유구역루(維鳩驛樓)와 간신거국도(諫臣去國圖)

허경진,Hur, Kyung-Jin 목원대학교 인문과학연구소 2000 어문학연구 Vol.9 No.1

윤치호 『우순소리(笑話)』의 성격과 의의

허경진(Hur Kyung-jin),임미정(Lim Mi-jung) 한국어문학회 2009 語文學 Vol.0 No.105

The details of the book『Usunsori(笑話)』has not been confirmed yet, after it was listed on banned books list by Japanese imperialism. Fortunately, there is a reprint of『Usunsori』, which was published by Daehan Seorim(大韓書林), produced by Kim Ulhan in 1908 when he wrote『Juaong Yun Chiho Jeon(Yun Chiho's biography)』, so the characteristics of the book can be examined on the basis of this reprint. 『Usunsori』was the book that was adapted from Aesop’s Fables, which covers the precaution against the foreign invasion and the incompetency and corruption of the ruling force in 1900s indirectly. There are 71 stories for the whole book, and each chapter is organized in order of〈title―story―Yun’s comment〉. These stories can be divided into three groups, according to the degree of modification : ⑴let an original story untouched ; just contract and translate, ⑵change unfamiliar names and concepts of places, animals, and gods like Zeus for Korean leader, modify an original story to a great extent ; nearly remake. Consequently, it can be said that『Usunsori』is the product of ‘rewriting’ Aesop’s Fables, which was modified by the editor’s intent and got an enriched feature of allegory and satire, rather than it is a mere literal translation. Yun Chiho delivered his ideas by selecting proper stories that could be applied to criticize the problems caused by foreign aggression and the helpless government and unawakened people. About the time when『Usunsori』was issued, various versions of Aesop’s Fables were produced and gained popularity as teaching material in Japan and China. In Japan, new versions which was combined with traditional Japanese stories or modified in consideration of their own culture were made. Combination of Aesop’s Fables and Chinese Woo-un(寓言, an allegory) brought out a new version, also in China.『Haekuk Myo-you(海國妙喩, An exquisite allegory outside of the country)』, out of many published versions, changed the original text so much that it was labeled as ‘Chinese Aesop’s Fables’. It seems that Yun Chiho recognized this tendency of Japan and China. At that time, educators and students studying abroad who led an enlightenment campaign paid attention to the educational value of Aesop’s Fables and made the various versions of the book. Yun Chiho’s『Usunsori』 is the book that was published under these circumstances.

방울토마토(Lycopersicon esculentum Mill.) 생산단계에서 Fluopicolide 및 Metrafenone의 잔류허용기준 설정

허경진 ( Kyung Jin Hur ),우민지 ( Min Ji Woo ),김지윤 ( Ji Yoon Kim ),( Manoharan Saravanan ),권찬혁 ( Chan Hyeok Kwon ),손영욱 ( Yong Wook Son ),허장현 ( Jang Hyun Hur ) 한국환경농학회 2015 한국환경농학회지 Vol.34 No.4

BACKGROUND: The present investigation was aimed to predict the pre-harvest residue limits (PHRLs) of the fluopicolide and metrafenone on cherry tomato and to estimate their half-life and characteristics of the residues.METHODS AND RESULTS: Pesticides were treated once on cherry tomato in field 1 and 2 under the standard application rate. The samples were collected 7 times at the end of 0(2 hours after pesticides spaying), 1, 2, 3, 5, 7 and 10 days before harvest. Residues of fluopicolide and metrafenone were analyzed by the LC-MS/MS. In this study, the method limit of quantification (MLOQ) for both fluopicolide and metrafenone in cherry tomato was found to be 0.005 mg kg-1. Their recovery levels were 92.7∼94.8% and 82.6∼88.0%, shown with coefficient of variation of less than 10%. Half-life of fluopicolide and metrafenone in field 1 and 2 were found to be 15.0 days and 12.8 days, 18.9 days and 21.5 days, respectively.CONCLUSION: Based on the results, this study shows the level of PHRL on cherry tomato is 0.27 mg/kg for fluopicolide and 2.29 mg/kg for metrafenone at 10 days before harvesting. The present study indicates the residues of both pesticides on cherry tomato will be below maximum residue limit (MRL) at harvest.

조선 의원의 일본 사행과 의학필담집의 출판 양상

허경진(HUR Kyung Jin) 大韓醫史學會 2010 醫史學 Vol.19 No.1

Of the more than two hundred collections of pildamchanghwa scattered around the world that are being catalogued and translated, more than forty are medical in nature. This paper organizes and charts the medical written conversations by their dates of publication and examine the various aspects of their publication. Medical written conversations have been collected since the Fourth Envoy. There are no records of medical written conversations or poetry exchange in Tsushima even though that was the first port of arrival for the Tongsinsa. Instead, sources show that written conversations and poetry exchanges mostly took place in Kyoto, Tokyo, and Osaka; indeed, these three cities, in that order, also have yielded the highest volumes of publication. The first commercially published collection of medical written conversations was Sanghaneuidam, published in 1713 following the Eighth Envoy. Though Gyerimchanghwajip was published two years earlier in 1711, it is clear from the usage of the word changhwa in the title that this collection was not strictly limited to medical written conversations. Sanghaneuidam was an attempt by Japanese medicine to collect questions and answers in order to publish as medical textbooks. The Japanese medicine that was involved in the most written conversations was Kawamura Shunko, who was the editor of Sanghaneuimundap and Joseonpildam following the Tenth Envoy. Publications with titles containing ‘eui’ explicitly contemplates the targeted readership. Kitao Shunpo(北尾春圃) was one Japanese medicine who was less interested in meeting a literary scrivener, but instead sought to converse with a respected medicine. When the Eighth Envoy of 1711 arrived in Ogaki(大垣), Kitao followed around the Joseon medicines and attempted written conversations. He enlisted the aid of his second son Shunrin(春倫) in organizing the written conversations, and published the collection, complete with preface, postscript, and appendices―an editorial decision that fully contemplated his audience. Prior to meeting Gi Du-mun (奇斗文), Kitao meticulously planned out the order of questions―that is, the table of contents for Sanghaneuidam. Kitao drafted his questions to serve the purpose of a medical textbook, edited the contents of the written conversations, and added illustrations before presenting the collection to the public. Seomulyuchan, one of the most famous leishu in Japan, contains a preface by Lee Hyeon, a scrivener of Joseon. Kitao, who had studied Dongeuibogam, had already possessed a vast and systematic knowledge of materia medica; however, he sought Lee’s contributions, hoping that a preface written by a renowned Joseon scholar would lend his publication more credibility. As such, it can be inferred that the preface to Seomulyuchan was created as an extension of the medical written conversations.

『장문계갑문사(長門癸甲問槎)』를 통해 본 한일 문사의 사상적 차이

허경진(Hur Kyung-Jin),박순(Park Soon) 대한일어일문학회 2009 일어일문학 Vol.44 No.-

『실학연구지자(實學硏究之資)』의 자료적 가치

허경진(Kyung Jin Hur) 연세대학교 국학연구원 2007 동방학지 Vol.137 No.-

애스턴(Aston)의 조선어 학습서 『Corean Tales』의 성격과 특성

허경진 ( Kyung Jin Hur ),유춘동 ( Choon Dong Yoo ) 연세대학교 인문학연구원 2013 人文科學 Vol.98 No.-

This study is going to deal with 『Corean Tales』 which Russian Saint Petersburg`s research institute of Oriental Studies possesses presently. Due to the difficulty of access to the book, people just presumed the contents of it only with the title of it up to recently and said it would be one of the ``tale collections`` gathered and published by many foreigners during the period of Korean Empire. However, this book was not a tale collection gathered for some simple purpose but a story book made by a person named Kim Jaeguk who was Aston`s Chosun language teacher for his learning of Chosun language. Kim Jaeguk, Aston`s Chosun language teacher, not only made 『Corean Tales』 but also transcribed Chosun language study books made in Japan such as 『pyomindaehwa』 and 『gyorinsuji』 or Chosun language word-vocabulary collections including 『Ieon』 even before 『Corean Tales』 and gave them to Aston. And this book was made lastly. According to the memos written by Aston, Kim Jaeguk said that he would understand the fables like 『Reineke Fuchs』 very well which he had heard from a French missionary. Thus, the stories included in 『Corean Tales』 dealt with interesting as well as instructive contents by which Kim Jaeguk was inspired among the Western fables, and some of the old stories of Chosun were also added to them and embellished. To help Aston`s better understanding, he also added Chinese characters, and when pure Korean words were used, he put in the footnotes or synonyms for them. The original script for this book has not been verified yet up until now; however, considering the fact that most of the novels Aston owned then were rental books, we can assume that he must have used the rental books to make it. From the present perspective, he can be said to be ``the originator of Koreanology``. Therefore, Aston`s traces and the materials he collected can help us understand the actual status of Chosun literature as well as Chosun language from the late 19th century till the early 20th century. And it is highly significant in that it gives us many implications about how foreigners like Courant, Gale, or Allen did achieve the research results regarding Chosun language or Chosun literature or how they could made ``the books about Koreanology`` or ``tale collections``. This article is going to introduce and examine the contents of 『Corean Tales』 as the introductory discussion for it and also deal with many implications related with it.

수신사를 통해 본 개화기 한시의 위상 : 제1 · 2차 수신사의 창수시를 중심으로

허경진(Hur,Kyung-Jin),조영심(Cho,Young-Sim) 동북아시아문화학회 2011 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.28

This journal aims to examine the status of Chinese poems in the age of enlightenment through the exchanged poems which were written by the first and second Sushinsa. The first Sushinsa intended to recover the relationship between Chosun and Japan and they also intended to explore the condition of Japan. Compared to the first Sushinsa, the second Sushinsa were more concerned to solve the diplomatic issues between Chosun and Japan. Therefore, Kim Gi-soo and Kim Hong-jip who were the leader of each Sushinsa had different attitudes to the duty of Sushinsa. The Japanese people whom Sushinsa met were different from the past times. The Japanese people whom Sushinsa met were government officials or noblemen who had no more political power or other kinds of common people. Sushinsa exchanged and shared some ideas with Japanese(who were mentioned above) by writing Chinese poems. Compared to Chosen Tongshinsa(朝鮮通信使) of the past, Sushinsa had a different purpose to visit Japan. Also, Sushinsa did not have enough time to exchange Chinese poems because they could take the better transportation than the past. Moreover, Japan did no longer consider that Sushinsa had a role for the cultural exchange like before. The tendency(the purpose of cultural exchange between Chosen and Japan had been shifted to the diplomatic level from the cultural level) were continued after the age of Kim Gi-soo and Kim Hong-jip. These kinds of condition led to descend the status of Chinese poems gradually.

농산물 중 잔류농약 시험법의 매질보정 검량법의 대표시료 탐색 연구

허장현 ( Jang-hyun Hur ),조영주 ( Yeong-ju Jo ),최정윤 ( Jeong-yoon Choi ),함헌주 ( Hun-ju Ham ),최재웅 ( Jae-woong Choi ),허경진 ( Kyung-jin Hur ) 한국환경농학회 2022 한국환경농학회 학술대회집 Vol.2022 No.-

최근 간편하고 신속한 QuEChERS 추출법과 질량분석기를 이용하는 분석법이 보편화됨에 따라 잔류농약 분석 시 비의도적 간섭물질로 인해 유발되는 농산물의 매질효과(matrix effect)에 관한 관심이 증가하고 있다. 매질효과(matrix effect)는 주로 질량분석기로 분석하는 과정에서 시그널 억제(suppression) 또는 시그널 증가(enhancement)와 같은 현상으로 나타난다. 이러한 현상은 매질별로 상이하게 나타나고 분석성분의 감도 변화에도 큰 영향을 미쳐 정량분석 업무에 어려움을 준다. 일선 분석 현장에서는 시료별 매질효과(matrix effect)를 최소화하고자 동일한 시료를 활용하는 매질보정(matrix matched) 방법을 활용하고 있으나 모든 농산물 시료마다 모든 바탕시료(matched matrix)를 준비하기에는 한계가 있다. 본 연구는 다소비 농산물을 선정하여 식약처 ‘다성분 시험법-제2법’ 분석 시 매질효과 특성을 살펴보고 이를 바탕으로 대표매질 선정을 위한 탐색 가능성을 모색하기 위하여 도출되었다. 우선 식물성 원료 7종 중 곡류(6품목), 서류(3품목), 두류(4품목), 견과 종실류(5품목), 과일류(11품목), 채소류(17품목), 버섯류(4품목)의 다소비 식품 50품목을 선정하여 현행 분석법으로 정량 가능한 460여 종 다성분 잔류농약에 대한 농산물별 매질효과를 산출하였다. 분석대상 농산물은 시중에서 구매한 후 사전 실험을 통해 식약처 ‘다성분 시험법-제2법’ 분석에서 잔류농약이 검출되지 않는 농산물을 사용하였다. 매질효과 평가를 위한 실험은 잔류농약 510종 중 정량 가능한 460여 종을 LC와 GC-MS/MS를 사용하여 정량하여 용매표준용액의 검량선과 매질표준 용액의 검량선을 비교하여 매질효과(%)를 산출하였다. 산출된 matrix effect 범위는 soft (≤±20%), medium (±20%< ME≤±50%), strong ( >±50%) range로 구분하였으며, soft range는 정량성을 확보할 수 있는 국제적 기준으로 판단하였다. 현재까지 결과는 LC-MS/MS 분석은 45품목, GC-MS/MS 분석은 32품목이 완료되어 일부 시료에 대한 매질효과를 평가하였다. 평가 결과 매질효과(%)는 ±20% 이내 soft range 매질효과를 보이는 성분 수가 LC-MS/MS는 245성분 중 곡류, 서류, 두류, 견과종실류, 버섯류에서 204∼245성분(83.3∼100.0%), 과일류와 채소류는 115∼241성분(46.9∼98.4%)이었다. GC-MS/MS는 261성분 중 곡류, 서류, 두류, 견과종실류, 버섯류에서 211∼247성분(80.8∼94.6%), 과일류와 채소류는 192∼238성분(73.6∼91.2%)이었다. 특히 과일류와 채소류 농산물 중 LC-MS/MS 분석에서 딸기, 마늘, 양파, GC-MS/MS 분석에서 커피원두, 수박, 배추, 시금치, 마늘에서 상대적으로 높은 수준의 매질효과가 관찰되었다. 본 연구 결과를 바탕으로 그룹별, 성분별 매질효과를 상호 비교하여, 향후 대체 또는 대표매질 선정 가능성을 평가하고자 한다.

소면적 재배작물 산마늘(Allium ochotense Prokh.) 중 살균제 Tebuconazole 및 Fludioxonil의 잔류특성

우민지(Woo Min-Ji),허경진(Kyung-Jin Hur),김지윤(Ji-Yoon Kim),Manoharan Saravanan,김세원(Se-Weon Kim),허장현(Jang-Hyeon Hur) 한국농약과학회 2015 농약과학회지 Vol.19 No.4