아시아-태평양전쟁기 식민지 조선의 건강담론과 노동통제

이병례 한국사연구회 2019 한국사연구 Vol.- No.185

This study deals with the intentions and the executions of health campaigns and their influence on the labor culture during the Asia-Pacific wartime. The Japanese Empire developed a health movement to secure military power and labor force to mobilize in the war as a device to wage it. During wartime, the health movement focuses on preventive measures against epidemics rather than prevention. Workers' health care was closely linked with the labor structure in the wartime and was used as part of labor management. The labor structure during wartime is characterized by collective forced mobilization and group living. Group residence and severe labor intensity of mobilized workers were the factor the workers were more exposed to disease. Physical training was periodically performed in the workplace under the pretext of health promotion, but it was instead a training to thoroughly consistent control the workers living in group and make them obey the orders and was a part of making body functions needed for the work. Clean campaigns for disease prevention were also used as part of labor control. During the war, Health discourse is characterized by the fact that individual body is fully placed under the control of state power. Preserving a healthy body is considered as a duty to the nation. Diseases, especially epidemics, have been associated to war situations and, as a result of public health, have become the basis reason for state power to control the individual's body at any time. Worker health control is not only a control of the workplace and everyday life, but also the control of sexuality. In order to prevent the resistance of the mobilized workers and to maintain the productivity improvement, the Japanese empire and the capital side helped to promote the "sex trade" by 'corporate brothels'. 이 연구는 아시아-태평양전쟁기 노동 현장에서 이루어진 건강 캠페인의 의도와 실행, 노동문화에 끼친 영향을 다루었다. 일본 제국은 ‘총력전’ 체제를 구축하는 가운데 전쟁을 환기시키기 위한 프로파간다의 차원에서 그리고 실질적으로 전쟁에 동원할 건강한 병력과 노동력을 확보하기 위해 건강운동을 전개하였다. 건강운동은 ‘체위향상’ 캠페인으로 표출되었으며 이는 체력과 체격, 질병관리가 모두 포함된 개념이다. 체위향상은 질병이 발생한 후 사후조치에 해당하는 방역 보다는 질병에 걸리지 않도록 예방하는 것에 초점이 두어져 있다. 노동현장에서 실시되는 제반 건강운동은 전시 노동구조와 긴밀히 연관되었다. 전시 노동력 수급은 상당 부분 집단 강제동원과 단체 합숙생활로 이루어진다는 특징이 있다. 동원 노동자의 집단거주와 혹독한 노동강도는 노동자들이 질병에 더 많이 노출되는 요인으로 노동자의 건강을 위협하였다. 전시 노동구조의 특수성은 건강담론이 노무관리의 주요 기제로 활용되는 기반이었다. 노동현장에서 매일 주기적으로 실시되는 체련은 건강증진 명목으로 실시되지만, 집단 생활을 하는 노동자를 일사분란하게 통제하고 복종을 이끌어내는 훈련이면서 작업에 필요한 신체 만들기의 일환이다. 이러한 체련행사는 탈식민 시기 노동문화의 일부를 형성하였다. 전시 건강문제는 작업장과 일상생활의 통제 뿐만 아니라 성욕의 관리와 통제까지 이어진다. 동원 노동자의 저항을 막고 생산성 향상을 유지하기 위해 운영된 ‘기업위안소’는 일본제국과 기업이 고안한 장치로 ‘성매매’의 일상화를 유도 방조하고 있다는 측면에서 제국과 전쟁의 폭력성을 드러낸다.

1930, 40년대 대중잡지에 나타난 의학상식 : 『家庭之友』 · 『半島の光』을 중심으로

이병례 역사학연구소 2018 역사연구 Vol.- No.35

This study examined the distribution process of medical knowledge centered onthe magazine Gajeongjiu. Gajeongjiu is a government sources magazine and apopular magazine for rural women. The medical common sense published in thismagazine shows a fragment of medical common sense spreaded to rural women inthe late 1930s. In reviewing the medical common sense published in Gajeongjiu, twocharacteristic facts were approached. First, though Gajeongjiu is promoting a women magazine, this magazine isindifferent to women own disease and health. The medical common sense inGajeongjiu was faithfully to respond to the discourse of the ‘Women in the rearground’. The focus was on the role as a housewife to raise the soldiers and workersrather than the women themselves, to manage hygiene and health of the family. Inthe contemporary magazine New Home or Woman, a medical common sensebecame an opportunity to evoke a woman's own body. But, the body of the womanwas forgotten during the war, and only public common sense that supported ‘thewar and the nation’ was distributed. Second, the medical knowledge had been faithfully to respond to the dominantideology of colonial power. The medical knowledge shown in Gajeongjiu is usedas a channel to faithfully convey the intention and value of the colonial power. Themedical knowledge is used not only to describe or treat illness and disease, but alsoto regenerate and reinforce existing social structures and social values. In theGajeongjiu, it mainly served social diseases such as infectious diseases rather thanindividual diseases, and it faithfully served to maintain and preserve the ‘nation’. Inparticular, it served as a role of promoting the war mobilization system by projectingthe war discourse to medical knowledge. In this process, some medical intellectualsembodied the ideology of colonial power, especially the discourse of the ‘Great EastWar’, and projected it into their medical knowledge. 이 연구는 잡지 『가정지우』를 중심으로 의학지식의 유통과정을 살펴보았다. 『가정지우』는 농촌여성을 대상으로 한 관변잡지이면서 대중지이다. 이 잡지 속에 게재된 의학상식은 1930년대 말 농촌여성에게 전파된 의학상식의 일단을 보여준다. 『가정지우』에 게재된 의학상식을 검토한 결과 두 가지 특징적인 사실에 접근하였다. 첫째는 『가정지우』가 여성지를 표방했음에도 불구하고 여성 자신의 질병, 건강에대해서는 무관심하다는 점이다. 『가정지우』에 실린 의학상식은 ‘총후부인’ 담론에충실히 부응하는 것이었다. 여성 자신보다는 장병과 노동자를 길러낼 주부로써 가정의 위생과 건강을 관리하는 역할에 초점이 두어졌다. 동시대 잡지인 『신가정』이나 『여성』에서 의학상식은 여성 자신의 신체를 환기시키는 계기가 되었다. 그러나 전시에 여성의 신체는 잊혀졌고 ‘전쟁과 국가’를 지탱하는 공적인 상식만이 유통되었다. 둘째는 의학지식이 식민권력의 지배 이데올로기에 충실히 부응해갔다는 점이다. 『가정지우』에 나타난 의학지식은 식민권력의 의도와 가치를 충실히 전달하는 통로로 활용되고 있다. 의학지식은 질환과 질병을 단순히 기술하거나 치료하는 것만이아니고, 현존하는 사회구조와 사회적 가치를 재생, 강화하는데 이용된다. 『가정지우』에서는 개인 질병 보다는 전염병 등 사회적 질병을 주로 다룸으로써 ‘국가’를 유지보존하는 것에 충실히 복무하였고 특히 전쟁 담론을 의학지식에 투영하여 전쟁 동원체제를 선전하는 역할로 기능했다. 이러한 과정에서 일부 의학지식인들은 식민권력의 이데올로기, 특히 ‘대동아전쟁’의 담론을 스스로 체화하고 자신들의 의학지식속에 투영하였다.

1920~1930년대 경성 노동숙박소의 장소성과 운영실태

이병례 서울역사편찬원 2014 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.88

This study is focusing on the installation process of labor accommodations and laborers' experience of a place in the Japanese colonial period. Imperial Japan established various social works to suppress anti-Japanese movements such as the March First Independence Movement which were expressed in 1920's. The basic direction was from a poor relief as an ex post facto arrangement to a poverty-prevention policy as an advanced prevention level. Because laborers' houses of refuge were very formal, the poverty-prevention policy was nominal. Two labor accommodations were installed in Gyeongseong. The geographic space of installed accommodations existed as a public ostentation and a national division at the same time. Office-run accommodations were promoted in the reorganization process of urban space in Gyeongseong. Imperial Japan tried to appear in public interest and legitimacy of rule by establishing a public facility while it reorganized the space structure of Gyeongseong. But labor accommodations of Hwagwanggyowon(和光敎院) were completely intended for Korean, and had a strong ideological purpose such as a labor protection and the reformation of colonial Korean people. Most of labor accommodations users were day laborers who worked in the irregular labor. Their experience of a place were connected to the rhythm of modern society which had to make a survival condition such as the living space during one day by repetitive and continuous labor. Also labor accommodations were the space which day laborers shared daily problems, recognized and experienced social problems. 이 연구는 식민지시기 노동숙박소의 설치 과정과 노동자들의 장소경험을 탐구하였다. 일제는 1920년대 3.1운동으로 표출된 반일운동을 무마하고자 여러 사회사업을 실시했다. 기본 방향은 사후적 조치인 구빈에서 사전 예방 차원의 방빈정책이었다. 그러나 노동자 보호시설은 매우 형식적인 것에 불과하여 방빈정책은 유명무실한 것이었다. 경성에는 노동숙박소가 두 곳 설치되었다. 숙박소가 설치되는 지리적 공간은 공적 과시용과 민족 구분이 동시에 존재한다. 부영숙박소는 경성의 도시 공간 재편과정에서 추진되었다. 일제는 경성의 공간구조를 재편하면서 공공시설물을 설치하여 지배의 공익성과 정당성을 드러내고자 했다. 반면 사설인 화광교원 노동숙박소는 전적으로 조선인을 대상으로 하면서 노동보호라는 측면과 함께 식민지 조선인의 교화라는 이데올로기적 목적이 강하게 투영되었다. 노동숙박소를 이용하는 사람들은 거의 대부분 부정기적 노동에 종사하는 일용노동자들이다. 이들의 장소 경험은 반복적이고 지속적인 노동을 통하여 하루의 숙박공간이라는 생존의 조건을 만들어야 하는 근대사회의 리듬을 경험하게 된다. 또한 숙박소는 일용 노동자들이 일상의 문제들을 공유하면서 사회문제를 인식하고 경험하는 공간이었다.

일제하 전시체제기 노동자의 경험세계

이병례 역사학연구소 2002 역사 연구 Vol.- No.11

일제하 경성 전차 승무원의 생활과 의식

이병례 서울시립대학교 부설 서울학연구소 2004 서울학연구 Vol.- No.22

This paper focuses on living conditions of the electric car crew in Kyungsung during the colonial period and their consciousness which is formed from work process. The occupation which is an electric car crew originated with imported civilization together. Their wages or labor condition were similar to the worker of different type of business. But they had an autonomy in a fashion differently from the plant worker. The crews recognized that they were responsible for the safe carriage of many people. From like that point, they were full of conceit of their occupation. But many citizens made a complaint that crews were high-handed and impolite. The crews's high-handed manner was influenced by the colonial rule of japanese imperialism. The attitude of the colonial rule of japanese imperialism was to accomplish their purpose by the oppressive control and management. And It was related to a control form of capital. Kyungsung Electrical Manufacturing Company didn't invest in equipment or increase the number of crew for the benefit of themselves. The inferior labor condition of crews was due to confront a passenger with impertinence. The citizens thought that an electronic car must served citizens because of working for the public good. Therefore citizens required the electric car crews to do passengers a kindness. Citizens frequently conflicted with an electric car crews because of service. Complications between both persons were not solved through standing on the basis of understanding. The problem of service was solved with oppressive form through the police's frequent intervention. Kyungsung was the city which a new change began and the region which a new thought was flowed most first of all. The crews felt social change most first of all, with running fast in the heart of colonial city. The way of thinking of them was realistic. A right consciousness was not appeared by rapid and excessive form. The way of action of the crews in the process of strike was to watch the development of a matter, and was to take the way of improvement or compromise. The crews participated in organization movement individually or collectively. They participated in the 1919 independence movement and Singanhoi(新幹會). And the organization of crews was closely related to labor movement during 1920s, 1930s. But This movement don't have influence on most of crews. It was due to more the limit of labor movement in those days than the close control of capital and Japanese imperialism. It was expected that collective movement of crews spreaded over the society largely because they took charge of mass traffic. Therefore capital and police watched closely the crews's movement. Accordingly the organization movement of crews most was over at a shot and was left over potential power.

1920년대 일제의 노동정책

이병례 청계사학회 2001 청계사학 Vol.15 No.-

서평 : 사생활 , 역사로 자각되기 위하여 - 필립 아리에스 외 편 , 『 사생활의 역사 』 3 - 르네상스부터 계몽주의까지 , 새물결 , 2002 ( Articles : Private life , Recognizing as History ) ( 이병례 사림 2002년 )

이병례(Byung Rye Lee) 수선사학회 2002 史林 Vol.17 No.-

취업모의 부모역할 만족도와 양육효능감이 양육행동에 미치는 영향

이병례(Byeong Rye Lee),한세영(Lee Sae Young Han) 충북대학교 생활과학연구소 2007 생활과학연구논총 Vol.11 No.1

  This study was to find out general tendencies of parental role satisfaction, parenting efficacy, and parenting behavior according to working mother"s backgrounds, and to investigate the relations of the three variables and the effects of parental role satisfaction and parenting efficacy on parenting behavior. Subjects for this study were 266 working mothers whose children were attending day-care centers. Questionnaires were used to measure working mother"s parental role satisfaction, parenting efficacy, and parenting behavior. Data were analyzed by frequency, percentage, mean, ANOVA, Pearson correlation, multiple regression using SPSS 11.0.<BR>  Results of this study were as follows:<BR>  First, result showed that parenting satisfaction, parenting efficacy and parenting bahaviors are different according to mothers" working period, working hours, support of spouse, mothers" educational level, and family income level.<BR>  Second, statistically significant relations among working mother"s parenting satisfaction, parenting efficacy, and parenting behavior were found. Results of multiple regression revealed that parenting efficacy and parental role conflict influenced reasoning guidance parenting behavior. Whereas, affective parenting behavior was affected by parenting efficacy, parent-child relations, and parental role satisfaction. While parental role conflict and parenting efficacy affect authoritatively-controlling parenting behavior, parenting efficacy and parent-child relations affected actively-involved parenting behavior. To sum up, working mother"s parenting satisfaction an parenting efficacy were significantly influenced on parenting behavior.

1930년대 초반 생활물가 동향과 물가 인하 운동

이병례 ( Byung Rye Lee ) 수선사학회 2015 史林 Vol.0 No.54

This study starts from a critical mind that a study on prices during the Great Depression was concentrated in the macroscopic part as a financial policy and the condition of the public``s everyday life was not apparent concretely. The main contents of the study is to investigate the colonial population characteristics and nature of the price cuts price movement of life policies. First, the Japanese imperialism were making the price policy without considering the particularities of the Joseon. Japanese imperialism, a price-control policy is basically a Japanese government``s economic policy based on the organization and Korean industrial characteristics, given the austerity by not unilaterally, the local industry slumped. Second, the Japanese imperialists were neglected commodity price adjustment. Japanese imperialism was little attempt to regulate commodity prices. But it was great to have regional disparities. And it was not comprehensive measures. Japanese imperialism was aware of not a big problem the dissatisfaction of the people for commodity prices If it is not enough to be a security threat Awards. Because it is not a colonial power is not a power to be influenced by the public authority based on agreement. The public had difficulty living because commodity price adjustment policy is not enforced. So they were participated in a cut-the-price movement. Price indicators are low but declining prices did not fall at all. Therefore, the opinion was that the price adjustment is necessary composition. It was led by the forces of the movement of the local potentate such as nationalism, socialism activist. Each force was to serve as instruments in their respective forces could seek to expand through price-based understanding of the issues involved and the entire local community. In particular, Political space that local elections and price cuts that are exercises have been conducted closely related. Japanese imperialism did not interfere significantly lowered prices for the exercise. However, exercise is filed items related to governance policies, or highlight a particular social movement forces would thoroughly blocked. This shows the position of the colonial power for living inflation. Exercise price cuts are meant to publicize socially a ``living inflation. And what was this movement that mobilized in the community was able to somewhat restrain inflation flow. The limitation of this movement will not go forth to criticize the governing policy. In addition it did not cut prices to monopoly capitalist management. This movement is stopped at a little people ever living area advocacy.

아시아-태평양전쟁기 ‘산업전사’이념의 형상화와 재현

이병례 ( Lee Byung-rye ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2018 사총 Vol.94 No.-

이 연구는 산업전사라는 용어의 의미와 재현을 통하여 전쟁의 문화효과를 검토하였다. ‘산업전사’는 아시아-태평양전쟁기 징용령 발동을 계기로 사용되기 시작하였으며, 노동자에게 전방의 병사와 동일한 역할과 의무를 부여하는 호칭이다. 일본 제국은 노동자를 ‘전사’로 명명하면서 국가적 사업에 죽음을 각오하고 생산증강에 나서야한다는 이념을 설파했다. 산업전사 이념은 ‘산업전사’로 호명되는 자들이 갖추어야 할 전쟁관과 노동관이다. 대동아전쟁은 황도정신에 기초한 도의 회복의 전쟁으로 미화된다. ‘황도’의 체득이 조선인의 ‘도의’ 구현이라면, 산업전사가 갖추어야 할 ‘도의’는 국가 목적에 부응하여 생산력 증강에 집중하는 것이다. 산업전사가 견지해야 할 노동관은 오로지 국가봉사라고 하는 국가의 최고 도덕을 시현하는 것이었다. 조선인 노동자가 산업전사로 호명될 때 ‘조선인’이라는 민족 구분은 사라지며 오로지 ‘황도’ 실천의 전사인지 아닌지만이 문제가 된다. 산업전사로 호명되는 중심 주체는 국가산업에 동원된 노동자이고 이들에게는 명예와 자부심이 부여되었다. 호명의 의도는 자발성을 이끌어내는 것에 있었으며, 조선인 노동자에게는 민족 차별을 넘어설 수 있다는 착시효과를 냈다. 여성과 사회 소외계층 또한 산업전사로 호명되었다. 이들이 산업전사로 호명되는 것은 노동력 자체보다는 그 상징성에 있다. 여성이나 하층민, 거리의 부랑아 등은 산업전사로 호명됨으로써 성별 차이와 계층을 불문하고 ‘국민’으로 통합된다. 이 역시 사회적 차별의 경계를 넘어설 수 있다는 환상을 준다. 산업전사는 건강한 신체와 사회의 ‘건강성’을 상징하는 주체로 거듭났으며, 이들에게 부여된 역할은 개인의 희생을 자랑스럽게 여기는 멸사봉공의 구현이었다. 이러한 이념은 미담기사를 통해 재구성되고 선전되었다. 산업전사에게는 국가적 위안행사가 이루어졌으며, 사망자들은 위령제를 통하여 국가의 영웅으로 재탄생되었다. 탈식민시기 산업전사는 반공과 조국 근대화의 주역으로 다시 소환되었다. 전투를 연상하는 ‘산업전사’라는 칭호가 해방 이후 국가권력의 지향점이 변함에도 매 국면마다 다시 소생한 것은 국가주의 동원논리를 은폐하는데 상당히 효과적이었다는 것을 의미한다. 또한 아시아-태평양전쟁기에 형성된, 그 호칭이 내포한 역설적 ‘긍정성’ 측면을 고려해 볼 수 있다. 산업전사는 활력, 건강, 의욕 충만 등의 이미지로 치장된다. 이는 전쟁이 보여주는 음울하고 비감함을 은폐하는 효과를 만들어 낸다. 사회 최하층의 소외 계층이나 여성 등이 산업전사로 호명된다는 것은 사회에서 배제되던 집단들에 대해 ‘갱생’, ‘광영’, 명예로운 존재로 거듭난다는 것을 의미했다. 전시에 생성된 ‘산업전사’라는 칭호는 국민으로의 포섭, 통합, 건강성이라는 기의를 구성한다. 언어 자체가 갖는 역설적 ‘긍정성’은 지속적으로 국가주의와 결합하여 소환되는 동인이었다. This study deals with the cultural effects of reappearance of the war mobilization ideology period the post-colonial. The 'industrial warrior' began to be used as a trigger for the launch of the Asia-Pacific War period, and it gave the workers the same role and obligation as soldiers in front. The Japanese Empire preached the idea that the workers should be put to death in the national business and increase their production by naming the workers as 'warriors'. The ideology of industrial warrior is the war vision and the labor vision that people as called 'industrial warrior' should possess. The Greater East Asia War beautifies as a war of restoration of the morality based on the spirit of the ecliptic. If the acquisition of ecliptic is the realization of the 'morality' of the Korean people, the 'morality' that the industrial warrior should have is to concentrate on enhancing productivity in response to the national purpose. The labor vision that the industrial warrior must stand firmly is to show nation's highest morality which is called state service only. When a Korean worker is called as an industrial warrior, the ethnic division of 'Korean' disappears and it is only a matter of whether or not he is a warrior of the practice of the ecliptic. The central subjects called industrial warriors were workers mobilized in the national industry, and they were given honor and pride. The intention of the calling was in bringing spontaneity, and it gave the Korean workers an optical illusion that they could go beyond national discrimination. Women and the social underprivileged were also called industrial warriors. It is symbolic that they are called industrial warriors rather than labor power itself. The women, the lower classes, the streets, and so on are integrated into the "people" regardless of gender differences and hierarchy by naming industrial warriors. This also gives the illusion that they can cross the border of social discrimination. The industrial warrior has been reborn as a subject who symbolizes a healthy body and 'healthfulness' of society, and the role given to them has been the implementation of self-annihilation for the sake of their country, who are proud of individual sacrifices. This ideology has been restructured and propagated through beautiful story articles. Industrial warriors have been given national comfort events, and deaths have been reborn as state heroes through a memorial ceremony. Industrial warriors were summoned again as the protagonists of anti-communism and modernization of the country period post-colonial. The title of 'industrial warrior' reminiscent of the battle was revived every time after liberation, even though the direction of nation power changed. This is because the ideology embodied in the culture planning of colonial power in the Asia-Pacific War has formed the depth of labor culture. The title 'industrial warrior' created in the wartime constitutes the signified of inclusion, integration and health in the people. The positive image of the language itself could continue to be a driving force combined with nationalism.