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This study starts from a critical mind that a study on prices during the Great Depression was concentrated in the macroscopic part as a financial policy and the condition of the public``s everyday life was not apparent concretely. The main contents of the study is to investigate the colonial population characteristics and nature of the price cuts price movement of life policies. First, the Japanese imperialism were making the price policy without considering the particularities of the Joseon. Japanese imperialism, a price-control policy is basically a Japanese government``s economic policy based on the organization and Korean industrial characteristics, given the austerity by not unilaterally, the local industry slumped. Second, the Japanese imperialists were neglected commodity price adjustment. Japanese imperialism was little attempt to regulate commodity prices. But it was great to have regional disparities. And it was not comprehensive measures. Japanese imperialism was aware of not a big problem the dissatisfaction of the people for commodity prices If it is not enough to be a security threat Awards. Because it is not a colonial power is not a power to be influenced by the public authority based on agreement. The public had difficulty living because commodity price adjustment policy is not enforced. So they were participated in a cut-the-price movement. Price indicators are low but declining prices did not fall at all. Therefore, the opinion was that the price adjustment is necessary composition. It was led by the forces of the movement of the local potentate such as nationalism, socialism activist. Each force was to serve as instruments in their respective forces could seek to expand through price-based understanding of the issues involved and the entire local community. In particular, Political space that local elections and price cuts that are exercises have been conducted closely related. Japanese imperialism did not interfere significantly lowered prices for the exercise. However, exercise is filed items related to governance policies, or highlight a particular social movement forces would thoroughly blocked. This shows the position of the colonial power for living inflation. Exercise price cuts are meant to publicize socially a ``living inflation. And what was this movement that mobilized in the community was able to somewhat restrain inflation flow. The limitation of this movement will not go forth to criticize the governing policy. In addition it did not cut prices to monopoly capitalist management. This movement is stopped at a little people ever living area advocacy.
Examined in this study is what kind of governmental institutions were revised and how they were changed during the reign of King Heungdeok-wang, as well as why Kim Yu Shin was posthumously entitled as the “Great Heungmu King(興武大王)” at the time, as these events could have served as a platform which bred the future notion of “the Three Han entities had been one all along(三韓一統意識)” in the mid-9th century inside the Shilla society. The insurrection of Kim Heon Chang(金憲昌) and his son seriously disrupted the stability of the Shilla society, and caused a crisis of a dynastic scale. After the insurrection was subdued, king Heungdeok-wang newly established more local military installations to prevent such incident from happening again, and tried to appease the public himself. In the meantime, with the intention of reinforcing the Golpum structure(骨品制) of the society, he initiated institutional revisions as well. And as a symbolic gesture, he decided to honor Kim Yu Shin with a posthumous title, trying to build an atmosphere in which all Shilla could unite. The time of entitlement is presumed to have been the 9th year of king Heungdeok-wang's reign, when a series of institutional revisions were simultaneously being launched. In his biographical record[行錄], authored in the early days of the Hadae(下代) period, Kim Yu Shin was described as the hero of the Unification war, who literally led the unification, and also as a symbol of dynastic unity. A posthumous title was intended to use his such image in actually bringing the country together. And such decision could have created an environment in which people would remember the unification process and form a belief that would grow in the minds of future generations that the three countries were meant to eventually become one.
An analysis of the records of the NihonShoki was attempted to understand the characteristics of the Baekje-Japan relationship. During the era of King Mu, the relationship with Japan was not given much attention. On the other hand, Shilla shows a more active attitude toward building relationships with Japan, and that effort culminates in Japan's line of communications with the Tang Dynasty changing to go through Shilla. The number of ambassadors sent by Baekje in the 630s slightly increasingcompared to that of the 620s might be a sign of wariness of such a relationship between Shilla and Japan, but even that increase is meager. In the 640s, the first half of King Uija's era, the NihonShokispecifically records the facts about Shilla's ambassadors. The entry about Baekje's ambassador is merely attached to that of Shilla. Out of the three countries, Shilla still led the interactions with Japan during the first halfof King Uija's era, and Baekje only sent ambassadors when there was a major event in Japan. Thus for the first half of the 7th century the relationship between Baekje and Japan has no remarkable characteristics considering the respective countries' international relations. Despite having a past of Baekje passing on advanced civilization and Japan supplying military assistance at times, their relationship at the time was perfunctory and more of a courteous formality. Such a relationship changed when in the 650s Baekje halted its relationship with the Tang Dynasty and attempted a reorganization of the dynamics of international relations at the time. Japan was an alternative to fill in the relative weakness of the Baekje-Koguryeo alliance compared to the Shilla-Tang forces, and thus the relationship between Baekje and Shilla was transformed. From the general formality it was, it had changed into a relationship with a specific cause, and thus occupied a different place and weight in Baekje's international relationship.
This paper examined the chronic communicable disease control of the UNCACK during the Korean War. The Korean War broke out, Public Health and Welfare, GHQ, SCAP with an able public health officer of preventive medicine section arrived in Pusan and began immediately to take on the problem of public health. By September 1950, Typhus, Typhoid, Cholera and Smallpox Vaccine had arrived and immunization program was begun amongst the refugees in the Masan and Pusan. This immunization program was practically concluded in July with following total immunization accomplished. The Tuberculosis, Leprosy and Veneral are the chronic communicable disease. The chronic communicable disease control of the UNCACK were different from the acute communicable disease. Tuberculosis is extremely wider spread in Korea. The program and campaign has been accomplished, it was planned in cooperation with UNCACK during the period from Jan. 6 to July 8, 1952. The results have obtained that 115,394(49.3%) were positive out of 234,040 population of selected groups. And 337 of Medical personal has been trained in BCG technique. The material available on leprosy in the files of the UNCACK were reviewed to determine, if possible, the status of leprosy. But UNCACK could not get accurate information. Veneral disease, research and treatment done at the same time.
At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, under the influence of European philosophy, Japan generated a lively discussion about the development of morals. This paper examines the details of this discussion and clarifies its relationship to the initial theory of imperialism. For the thinkers involved in the discussion, the social fabric became the reference point for moral judgment; they explained the development of morality by examining the family and seeing the family as analogous to the house and then to the nation. At that time, the rest of the world was excluded from the aspired moral goal because, unlike other social areas, a global perspective had not yet fully emerged. However, some realized that focusing only on the nation smacked of narrow-minded nationalism-an immature perspective. Thus, considering the discussion necessary to the national interest and interests of mankind, thinkers and philosophers wavered between national and global morals Utilitarianism, for which “the greatest happiness of the greatest number” is a fundamental axiom, held an important position in this discussion. Whether utilitarian thinking assumes society to be the nation or the world is extremely important. In the case of the former, a nation acts for the happiness and well-being of its state and people, even to the detriment of other nations. Among those involved in the discussion was Hiroyuki Kato, who staunchly supported national selfishness along the lines described by social evolutionists. However, he gradually accepted the idea that people, although grounded in selfishness, do exert an altruistic attitude. Kato defined “tactical altruism” as selfish altruism; however, this thinking was criticized as being completely devoid of morality. In fact, the thoughts of Tanzan Ishibashi stem directly from Kato`s notion of tactical altruism, namely, rejecting the perspective of morality. In the context of the First World War, and from the perspective that “self-benefit” was in the true interests of Japan, Ishibashi finally advocated abandoning the colonies and embracing the small-Japan principle. The similarity of Kato and Ishibashi`s ideas extended only as far as the conclusion of self-benefit: criticizing Imperialism was held above morality. Furthermore, this paper discusses the theory of imperialism of Inazou Nitobe and Kazutami Ukita, dressed in the armor of morality. Their theory of imperialism-and the utilitarian thought from which it was molded-has now been absorbed into the contemporary discussion on the development of morality. Indeed, their theory is becoming a response to the ethical requirement of transcending the nation-state and approaching a global morality. The ideological practice of Hiroyuki Kato and the discussion of the development of morality that revolved around him was a god-sent child born from the opposition of the initial moralistic theory of imperialism, and the later tactical altruism, derived from the thinking of the famed Tanzan Ishibashi as an influential critic of imperialism.
What was written in a published book focused on the keju(科擧) deserves careful consideration to understand its common idea at that time. This is the reason to compare A Study on the Examination System in China( 中國考試制度硏究 ) written by Deng Dingren(鄧定人) and A Monograph on the Examination Systems in Every Dynasties( 歷代貢擧志 ) known as a book of Feng Mengzhen(馮夢禎). The former is considered as the first modern research book on the keju, and the latter is the oldest one still extant on the same topic. Deng`s book characterizes the keju as the examination to select the government officials, and regards it affirmatively as an institution usefully convertible to modern one in a nation-state. All the negative effects of it were due to the emperors which do not exist anymore. But Feng`s book is more critical to the kemu(科 目), another name of the keju at that time. The reason is that it examines the candidates very rigorously, and treats them too differently from the successful candidates who are highly respected. It is not proper because all of them have no difference as a shi(士). Behind its argument, there is an assumption that the keju is not just a method to select government officials by emperors but a matter related with ``tianxia(天下)`` for which the shi is responsible. The considerable gap between the two books` contents implies that the realities of the keju in traditional times could be different from what is interpreted in modern era. Actually, the present notion of the keju is very similar to that of Deng`s book. It emphasizes that the keju was the state institution to select officials by examination. Viewed from this nation-centered standpoint, it is easy to miss some important aspects of the keju realized by the shi who applied for and passed it. Therefore we need to observe multiple aspects of the keju, and it would be helpful to rectify the images of the keju bent by the modern perspective.