrary to each other, and is the true reason why "Thunder and Wind" becomes the Master of the hexagram Ch'ien(謙). With no danger of exaggeration we affirm it is there that we can find the gist of Jeong Yeok. The theory above also constitutes a part of "Words of Ten and Five Accorded with One." 5. The problem of the Complication by Three and Five(三五錯綜) In I Ching the passage The three and five operations are undertaken in order to obtain a change. Divisions and combinations of numbers are made. (參伍以變 錯綜其數) discusses the process of manipulating stalks to obtain the hexagram. But in the context of Jeong Yeok the Complication by Three and Five is suggestive of complication by three and five in the Former Heaven. They are the numbers of the ultimate change(至變度數), a change from Kap Jin(甲辰) to Mu Jin(戊辰) in sexagenery cyclic(六甲) terms, or a change from the Yellow River Map to the River Lo Wrting. From it comes Before Kap(甲), three days. After Kap(甲), three days. (先甲三日, 後甲三日) The same logic is found in the diagram of basic initial sounds of Hun-Min Jeong-Eum(訓民正音). In Jeong Yeok the complication by Three and Five implies the Three Cardinal Numbers in the system of the former Heaven, where Kap Ja is brought forth in the midnight of Kap and Ki(甲己夜半生甲子). Besides in the relationship of the Three Abilities(三才) and the Five Primary Currents(五行), mutually functioning as the fundamental(體) and the practical(用) for each other, we find another example of the complication by Three and Five. The same may be said of Five and Central Ultimate(皇極 ??) of the Yellow River Map. From the above observation it is clear: the Jeong Yeok of the Golden Mean(中位正易) is the Jeong Yeok of Thunder and Wind(雷風正易), which is the same thing as the Jeong Yeok of Il Bu(一夫正易). It is "the Jeong Yeok of the initial Ban-go(盤古一元)" "Words of Ten and Five accorded with One" is the structure, essence and the function of Ban-go.
서정주는 당대의 허무주의를 현대 서구문명의 병폐로 이해했으며 신라정신을 통해 이 문제를 극복하고자 했다. 이 글에서는 우선 서정주의 신라정신이 그가 상상한 신라 사회에서 어떤 방식으로 기능하고 있었는지 살펴봄으로써, 서정주의 신라 기획이 사회문화적 가치체계로서 제안된 것이었음을 보여주고자 한다. 서정주가 상상한 신라 사회는 현실규범과 현실논리에서 낙오한 이들이 영원성의 세계 속에서 재생할 수 있도록 허용하는 사회였다. 이 ‘낙오자’들은 비록 현실로 복귀할 수 없지만 영원성의 세계에 거주하면서, 신라인들에게 영원성의 세계를 현시한다. 즉, 그의 신라 기획은 사회통합적 성격을 내포하는 것이었다. 그러나 서정주의 시에는 이러한 신라사회의 모습이 전혀 드러나지 않는다. 뿐만 아니라 서정주는 서구정신과 신라정신의 대립이나, 현실세계와 영원성의 세계의 관계 역시 시에서 다루지 않는다. 그의 시에서 신라의 ‘영원인’들은 현실사회에서의 낙오자의 성격이 삭제된 채, 사랑의 주체로 나타난다. 이들은 다만 새로운 앎과 감동을 소유하고 절대적 세계를 현시한다. 즉, 신라 기획의 일부만이 시에 바쳐졌다고 할 수 있는데 이는 서정주의 시인식에 따른 결과이다. 서정주는 현대시가 ‘전격적 쇼크’ 혹은 ‘전율’로 체험되어야 한다고 생각했기 때문에, 신라 기획의 사상적 성격을 모두 제거하고, 불사(不死)의 이미지로 전형화 된 영원성의 세계만을 시화(詩化)했다. 불사의 이미지들은 현실 전부를 점유해버리는 현실초과의 성격을 띠는데 이로 인해 그것은 영원성으로 감각된다. 다시 말하면 현실에서의 절대성이 영원성으로 치환되고 있는 것이다. 서정주 시(중기시)의 개성(스타일)의 확립은 신라정신이라는 보편적 사상 기획에 근거한 것이기는 했지만, 동시에 순수시에 대한 신념과 현대사회에서의 시의 효과에 대한 그의 시인식에 따라 신라 기획의 일부만을 미학화 한 결과였다. Seo Jeong-ju understood nihilism at the time as a social ill of modern western civilization, and sought to overcome this problem through the Silla spirit. This article seeks to show that the Silla planning of Seo Jeong-ju was suggested as a sociocultural value system by examining how Seo Jeong-ju`s Silla spirit was functioning in the Silla society he imagined. The Silla that Seo Jeong-ju imagined was a society allowing those who failed in terms of the norms of reality and logic of reality to be born again within the world of eternity. Although these losers may not return to reality, they could show the world of eternity to the people of Silla, while residing in the world of eternity. Seo Jeong-ju`s Silla planning implied a character of social integration. However, Seo Jeong-ju`s poetry do not reveal such features of the Silla society at all. Not only that, Seo Jeong-ju does not deal with the conflict between the western spirit and Silla spirit and the relationship between the world of reality and world of eternity in his poetry. The ‘people of eternity’ of Silla appear as the main agents of love in his poetry, and these agents display an absolute world and possession of new knowledge and impression. Thus, in other words, only a part of the Silla planning has been dedicated to his poetry, which is a result of Seo Jeong-ju`s cognition on poetry. Because Seo Jeong-ju believed that modern poetry must be experienced through ‘lightning shock’ or ‘thrill’, he removed all ideological characters of Silla planning, and only treated the world of eternity, which was embodied through the image of immortality, in poetry. The establishment of personal characteristics (style) of Seo Jeong-ju`s poetry (middle-period poetry) was based on the planning of a universal idea called Silla spirit, however, was also a result of treating only a part of the Silla planning aesthetically based on his cognition on poetry, concerning the effect of poetry in modern society and his principle on pure poetry.
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Jeong(1990)은 한국어의 동사접사인 -고와 대격조사인 -를과 통일한 환경에서 허가된다는 사실에 근거하여 -고가 대격표지라는 분석을 제시한다. 한편 Yoon(2013)은 -고를 대격표지로 분석하는 Jeong(199)의 주장을 반박하며 -고는 대격표지가 아니고 보문소라고 주장한다. 그러나 Yoon(2013) 의 이러한 주장에는 이론적, 경험적 문제가 있다. 먼저 Yoon(2013)은 대격표지와 보문소가 서로 대비되는 개념으로 가정하고 있는데 이는 명백히 잘못된 가정이다. 보문소는 문법범주에 해당하는 반면에 (대)격표지는 문법범주가 아니라 문법자질에 속하는 것이기 때문이다. 다시 말해서 Jeong(l999)은 -고를 대격자질을 지니고 있는 보문소로 분석하고 있다. 따라서 Yoon(2013) 의 주장이 논리적인 타당성을 얻기 위해서는 -고가 격표지가 아니라 보문소다라고 주장하는 대신에 ‘보문소는 격자질을 포함할 수 없다‘라고 주장해야 한다. Yoon(2013)은 격표지들인 - 가나 -를이 생략되는 환경에서 -고가 생략될 수 없다는 점을 지적하면서 -고가 격표지일 수 없다고 주장한다. 그러나 이 주장에도 문제가 있다. 먼저 여기서 언급된 환경에서 어떤 접사가 생략되었다는 사실이 그 접사가 격표지라는 것을 의미하지 않는다. 즉 격표지 이외의 다양한 표지들도 동일한 환경에서 생략될 수 있다. 그리고 생략현상을 좀 더 확대해 보면 오히려 -고와 -를이 같은 속성을 보여준다는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 그러므로 -고가 격표지가 아니고 보문소라는 Yoon(2013) 의 주장은 설득력이 약하다. 그리 고 Jeong(l999) 에 대한 반박이 설득력을 얻으려면 -고와 -는의 대조적인 분포를 설명할 수 있어야 한다. Jeong (1999) proposes that the verbal particle -ko is a morphological realization of accusative case feature. Criticizing Jeong's (1999) argument, Yoon (2013) argues that -ko is not a case marker but a complementizer. Yoon's (2013) criticism, however, reveals serious problems both theoretical and empirical. First, Yoon (2013) does not distinguish between syntactic categories and morphological features. Yoon's (2013) main point is that -ko is not a case marker but a COMP. Note, however, that the latter refers to a syntactic category but the former to a morphological feature. Jeong (1999) assumes that -ko is a COMP and therefore Yoon's (1993) criticism against Jeong (1999) is not valid theoretically. Yoon (2013) also shows that unlike -ka and -lul, -ko cannot be deleted in some cases, which he argues provides evidence against Jeong's analysis of -ko as a case marker. If we consider more examples regarding the deletion phenomenon, however, we find that -ko patterns with case markers -ka and -lul. This implies that the phenomenon mentioned in Yoon (2013) has nothing to do with the discussion of whether -ko is a case marker or not. A valid criticism of Jeong' s (1999) analysis of -ko should provide a principled account of the fact that -ko is licensed by verbs but not by nouns or adjectives.
1950년대 경제적인 가난은 명백한 사실이다. 하지만 시에서는 별로 가난에 대해 관심이 없었다. 궁핍한 생활에서 비롯한 고독과 비애의 정서를 발견하기는 쉽지만, 가난을 전면적으로 다루는 시들은 아주 적다. 서정주는 말한다. “가난이야 한낱 남루에 지나지 않는다.” 이렇게 말할 수 있는 까닭은 무엇일까. 이 글은 서정주의 시를 당대 한국 현실을 리얼하게 다룬 소설들과 겹쳐 읽으면서, 서정주 시의 미적 이데올로기와 시장경제 원리와의 연관성을 살펴보고자 한다. 이를 통해 1950년대 ‘가난’이 저항 담론의 수행성을 구성할 수 없었던 까닭과 서정주 시의 보수주의 미학의 성격을 가늠해보고자 한다. 1950년대 서정주 시처럼 자본주의 세계의 질서와 원리를 고유한 자기 원리로 번역해 낸 시인은 없어 보인다. 이때의 자본주의 질서와 원리란 이윤추구를 목적으로 하는 체계라기보다는, 인간의 본성에 따라 사익을 추구하고 개인들은 최대의 만족을 얻기 위해 자유롭게 시장에 참여하며, 이때 가격은 수요와 공급에 따라 ‘보이지 않는 손’에 의해 형성된다고 보는 ‘시장 원리(maket principle)’를 의미한다. 경제주체들의 자유로운 경쟁이 이루어지는 시장은 자기 조절 기능이 있기 때문에 인위적인 개입이 시장의 흐름을 깨는 것으로 간주된다. 서정주는 역사적 신체를 배제하고, 인간의 타고난 본성들의 향연을 이상화했다. 그는 훼손되지 않은 본연의 인간성이 다른 수많은 본연의 생명들과 자연스럽게 교류하는 세계에 영원성 내지 절대성을 부여하고자 했다. 서정주는 시장 지향의 심성(mentality)이 구축되어가는 전후사회의 집단적 무의식-교환의 감각을 내면화하는 등-을 대담하게 구도를 잡아 미학화 했다고 볼 수 있다. 어쩌면 서정주에게 전통은 ‘동양’이나 ‘신라’에 있다기보다는 ‘현실’을 수용해가는 민중들의 집단적 무의식 차원과 결부지어 생각해 볼 필요가 있다. 서정주의 보수주의 미학(시학)의 핵심은 바로 현실수용의 구조를 미학화 하는 데 있기 때문이다. The economic poverty during the 1950s is a clear fact. However, poems did not have much interest in poverty. It is easy to discover the sentiment of solitude and sorrow based on impoverished life, and, however, there are an extremely small number of poems that overall deal with poverty. Jeong-ju Seo says “Poverty is nothing but merely being ragged.” What is the reason he can make such a statement? This study seeks to examine the correlation between the aesthetic ideology of the poems of Jeong-ju Seo and the principles of market economy, while reading both the poems of Jeong-ju Seou and the novels that realistically depicted the realities of Korea during the time. This study seeks to identify the characteristics of conservatism aesthetics of the poems of Jeong-ju Seo and the reason that ‘poverty’ was not able to compose the performance of the confrontation discourses in the 1950s. There seems to have been no poet that translated the orders and principles of the capitalism world into his or her own unique principles as the poems of Jeong-ju Seo had in the 1950s. The orders and principles of the capitalism world means the ‘market principle’ that considers that human beings pursue their own interests pursuant to human nature, individuals freely participate in the market to obtain maximum satisfaction, and the price is formed by an ‘invisible hand’ pursuant to demand and supply, rather than meaning a system that has its objective as profit-seeking. Because a market where free competition by economic agents is formed has a function of self-control, artificial intervention is regarded to break the flow of the market. Jeong-ju Seou excluded the body of history and idealized the banquet of the inner natures of people. He sought to grant absoluteness or eternal nature to the world where the undamaged human nature naturally interacts with the numerous other natural organisms. Many believe Jeong-ju Seo forms an aesthetic sense by boldly grasping the composition of the group unconsciousness in the postwar society ? internalization of the sense of exchange - where a market-oriented mentality was being constructed. Maybe, the tradition to Jeong-ju Seo could have been combined with group unconsciousness of the public accepting the ‘reality,’ rather than the ‘East’ or ‘Silla.’ That is because the core of the conservatism aesthetic (poetry) of Jeong-ju Seo is in making an aesthetic sense in the structure of acceptance of reality.
본고는 沖庵 金淨(1486~1521)이 제주 유배 중에 지은 <濟州風土錄>의 내용 및 문체적 특징을 검토하여 김정 문학의 일면모를 밝혀보고자 한 것이다. 김정은 탁월한 文才를 바탕으로 22세 되던 해 文科別試에서 장원급제하여 환로에 들어섰다. 순창군수 재직 시 朴祥과 함께 廢妃愼氏의 복위를 청하는 상소를 올렸다가 유배되기도 하였지만, 다시 復官되어 中宗의 두터운 신임을 받아 빠르게 승진하며 도학적 이상 정치의 실현을 위해 소격서의 革罷, 鄕約의 간행, 현량과 실시 등 여러 개혁 정치를 시도하였다. 그러나 신진 사림들의 정치 개혁 시행 및 僞勳削除 요구 등에 위기의식을 느낀 훈구공신들이 일으킨 己卯士禍에 휘말려 錦山및 珍島를 거쳐 제주도로 유배되었다가 1521년 10월 제주에서 賜死되었다. 궁행실천의 도학적 학문자세를 지녔던 김정은 유배객이 되어서도 濟州民을 위해 풍속을 교화하고자 노력하였으며, 제주 유배시기 작품에는 좌절과 고독, 슬픔의 감정 등이 나타나기도 하지만, 자연의 섭리를 이해하고 천명에 순응하고자 하는 모습이 나타난다. 이러한 실천적 학문성향과 작품 경향은 <제주풍토록>에서도 발견된다. <제주풍토록>은 제주의 이색적 풍토에 대해 비평적인 소개로, 미개한 풍속에 대한 실천적 도학자의 교화와 개혁의 시각이 담겨있다. 김정은 제주의 기후와 풍속, 지리, 산물 등, 제주의 환경과 사회상을 상세하게 기록하면서 그 원인과 개선점에 대해서도 지적하였다. 또한 제주도의 지리적 환경 및 謫所의 주변을 서술한 부분에서는 유배자의 고독과 비애의 감정을 드러내기도 하지만 원망이나 불평이 아닌 천명에 순응하는 달관의 경지를 보여주어 비장미를 표출하였다. 한편, 김정의 산문은 ‘西漢風’을 추구하였던 것으로 평가받았다. <제주풍토록> 역시 제주의 물산을 나열적으로 서술하고, 내용의 범위와 규모가 넓은 면에서 <子虛賦>와 비견된다. 수록내용이 풍부하면서도 세부적인 수식이나 자잘한 묘사를 생략하고 축약적인 4자구를 多用하고 있으며 虛字와 典故의 사용이 적어서 호방하면서도 간결한 효과를 보여준다. 곧 <제주풍토록>은 김정의 ‘修己治人’의 학문적 경향에 의해 저술된 것으로, 제주 환경에 대한 敍事와 유배생활의 정서에 대한 抒情이 조화를 이룬 작품이다. This thesis is designed to examine the contents and the characteristic of the style of Record of Jeju Customs (濟州風土錄) that Chuangam Kim Jeong wrote during his Jeju exile, and to reveal an aspect of Kim Jeong"s literature. Kim Jeong won the first place in the special civil service examination and entered government service on the basis of his excellent literary talent when he was 22 years old. While holding the office of Sunchang county governor, Kim jeong filed an appeal to ask the restoration of Ms Shin, a retired queen with Park Sang and was exiled, but was restored to his office and then was promoted with the deep confidence of Jungjong tried to perform various political reformations for the realization of the ideal politics of Confucianism, such as the reformation of Sokyeokseo (昭格署), the publication of Hyangyak (鄕約), and the establishment of Hyunlyang department (賢良科), etc. But Kim Jeong was swept away by the Literati Purge raised by the meritorious elite threaten by the political reformation and enforcement of the Neo-Confucian Literati, the requirement of the deletion of the memorial service, etc. and was exiled to Eunsan, Jindo, and Jeju Island, poisoned into death October, 1521. Although Kim Jeong who had a Confucian attitude to practice in person was an exile, he tried to educate the residents of Jeju Island regarding their customs. Even though the works during the Jeju exile show such emotions as desperation, solitude, sorrow, he tried to understand the providence of nature and to conform to Heaven"s will. Such tendency of practical studies and works is found even in Record of Jeju Customs (濟州風土錄). Record of Jeju Customs (濟州風土錄) is a critical introduction of Jeju"s exotic customs, containing the viewpoint of a practical Confucian"s educating and reforming uncivilized customs. Kim Jeong recorded Jeju"s environment and society such as its climate, customs, geometry, products, etc. in detail, pointing out the cause and improvement. In addition, although he shows an exile"s solitude and sorrow in the part describing the geological environment and the place of exile, he shows not resentment or complaint, but a far-sighted view conforming to Heaven"s will. Meanwhile, Kim Jeong"s prose was estimated as pursuing ‘Seohanpung’ (西漢風). Record of Jeju Customs (濟州風土錄) also describes Jeju"s products, similar to Jaheobu (子虛賦) in that the range and scale of the contents are wide. The recorded contents are rich, detailed modification or petty description are omitted, a number of abbreviated four-letter phrases are used, Huhja (虛字) and reference episodes are rare, which show a broad and brief effect. Thus Record of Jeju Customs (濟州風土錄) was written by Kim Jeong"s cultivating himself and ruling other people, harmonious between the description of Jeju"s environment and the sentiment of his exile life.
Ji-u-jae (之又齋) Jeong Su-yeong (鄭遂榮) was a literati painter, active, during the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1909) from the late 18th to early 19th century. His ancestral home was Hadong (河東), and he used Su-dae (遂大) as his childhood name, Gun-bang (君芳) as his Ja (字), and Ji-u-jae (之又齋) as his pen name (號). Jeong Su-yeong began to gain attention his "Album Leaves of Sea and Mountain (海山帖)"was introduced by Choe Sun-wu (崔淳雨) in 1976. Furthermore, his life and family lineage were discovered by Lee Tae-ho (李泰浩) in 1984. Since then, He has been discussed as one of the important painters in the late Joseon dynasty in studies of "true-view landscape painting (眞景山水)" and literati painting, etc. However, attention has mainly been given to limited number of his most representative works and "true-view landscape painting". Thus, his friendship apart from his family lineage, or general painting style has rarely been researched. This paper, firstly, will study his rarely known life taking former research into consideration. Then, it will examine his painting subjects, the origin of its style, and distinctive features in general, focusing on landscape paintings still extant. Jeong Su-yeong was from 'The School of Practical Learning (實學)' of the Southerners (南人). Hence, he spent much of his lifetime making maps and working within family tradition compiling the genealogy for example. On the other hand, he studied poetry, calligraphy, and painting, and travelled widely. He, like his ancestors. mainly made friends with the Southerners, such as, Yeoju Yi clan (驪州李氏), Jinju Gang Clan (晋州姜氏), Dongbok O clan (同福吳氏), and Pungcheon Yim clan (豊川任氏). His experience in making maps is dearly connected with the fine brush works in his landscape paintings, the careful maimer and the broad point of view in his true-view landscape paintings, and the fact that he always indicated the place names on his paintings. Jeong entered the painting circle practising and copying Chinese painting manuals, such as "Splendid Scenery nationwide (海內寄觀)", "Paintings of Three Entities (三才圖會)", and "Paintings of Famous Mountains (名山圖)" as well as "Tang Poetry Painting Manual (唐詩畵譜)", "Mr. Ku Painting Manual (顧氏畵譜)", and "Mustard Seed Garden Painting Manual (芥子園畵傳)". Among them, the Ming woodblock print, "Paintings of Famous Mountains", was introduced in Joseon during the early 18th century, and was studied at first by Jeong Seon (鄭敾), Gim Hong-do (金弘道) and Jeong Su-yeong in the late 18th century, and later Han Yong-gan (韓用幹) and other Joseon scholars and painters through the 19th century. Moreover, Jeong was deeply interested in the Chinese Southern School painters (南宗畵家), such as, four Yuan masters (元四大家) and Ming's Wu School (明代吳派). Jeong's paintings can largely be divided into the fixed forms of paintings (定型山水), like Southern School style, and true-view landscape paintings (眞景山水). Both styles, however, had been developed in his paintings interweavedly since his 50's. His fixed forms of painting style, taking scholarly leisure culture as its background, is based on the Southern school style widely spread among contemporary painters. However, he was consistent to use a cursive brush with a stubby brush or a light ink, rather than systematic brush works. Furthermore, he evoked a unique atmosphere with his usage of light colors. The characteristic outline, which is thinly continued ill the expression of mountains and rocks, became a main element of Jeong's landscape painting. Jeong's true-view landscape painting, divided into paintings of Han liver (漢江) and Yim-jin river (臨津江), and Geumgang mountain (金剛山), shows relatively an adventurous features ill the following ways : the positiveness in directly sketching or completing the scenes on the spot, the way he drastically controlled its size according to object, the frankness which he reflected his own feeling, the attitude of using Korean place name in the vernacular on plane and geometric scenes or a title
장정일에 대한 연구는 주로 시와 소설에 집중되어 있다. 장정일의 희곡에 대한 연구 역시 몇몇 작품에 국한된 논의가 대부분이다. 본고는 우선 장정일의 희곡 전반을 논의의 대상으로 삼아 논의의 폭을 넓히고자 한다. 다음은 논의의 깊이에 대한 것이다. 본고는 장정일 희곡의 핵심 원리로 혼종성과 자기반영적 상호텍스트성에 주목한다. 장정일은 본인이 창작한 시, 소설, 에세이 등을 자신의 희곡 텍스트에 적극적으로 끌어들인다. 이를 자기반영적 상호텍스트성으로 명명하고 논의를 전개했다. 한편, 장정일의 희곡 텍스트는 자기 작품 이외에 자신의 독서 이력에서 오는 국내외의 다양한 작품들과 문화 텍스트들을 적극적으로 활용한다. 이를 혼종성이라는 개념으로 논의했다. 혼종성과 자기반영적 상호텍스트성의 논리를 가지고 장정일의 희곡을 분석하면 개별 작품에 국한된 논의에서는 발견되지 않는 텍스트 시아의 상호관련을 읽어낼 수 있고 개별 텍스트에 대한 해석도 좀 더 풍요롭게 할 수 있다. 따리서 혼종성과 자기반영적 상호텍스트성의 개념은 장정일 희곡의 미학적 원리인 동시에 정정일의 희곡을 읽어내는 유용한 독법으로 의미를 갖는다. 장정일의 희곡 텍스트가 가진 이러한 특징은 포스트모더니즘 미학과 통한다. 그가 적극적으로 활용한 혼종성과 자기반영적 상호텍스트성은 리얼리즘의 재현 방식으로는 해결할 수 없는 현실의 모순을 극복하기 위해 고안한 나름의 미학적 장치이다. 그것은 ‘아버지’로 표상되는 상징계의 지배 이데올로기에 대응하고자 하는 장정일 희곡의 주제적 차원과 맞닿아 있다. 그렇게 형식과 내용의 양 측면을 상호관련지어 살펴볼 때, 장정일 희곡의 혼종성과 상호텍스트성은 매우 정교하고도 치밀하게 전개되고 있음을 확인할 수 있다. Unlike most of the research on Jeong-Il Jang which mainly focussed on his poems and a few of his plays, this paper explores Jeong-Il Jang's entire plays to discuss them broadly and profoundly. It lays special focus on the essential principles of his plays: hybridity and intertextuality. One characteristic of Jeong-Il Jang's plays is that they contain a lot of texts of his poems, novels, and essays. Another is that they also consist of a lot of texts of domestic and foreign literary works that he read and cultural texts. Jeong-Il Jang referred the former and the latter to hybridity and intertextuality, respectively. If we analyze Jeong-Il Jang's plays with good understanding of hybridity and intertextuality, it is possible that we can find the mutual relation of his plays, which is not found when our discussion is limited to one of his plays, and interpret each play more profoundly. Consequently, the hybridity and intertextuality are considered to be an aesthetic principle of Jeong-Il Jang's plays and essential tool of reading his plays. The characteristics of Jeong-Il Jang's plays seem to be in line with postmodernism aesthetics: his hybridity and intertextuality are aesthetic devices that he created to overcome the contradiction of the reality that he failed to solve with realism-based methods. Those characteristics are also related to the subject of his plays, which is to confront the governing ideology of symbolism. A close look at the forms of Jeong-Il Jang's plays with and their contents in mind reveals that the hybridity and intertextuality of his plays are planned carefully and accurately.
본 논문은 1931~1935년에 개벽사에서 발행한 잡지(어린이, 별건곤, 신여성, 혜성, 제일선)의 편집자들이 누구였는가를 확인한 연구이다. 『신여성』은 1931년 1월 재발행되었고, 『혜성』은 3월 창간되었다. 『신여성』은 방정환 최영주 송계월이 편집하였다. 『어린이』는 이정호, 『혜성』과 『별건곤』은 채만식이 중심이 되어 만들었다. 1931년 7월 방정환이 사망하자 개벽사 업무에 일대 변화가 일어났다. 차상찬은 방정환을 대신하여 개벽사 업무를 총괄하게 되었으며, 자신이 이미맡고 있던 『별건곤』과 『혜성』의 편집 겸 발행인 외에 『신여성』의 편집 겸 발행인을 추가로 맡았다. 이정호는 『어린이』의 편집 겸 발행인이 되었고, 신영철은 편집국장이 되었다. 반면 최영주와 채만식은 개벽사를 그만 두었다. 이런 변동 속에서 『신여성』은 이정호와 송계월, 『어린이』는 신영철, 『혜성』과 『별건곤』은 차상찬과 김규택이 편집을 맡았다. 1932년 5월부터 『혜성』을 『제일선』으로 바꾸고, 다시 입사한 채만식이 편집을 맡았다. 9월에는 최영주가 돌아와 『어린이』를 맡았고, 신영철은 『별건곤』을 편집하였다. 『제일선』은 1933년 3월호를 끝으로 더 이상 발행되지 못하였다. 1933년 6월호부터 최영주가 『신여성』, 윤석중이 『어린이』 편집을 맡았다. 이정호는 1933년 12월호부터 『별건곤』을 편집하였다. 개벽사의 잡지 발행은 1933년 하반기부터 점차 위축되고 사원들이 속속 퇴사하는 등 쇠퇴의 길을 걸었다. This paper examined the editors of the magazines published by Kaebyeoksa from 1931 to 1935(Eorini, Byeolgeongon, Sinyeoseong, Hyeseong, Jeilseon). Sinyeoseong was reissued in January 1931, and Hyeseong was first published in March. Sinyeoseong was edited by Bang Jeong-hwan, Choe Yeong-ju and Song Gye-wol. Yi Jeong-ho served a central role in creating Eorini , and the publications of Hyeseong and Byeolgeongon were initiated by Chae Man-sik. When Bang Jeong-hwan passed away in July 1931, the working situation in Kaebyeoksa was due several changes. Cha Sang-chan came to administer all the work at Kaebyeoksa in place of Bang Jeong-hwan, and took on the role of Sinyeoseong’s editor and publisher in addition to his initial responsibilities as the editor and publisher of Byeolgeongon and Hyeseong. Yi Jeong-ho became the publisher and editor for Eorini , and Sin Yeong-cheol became the chief editor. On the other hand, Choe Yeong-ju and Chae Man-sik left Kaebyeoksa. Amidst such changes, Yi Jeong-ho and Song Gye-wol took on editor positions of Sinyeoseong, Sin Yeong-cheol on Eoroni and Hyeseong and Byeolgeongon by Cha Sang-chan and Kim Gyu-taek. From May 1932, Hyeseong was renamed to Jeilseon and Chae Man-sik returned to the company to be its editor. In September 1932, Choe Yeong-ju returned and took charge of Eorini, and Sin Yeong-chol edited Byeolgeongon. Publication of Jeilseon terminated with the March 1933 issue. Starting with the June 1933 issue Choe Yeong-ju took charge of Sinyeoseong and Yun Seok-jung took charge of Eorini . Yi Jeong-ho edited Byeolgeongon from December 1933 issue. Magazine publications in Kaebyeoksa shrunk starting the second half of 1933, and the company treaded the road to its decline.
Jeong-In-ji(1396~1478) lived in the historical turning point that a new Confucian culture was really created on the ground of introspection of Buddhistic one. He had a confucian didactic view point of poetry and led the creation of Yong-bi-eo-cheon-ga(The Song of Six Dragons Rising in the Sky) which is appraised as 'it mirrors the ideas not only of the new government Yi dynasty but also of the entire people.' And he also took the leadership in writing Go-ryeo-sa(The History of Go-ryeo Dynasty). In the music chapter of the book, Jeong-In-ji maintained firmly Chu-hsi(1130-1200)'s poetic view which was expressed in the comments of Shih-ching. Jeong-In-ji wrote Hae-rae-bon-Hun-min-jeong-eum(The Interpretative Book of the King Se-jong's Korean Alphabet). He fellowed faithfully the king Se-jong's independent view of Korean in the book. However Jeong-In-ji's original linguistic attitude was not different from Choi-Man-ri's one who opposed the creation of Him-min-jeong-eum(The king Se-jong's Korean Alphabet). Choi-Man-ri thought the Korean language as 'a secular, boorish and vulgar one'. Jeong-In-ji also used the same words. The creation of Yong-bi-eo-cheon-ga was the most important matter in the development of the Korean poetic history. In the result of the creation, the linguistic tradition of the popular songs of Go-ryeo dynasty was inherited and they achieved the new poetic dimension accommodated the senior Chinese artistic thought. Jeong-In-ji interested in the figurative words of popular song's of Go-ryeo dynasty. He used the figurative way on the creation of Yong-bi-eo-cheon-ga. The senior figurative ways had been used by Chu-hsi in his comments of Shih-ching.