Understanding Taiwanese Adolescents’ English Learning Selves through Parental Expectations

Hung–Tzu Huang 아시아영어교육학회 2017 The Journal of Asia TEFL Vol.14 No.2

This paper explores the interplay of Taiwanese adolescent English learners’ motivational selves and their parents’ expectations, with a special focus the identified perceptions of both teenage leaners and their parents towards English learning as a duty and obligation. Using the L2 Motivational Self System (L2MSS, Dörnyei, 2009), the qualitative study foregrounds the cultural and relational aspects of the self system in understanding language learning motivation. Results from semi-structured interviews suggest that parental expectations of children’s English learning exhibit a duality characterized by the hope that their children will become successful members of the globalized world and a belief that English learning is a basic responsibility for their children. Adolescent language learners’ and their parents’ actual selves, including their identification with societal roles and social obligations, mediate between parents’ investments in their children’s English education and teenage learners’ perceived obligations to meet parental expectations. The paper concludes by suggesting further research on parental expectations and the development of global selves, and on the synergized effect of language learners’ actual selves and future self-guides in motivating language learning.

EEG signal to Image Transformation for Emotion Recognition

Hung,Aran Oh(오아란),Soo-Hyung Kim(김수형) 한국정보과학회 2021 한국정보과학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2021 No.6

Unraveling the energetics of core-shell and alloy nanoclusters using machine learned moment tensor potentials

( Hung ),이상욱 한국공업화학회 2023 한국공업화학회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.2023 No.0

CHO, Hung-guk

조흥국 漢陽大學校 民族學硏究所 1993 民族과文化 Vol.1 No.-

이 논문은 17세기 후반 남중국해에서의 태국의 중국 및 일본과의 무역관계를 그 주제로 삼는다. 여기서 17세기 후반을 연구대상으로 둔 것은 이 시기의 3국 무역관계에 대해 여러 일차문헌들, 특히 유럽문헌들로부터의 정보가 있기 때문이다. 그러나 17세기 후반의 태국의 대 중국·일본 무역형태는 다른 시대들에도 적용될 수 있는 것으로서 위치 연구를 통해 3국간의 무역에 관한 일반적인 모습이 획득될 수 있다고 여겨진다. 17세기 태국·중국·일본간의 무역관계는 종종 3각무역(三角貿易)이란 개념으로 이해된다. 즉, 한 태국상선이 중국으로의 항해 중 일본을 방문하거나, 일본을 목적지로 삼은 배가 우선 한 중국의 항구에 들려 무역을 했다. 혹은 거꾸로, 한 중국 항구를 출발한 정크선이 나가사끼를 거쳐 당시 태국의 수도인 아유타야(Ayutthaya)로 갔거나, 혹은 아유타야를 경유하여 나가사끼로 항해하기도 했다. 위의 3국간의 무역관계는 본 논문에서 주로 태국의, 특히 태국정부의 입장에서 고찰된다. 그 이유는 중국측의 경우 그 정부차원의 대 태국 및 일본 무역에 대한 관심이 분명히 파악되지 않으며, 일본의 경우는 심지어 당시 대 중국 및 태국 무역을 자체적으로 행하지 않았고 태국의 대 일본무역을 오직 비공식적으로 허락하고 있었기 때문이다. 그 반면, 위의 3각무역에서 타이정부가 대 중국·일본 무역을 얼마나 중시하고 열성적으로 추진했던가가 뚜렷이 나타난다. 본 논문은 두 부분으로 나뉘어, 해국의 중국 및 일본과의 무역관계가 독립적으로 논의된다. 이러한 개별적인 연구를 통해 당시 타이정부가 이들 두 동아시아 국가들과의 무역에 대해 갖고 있던 자세를 더욱 분명하게 이해할 수 있다고 여겨진다.

「벨트라피오의 저자」에 나타난 삶과 예술

조흥근 ( Hung Kuhn Cho ) 21세기영어영문학회 2004 영어영문학21 Vol.17 No.2

Life and Art in “The Author of Beltraffio” Cho, Hung-Kuhn(Sunchon National University) An attempt is made in this paper to analyse Henry James's critique of aestheticism in “The Author of Beltraffio”(1884) in relation to his “The Art of Fiction”(1884) published two months later in the same year. Both works have been misunderstood by some critics as the writings supporting the theory of aestheticism. But James had a determined attitude against aestheticism almost throughout his life. Although James was influenced in his search for form and style by his contemporary French realists as is shown in “The Art of Fiction” and “The Author of Beltraffio,” he criticised them for their lack of serious interest in life itself. Of course it cannot be denied that James shows in these writings a certain extent of sympathy with their arduous endeavours to achieve the art of novel, but his sympathy is at an end at this very point. Mark Ambient in “The Author of Beltraffio” has been misunderstood by many critics as an aesthete, but he is evidenced as a genuine Jamesian artist in this paper. An obsessive aestheticism can be found in the narrator of this work because art precedes life in his ‘art for art' point of view. He shows almost always a Wildean attitude to life and art that can be expressed as a sentence “Life imitates art.” His cold aesthetic stance unintentionally causes the horrible death of an innocent child Dolcino. His cold world of aestheticism lacks genuine feelings and sympathy for other people, and thus destroys life itself. This is the core of the Jamesian critique of aestheticism in his writings on French realists.

宗敎的 眞理의 哲學的 批判

소흥렬 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1994 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.64 No.1

Truth in religion is to be accepted by faith. Acceptance of truth by faith is almost a requirement. It is a forced option. But this kind of truth by faith raises some philosophical problems. Philosophy may ask about the nature of truth in religion. It may also ask about the epistemic nature of belief that is the foundation of religious commitment. Religion by itself does not raise epistemic questions regarding the faith. The question of belief in religion is not like the epistemic question raised in philosophy. Religious faith is required for the salvation of soul. Salvation is the objective. Faith is the initial condition. You believe in order to know the truth, the knowing the truth will lead you to salvation, that is the freedom of your soul. This is a kind of consequentialism, a sort of pragmatism. Philosophy, however, cannot settle with this kind of pragmatic truth. Whereas religion asks us to accept by faith its ontological presupposition, philosophy raises ontological issues regarding the very presuppositions. The ontological issue that seems important for us to raise with regard to the dominant religious of our society and history is the problem of historicism and naturalism, Buddhism and Taoism, as well as Confucianism, are naturalistic, while Christianity represents transcendentalism and historicism. Naturalism of course is a type of immanentism. And naturalism of Buddhism and Taoism is understood to be ahistorical, that is to say, without an idea of history. Philosophically speaking, that is a problem situation. It is a state of ontological conflict or contradiction which demands a philosophical endeavor for a synthesis of the contradictories or contraries. It is not an attempt to unify the religions, which is an impossible task because of the different cultural settings that those religions carry with them. But the ontological presuppositions of these religions could be reexamined and synthesized, if possible. And such an ontological synthesis is important for the cultural identity of our time and society, and for the role of religion to enhance this cultural objective.

哲學的 마음

蘇興烈 이화여자대학교 철학과 1978 마음 : 哲學論集 Vol.- No.1

개인정보감독기구에 관한 연구 : 공공기관을 중심으로

이흥용, 정한기 건국대학교 사회정책연구소 2011 사회과학연구 Vol.25 No.-

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내부장벽을 갖는 열간 환압축에 관한 연구

오흥국,남궁인 亞洲大學校 1983 論文集 Vol.6 No.-

This study is concerned with hot forging of sintered porous metal ring with inner barrier. It is analyzed by Upper Bound approach for finding the normalized forging pressure at various relative densities and shape factors of the test specimens. Experiments are carried out for sintered porous ring, which were compacted with the powders Fe95 + Cu5, Fe90 + Cu10 and Fe47.5 + Cast iron cutting chip powder 47.5 + Cu5. The specimens are heated in the furnace at 1100℃ and then forged in the preheated die at 200℃. The experimental and the analytical results are compared. Possible explanations for the observed effects are discussed.

근대 이전 한국과 동남아시아간 접촉에 대한 역사적 고찰

조흥국 서울대학교 국제지역원 1999 국제지역연구 Vol.8 No.1

근대 이전 한국과 동남아간의 역사적 관계는 우르수 비테를리가 말하는 문화관계로 발전치 못하고 문화접촉의 차원에 머물렀다. 본 연구는 한국과 동남아간의 접촉이 오늘날 갈수록 다변화되고 증대되는 상황에서 양 지역간의 역사적인 문화적 교류를 조사하는 것이 필요하다는 인식에서 행해진 것이다. 본고는 무엇보다도 사료의 제한성으로 6세기 백제-동남아간 교류 가능성과 14세기 말-17세기 한국과 태국, 자바 및 베트남간의 접축들을 연구대상에 두었다. 주로 『日本書紀』를 바탕으로 분석된 백제-동남아 관계는 충분한 전거가 뒷받침되지 않은 추측의 차원에 머물러 있다. 이에 비해 14세기 말-17세기 한국과 태국, 자바 및 베트남간의 접촉들은 『高歷史』, 『朝鮮王朝實錄』, 『明史』, 李 光의 『芝峰集』,鄭東愈의 『書氷編』등 여러 사료들의 구체적인 기록들을 바탕으로 재구성된 것이다. 사료에 대한 비판적 태도를 근저에 두는 문헌학적 방법론에 입각한 본 연구는 『高歷史』와 『朝鮮王朝實錄』에 나타나 있는 14세기 말-15세기 초 한국과 태국 및 자바간의 관계를 사료의 기록을 그대로 받아들여 어떤 외교적 관계의 발전으로 해석하지 않고, 태국 및 중국의 다양한 사료들과의 비교를 통해 당시 태국과 자바를 근거지로 남중국해와 동중국해에서 활동하던 중국상인들의 무역이 한반도까지 확대된 것으로 본다. 한편 위의 접촉들이 그후 지속적인 무역관계나, 나아가서는 외교적 관계로 발전하지 못한 것은 당시 왜구들의 위험성과 무역적 수익성에 대한 기대의 결여라는 두 가지 요인에 기인시킨다. 주로 『朝鮮王朝實錄』의 기록을 바탕으로 조사한 16세기 말 임진왜란시 태국의 출병 의도는 남중국해 및 동중국해에서의 무역적 이해관계가 관련하여 해석되었다. 끝으로 17세기 조선-베트남 접촉들은 당시 두 나라가 각각 얼마나 "세계화"되어 있었는지를 보여준다. Compared with the commercial and diplomatic relations between China and Southeast Asia, or Japan and southeast Asia on which much has been written, historical contacts between Korea and Southeast Asia have attracter little attention of historians. It is thus found necessary to view early interaction between Korea and Southeast Asia in its own light, particularly now that contacts between Korea and Southeast Asian countries have recently diversified and greatly increased. This study has been focused on the possibility of commercial interaction between the kingdom of Baekje and Southeast Asian in the sixth century and historical contacts between Korea, Thailand, Java and Vietnam from the end of the fourteenth to the seventeenth century. The reason for these temporal and thematic limitations is mostly related to the problem of availability of relevant primary sources. Relations between the kingdom of Baekje and Southeast Asian, which are analysed mainly on the basis of some records in the Japanese Nihon Shoki, remain an assumption not supported by sufficient historical documentation. Historical contacts between Korea, Thailand, Java and Vietnam from the end of the fourteenth to the seventeenth century are, on the contrary, reconstructed on the basis of concrete records from various sources such as Koryosa, Choson wangio shillok, Ming shi, Chibong jip of Yi Su-kwang, and Chuyoun phyon of Chong Tong-yu. This study, which atempts to subject the relevant historical sources to a philological analysis, does not interpret contacts between Korea, thailand and Java from the end of the fourteenth to the betinning of the fifteenth century (recorded in the Koryosa and the Choson wangio shillok) as having developed into diplomatic relations. Rather, it examines the possibility of the "envoys, " who came to Koryo and Chosun from the end of the fourteenth to the beginning of the fifteenthe century, having been not diplomatic delegates dispatched by the Thai court and the Java court but Ayutthaya - and Java -based overseas Chinese merchants who passed themselves as such, and the possibility of the party of envoys sent to Thailand by the Chosun government having not been given audience by the Thai court. Two reasons are suggested to explain why the contacts did not develop into a long-lasting commercial or diplomatic relations. Firstly, there was the danger of Japanese pirates on the sea route from Nanyang to Korea. Secondly, Chinese merchants may not have found any profitability in a trade venture to Korea. This study also analyzes the suggestion of the Ayutthaya government to the Ming court that the Thai should attack from behind with naval forces the Japanese, who invaded Chosun and threatened Chinal in the late sixteenth century, and attributes it to the commercial interest of Thailand in the South China Sea and the East China Sea. Finally, contacts between Korea and Vietnam during the seventeenth centruy are examined. In particular, it compares the stories of the Vietnamese merchants who were deprived of their cargoes and killed by Chosun officials after they had drifted to Cheju Island in the early seventeenth century with those of over 20 people from Cheju Island who came back to their home through the courtesy of the vietnamese after they had drifted to Vietnam because of a storm.