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        1930년대 개벽사 발간 잡지의 편집자들

        정용서(Jeong, Yong-seo) 역사실학회 2015 역사와실학 Vol.57 No.-

        본 논문은 1931~1935년에 개벽사에서 발행한 잡지(어린이, 별건곤, 신여성, 혜성, 제일선)의 편집자들이 누구였는가를 확인한 연구이다. 『신여성』은 1931년 1월 재발행되었고, 『혜성』은 3월 창간되었다. 『신여성』은 방정환 최영주 송계월이 편집하였다. 『어린이』는 이정호, 『혜성』과 『별건곤』은 채만식이 중심이 되어 만들었다. 1931년 7월 방정환이 사망하자 개벽사 업무에 일대 변화가 일어났다. 차상찬은 방정환을 대신하여 개벽사 업무를 총괄하게 되었으며, 자신이 이미맡고 있던 『별건곤』과 『혜성』의 편집 겸 발행인 외에 『신여성』의 편집 겸 발행인을 추가로 맡았다. 이정호는 『어린이』의 편집 겸 발행인이 되었고, 신영철은 편집국장이 되었다. 반면 최영주와 채만식은 개벽사를 그만 두었다. 이런 변동 속에서 『신여성』은 이정호와 송계월, 『어린이』는 신영철, 『혜성』과 『별건곤』은 차상찬과 김규택이 편집을 맡았다. 1932년 5월부터 『혜성』을 『제일선』으로 바꾸고, 다시 입사한 채만식이 편집을 맡았다. 9월에는 최영주가 돌아와 『어린이』를 맡았고, 신영철은 『별건곤』을 편집하였다. 『제일선』은 1933년 3월호를 끝으로 더 이상 발행되지 못하였다. 1933년 6월호부터 최영주가 『신여성』, 윤석중이 『어린이』 편집을 맡았다. 이정호는 1933년 12월호부터 『별건곤』을 편집하였다. 개벽사의 잡지 발행은 1933년 하반기부터 점차 위축되고 사원들이 속속 퇴사하는 등 쇠퇴의 길을 걸었다. This paper examined the editors of the magazines published by Kaebyeoksa from 1931 to 1935(Eorini, Byeolgeongon, Sinyeoseong, Hyeseong, Jeilseon). Sinyeoseong was reissued in January 1931, and Hyeseong was first published in March. Sinyeoseong was edited by Bang Jeong-hwan, Choe Yeong-ju and Song Gye-wol. Yi Jeong-ho served a central role in creating Eorini , and the publications of Hyeseong and Byeolgeongon were initiated by Chae Man-sik. When Bang Jeong-hwan passed away in July 1931, the working situation in Kaebyeoksa was due several changes. Cha Sang-chan came to administer all the work at Kaebyeoksa in place of Bang Jeong-hwan, and took on the role of Sinyeoseong’s editor and publisher in addition to his initial responsibilities as the editor and publisher of Byeolgeongon and Hyeseong. Yi Jeong-ho became the publisher and editor for Eorini , and Sin Yeong-cheol became the chief editor. On the other hand, Choe Yeong-ju and Chae Man-sik left Kaebyeoksa. Amidst such changes, Yi Jeong-ho and Song Gye-wol took on editor positions of Sinyeoseong, Sin Yeong-cheol on Eoroni and Hyeseong and Byeolgeongon by Cha Sang-chan and Kim Gyu-taek. From May 1932, Hyeseong was renamed to Jeilseon and Chae Man-sik returned to the company to be its editor. In September 1932, Choe Yeong-ju returned and took charge of Eorini, and Sin Yeong-chol edited Byeolgeongon. Publication of Jeilseon terminated with the March 1933 issue. Starting with the June 1933 issue Choe Yeong-ju took charge of Sinyeoseong and Yun Seok-jung took charge of Eorini . Yi Jeong-ho edited Byeolgeongon from December 1933 issue. Magazine publications in Kaebyeoksa shrunk starting the second half of 1933, and the company treaded the road to its decline.

      • KCI우수등재
      • KCI등재

        北朝鮮天道敎靑友黨의 정치노선과 활동(1945~1948)

        정용서(Jeong Yong-Seo) 한국사연구회 2004 한국사연구 Vol.125 No.-

        During the period in which a new government was being formed in the immediate aftermath of the liberation of the country in August 1945, members of the Cheondogyo movement actively participated in the efforts to build an ideal state using the organizational experience they had gained during the Japanese colonial era. The North Korean Cheondogyo Youth Party, of about 300,000 members, actively participated in the establishment of the North Korean government and in the reform of the social structure. More to the point, this group acted as the right hand of the North Korean Workers Party and as a member of the National United Front for North Korean Democracy. This study delves into the North Korean Cheondogyo Youth Party's social class and their plans to build an ideal state. To examine this, this study will analyze the conflicts that eventually emerged between the North Korean Workers Party and the Soviet troops stationed in the North with the North Korean Cheondogyo Youth Party, despite of the originally existing cooperative relationship between them. The North Korean Cheondogyo Youth Party shared common ground with the North Korean Workers party in terms of their historical relationship, the social background of their members, and with regards to ideology. This cooperative relationship emerged during the process of the implementation of the social reforms that were being carried out in North Korea at that time. Although the leadership of the North Korean Cheondogyo Youth Party exhibited some petty-bourgeois characteristics, most of its members were from the agrarian class. In addition, they pursued a kind of neo-nationalism and neo-democracy that was closer to socialism than somewhere between capitalism and socialism. However, the North Korean Cheondogyo Youth Party did not always maintain a cooperative relationship with the North Korean Workers Party or with the Soviet troops stationed in the North. Differences of opinion over how the power structure of the North Korean government should be established eventually led to conflicts between these groups.

      • KCI등재

        해방 후 천도교청우당의 정치운동

        정용서(Jeong Yong-seo) 한국사연구회 2014 한국사연구 Vol.- No.165

        The Chundogyo group resumed activities under a new circumstances after liberation in August 1945. The organization of Chundogyo had restored Chundogyo Youth Party(Chundogyo Chungwoodang, 天道敎靑友黨) in each provinces and adopted a relevant justification for resuming political activities. The doctrine of Sungsinssangjun·Gyojungilchi(性身雙全·敎政一致’論), which used as a rationalizing logic for political participations, rose on the surface once again. Nevertheless, the leaders of Chundogyo rationalized the rights to intervention on politics by evaluating the status of 1945 liberation as only a partial independence and the full independence have not yet been achieved. In addition, Choi Rin(崔麟) was excommunicated from the organization in an attempt to renovate the image previously Chundogyo held. Moverover, the Chundogyo group reorganized into Chundogyo Youth Party in south and North Korean Chundogyo Youth Party (北朝鮮天道敎靑友黨) in north. In the beginning, the party in the South supported for Coalition Committee and the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission in an attempt to establish a unified interim government including North and South. The talks were convened by the U.S.-Soviet Joint Commission, however, the attempts were not effective and the Chundogyo group had no choice but to support a general election held in both north and south under the U.N"s surveillance. In fact, it caused the group to turn rightist and eventually it turned out to be a similar line of the supporters of separate states in the South. The Chundogyo group advocated the neo-nationalism on the base of cosmopolitanism and neo-democracy thought as at an early stage of the proletariat-peasant democratic politics after liberation. Choson style of Neo-Nationalism"(朝鮮的 新民主主義) by Chunwoodang, nevertheless, faced an inevitable consequences which incorporated and absorbed by the American course of capitalism and the Soviet course of socialism in the middle of conflict between the north and south as well as an ongoing process of the division.

      • KCI등재

        1920년대 천도교 신파의 ‘민족 자치’ 구상

        정용서(Jeong, Yong-Seo) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2012 동방학지 Vol.157 No.-

        이 논문은 1920년대 천도교 신파에서 전개한 자치운동을 천도교 종교논 리와 관련해 검토하였다. 천도교인의 대부분과 실질적으로 천도교단의 주도 권을 장악한 신파세력은 일제와 타협 협력하는 가운데 청년당을 통한 천도교 중심의 독자적인 활동을 중시하였 다. 그리고 이를 토대로 자치운동을 추진하였다. 천도교 신파세력이 1920년대 중반 이후 이러한 활동을 전개한 것은 그들의 민족 인식과 관련이 있다. 천도교 지도자들은 민족주의를 ‘利己主義의 大結晶’으로 보았으며, 민족과 민족을 대립케 하는 원인으로 파악하고 있었 다. 따라서 천도교세력은 기존의 민족 주의를 대신한 ‘汎人間的 民族主義’를 주장하였다. 따라서 당시의 제국주의 질서와 ‘민족국가’ 단위의 세계질서를 비판하면서 ‘世界一家主義’를 주장하 였다. 세계평화의 완성을 위해서는 민족주의를 넘어선 국제주의와 인류주의적 관점이 필요하다고 본 것이었다. 하지만 당장 이 관점에서 민족문제를 해결하자고 주장하지는 않았다. ‘世界一 家’를 완성하기 위해서는 각 민족이 세계에 통할만한 지식 도덕 사상 등을 지녀야 했기 때문에 민족의 생활정도와 문화를 향상 발전시키는 위한 民族 開闢이 우선 과제였다. 이러한 인식하에 ‘朝鮮民族 自治’가 합리화되었다. 조선민족이 당면한 현실을 무시하고 일본민족과 조선민족을 동일하게 취급할 수는 없었기 때문이었다. 즉 세계일 가라는 궁극적 목표가 전제되었지만그 단계적 발전과정과 당시 한국사회의 조건이 고려되면서 세계일가에 참여하기 위한 당면한 현실 목표로서 일본의 통치 아래에서의 ‘조선민족 자치’ 가 설정된 것이었다. 천도교 신파세력이 구상한 ‘조선민족 자치’의 구체적 실현 형태는 영국과 캐나다, 호주 등 영연방 국가들 간의 관계였다. ‘연방국가’는 ‘세계일가’, ‘世 界聯邦’으로 나가는 과도기였다. 천도교 신파세력은 이와 같은 방식을 통해 조선과 일본의 ‘분리’를 추구한 것이었 다. 따라서 ‘조선민족 자치’는 천도교 고유의 종교적 목표인 ‘세계일가’를 향해 가는 주체적 실천과정이었다. 그리고 이것은 세계보편을 지향하는 종교 논리와 민족본위가 국가를 전제로 하지 않는다는 정치논리가 상호 결합된 것이었다. The majority of Chundogyo (天道敎) followers and the new faction (新派), who held a substantial initiative over the Chundogyo church, stressed its own activities through the Youth party (靑年黨) and opted for cooperation and collaboration with Japanese Imperialism. The Self-governing Movement (自治運動) was promoted on the basis of its own beliefs. The new faction perceived that nationalism was the crystallization of egoism and a principal factor of conflicts between nations. Thus, the Chundogyo group asserted the idea of Pan-humankind Nationalism (汎人間的 民族主義) as an alternative form of nationalism. The Chundogyo group, therefore, asserted a concept of unity of all the states (世界一家主義). It also criticized the nation states throughout the world and an omnipresent imperial world order. The perspectives of universal humankind and cosmopolitanism were the necessary conditions in order to overcome nationalism and to achieve world peace. Dissemination of the common knowledge and ideas of morality throughout each national group considered the completion of Segyeilga (世界一家). Improving the nation s standard of living and more developed cultural aspects would only be achieved by implementing Minjokgaebyuk (民族開闢) as a priority. The leaders of the group adopted the perception of Minjokgaebyuk and Self-governing by the Choson Nation (朝鮮民族 自治). When the ultimate goal, Segyeilga, determined as the premise, was considered a precondition of Korean society and the belief in a phased developmental course at that time, it was a feasible alternative action under Japanese occupation. The conception of Self-governing by the Choson Nation (朝鮮民族 自治) was mapped out according to the British Commonwealth model, which included Great Britain, Canada, and Australia. The Commonwealth was regarded a transitional period to achieve Segyeilga and Minjokgaebyuk as a final stage. It was an attempt by the new faction to separate Choson and Japan. Self-government by the Choson Nation was a process of independent practice in order to fulfill the inherent religious purpose of Segyeilga. In addition, the concept was the combination of religious reasoning on the base of the orientation of cosmopolitan universalism and a part of political beliefs that the existence of state was not a precondition of the nation.

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