일제말기 노동력동원의 일상화와 민중의 대응방식

이병례(Lee Byung-Rye) 역사학연구소 2007 역사연구 Vol.- No.17

1930년대 초반 생활물가 동향과 물가 인하 운동

이병례 ( Byung Rye Lee ) 수선사학회 2015 史林 Vol.0 No.54

This study starts from a critical mind that a study on prices during the Great Depression was concentrated in the macroscopic part as a financial policy and the condition of the public``s everyday life was not apparent concretely. The main contents of the study is to investigate the colonial population characteristics and nature of the price cuts price movement of life policies. First, the Japanese imperialism were making the price policy without considering the particularities of the Joseon. Japanese imperialism, a price-control policy is basically a Japanese government``s economic policy based on the organization and Korean industrial characteristics, given the austerity by not unilaterally, the local industry slumped. Second, the Japanese imperialists were neglected commodity price adjustment. Japanese imperialism was little attempt to regulate commodity prices. But it was great to have regional disparities. And it was not comprehensive measures. Japanese imperialism was aware of not a big problem the dissatisfaction of the people for commodity prices If it is not enough to be a security threat Awards. Because it is not a colonial power is not a power to be influenced by the public authority based on agreement. The public had difficulty living because commodity price adjustment policy is not enforced. So they were participated in a cut-the-price movement. Price indicators are low but declining prices did not fall at all. Therefore, the opinion was that the price adjustment is necessary composition. It was led by the forces of the movement of the local potentate such as nationalism, socialism activist. Each force was to serve as instruments in their respective forces could seek to expand through price-based understanding of the issues involved and the entire local community. In particular, Political space that local elections and price cuts that are exercises have been conducted closely related. Japanese imperialism did not interfere significantly lowered prices for the exercise. However, exercise is filed items related to governance policies, or highlight a particular social movement forces would thoroughly blocked. This shows the position of the colonial power for living inflation. Exercise price cuts are meant to publicize socially a ``living inflation. And what was this movement that mobilized in the community was able to somewhat restrain inflation flow. The limitation of this movement will not go forth to criticize the governing policy. In addition it did not cut prices to monopoly capitalist management. This movement is stopped at a little people ever living area advocacy.

아시아-태평양전쟁기 ‘산업전사’이념의 형상화와 재현

이병례 ( Lee Byung-rye ) 고려대학교 역사연구소(구 역사학연구회) 2018 사총 Vol.94 No.-

이 연구는 산업전사라는 용어의 의미와 재현을 통하여 전쟁의 문화효과를 검토하였다. ‘산업전사’는 아시아-태평양전쟁기 징용령 발동을 계기로 사용되기 시작하였으며, 노동자에게 전방의 병사와 동일한 역할과 의무를 부여하는 호칭이다. 일본 제국은 노동자를 ‘전사’로 명명하면서 국가적 사업에 죽음을 각오하고 생산증강에 나서야한다는 이념을 설파했다. 산업전사 이념은 ‘산업전사’로 호명되는 자들이 갖추어야 할 전쟁관과 노동관이다. 대동아전쟁은 황도정신에 기초한 도의 회복의 전쟁으로 미화된다. ‘황도’의 체득이 조선인의 ‘도의’ 구현이라면, 산업전사가 갖추어야 할 ‘도의’는 국가 목적에 부응하여 생산력 증강에 집중하는 것이다. 산업전사가 견지해야 할 노동관은 오로지 국가봉사라고 하는 국가의 최고 도덕을 시현하는 것이었다. 조선인 노동자가 산업전사로 호명될 때 ‘조선인’이라는 민족 구분은 사라지며 오로지 ‘황도’ 실천의 전사인지 아닌지만이 문제가 된다. 산업전사로 호명되는 중심 주체는 국가산업에 동원된 노동자이고 이들에게는 명예와 자부심이 부여되었다. 호명의 의도는 자발성을 이끌어내는 것에 있었으며, 조선인 노동자에게는 민족 차별을 넘어설 수 있다는 착시효과를 냈다. 여성과 사회 소외계층 또한 산업전사로 호명되었다. 이들이 산업전사로 호명되는 것은 노동력 자체보다는 그 상징성에 있다. 여성이나 하층민, 거리의 부랑아 등은 산업전사로 호명됨으로써 성별 차이와 계층을 불문하고 ‘국민’으로 통합된다. 이 역시 사회적 차별의 경계를 넘어설 수 있다는 환상을 준다. 산업전사는 건강한 신체와 사회의 ‘건강성’을 상징하는 주체로 거듭났으며, 이들에게 부여된 역할은 개인의 희생을 자랑스럽게 여기는 멸사봉공의 구현이었다. 이러한 이념은 미담기사를 통해 재구성되고 선전되었다. 산업전사에게는 국가적 위안행사가 이루어졌으며, 사망자들은 위령제를 통하여 국가의 영웅으로 재탄생되었다. 탈식민시기 산업전사는 반공과 조국 근대화의 주역으로 다시 소환되었다. 전투를 연상하는 ‘산업전사’라는 칭호가 해방 이후 국가권력의 지향점이 변함에도 매 국면마다 다시 소생한 것은 국가주의 동원논리를 은폐하는데 상당히 효과적이었다는 것을 의미한다. 또한 아시아-태평양전쟁기에 형성된, 그 호칭이 내포한 역설적 ‘긍정성’ 측면을 고려해 볼 수 있다. 산업전사는 활력, 건강, 의욕 충만 등의 이미지로 치장된다. 이는 전쟁이 보여주는 음울하고 비감함을 은폐하는 효과를 만들어 낸다. 사회 최하층의 소외 계층이나 여성 등이 산업전사로 호명된다는 것은 사회에서 배제되던 집단들에 대해 ‘갱생’, ‘광영’, 명예로운 존재로 거듭난다는 것을 의미했다. 전시에 생성된 ‘산업전사’라는 칭호는 국민으로의 포섭, 통합, 건강성이라는 기의를 구성한다. 언어 자체가 갖는 역설적 ‘긍정성’은 지속적으로 국가주의와 결합하여 소환되는 동인이었다. This study deals with the cultural effects of reappearance of the war mobilization ideology period the post-colonial. The 'industrial warrior' began to be used as a trigger for the launch of the Asia-Pacific War period, and it gave the workers the same role and obligation as soldiers in front. The Japanese Empire preached the idea that the workers should be put to death in the national business and increase their production by naming the workers as 'warriors'. The ideology of industrial warrior is the war vision and the labor vision that people as called 'industrial warrior' should possess. The Greater East Asia War beautifies as a war of restoration of the morality based on the spirit of the ecliptic. If the acquisition of ecliptic is the realization of the 'morality' of the Korean people, the 'morality' that the industrial warrior should have is to concentrate on enhancing productivity in response to the national purpose. The labor vision that the industrial warrior must stand firmly is to show nation's highest morality which is called state service only. When a Korean worker is called as an industrial warrior, the ethnic division of 'Korean' disappears and it is only a matter of whether or not he is a warrior of the practice of the ecliptic. The central subjects called industrial warriors were workers mobilized in the national industry, and they were given honor and pride. The intention of the calling was in bringing spontaneity, and it gave the Korean workers an optical illusion that they could go beyond national discrimination. Women and the social underprivileged were also called industrial warriors. It is symbolic that they are called industrial warriors rather than labor power itself. The women, the lower classes, the streets, and so on are integrated into the "people" regardless of gender differences and hierarchy by naming industrial warriors. This also gives the illusion that they can cross the border of social discrimination. The industrial warrior has been reborn as a subject who symbolizes a healthy body and 'healthfulness' of society, and the role given to them has been the implementation of self-annihilation for the sake of their country, who are proud of individual sacrifices. This ideology has been restructured and propagated through beautiful story articles. Industrial warriors have been given national comfort events, and deaths have been reborn as state heroes through a memorial ceremony. Industrial warriors were summoned again as the protagonists of anti-communism and modernization of the country period post-colonial. The title of 'industrial warrior' reminiscent of the battle was revived every time after liberation, even though the direction of nation power changed. This is because the ideology embodied in the culture planning of colonial power in the Asia-Pacific War has formed the depth of labor culture. The title 'industrial warrior' created in the wartime constitutes the signified of inclusion, integration and health in the people. The positive image of the language itself could continue to be a driving force combined with nationalism.

1930년대 초반 식민지 조선의 경제공황과 일상의 균열

이병례(Lee, Byung-Rye) 역사학연구소 2016 역사연구 Vol.- No.31

이 연구는 1930년대 초 공황기 경제구조의 변동에 직면하여 기층민이 일상생활속에서 실감하는 감성 구조와 당대 경제상황에 어떻게 대응해갔는지를 고찰하는데 목적이 있다. 경제불황이라는 사회·경제적 조건은 기층 대중의 삶에 문제 상황을 야기하면서, 그들의 기존 일상에 균열을 발생시키는 계기가 된다. 기층민들은 자신들의 생활공간에서 다양한 방식의 실천행위를 통하여 ‘적극적으로’ 그 조건을 ‘변화’시키려 하거나, 나아가 외면적으로는 순응하면서도 내면적으로는, 또는 일상생활에서는 다양한 방식으로 조건에 ‘저항’하는 등의 복잡한 방식으로 외적 조건에 대처해 갔다. 이 글은 공황기 일상성을 가장 명료하게 드러내는 세 가지 층위로써 일터와 도시 공간, 생활영역을 검토하였다. 일터에서 노동자들은 자본의 공격에 맞서 격렬하게 저항하였지만, 이면에 실업에 대한 공포와 위축감이 자리하고 있다. 또한 전통적인 의미에서의 저항은 아닐 수 있는 방식의 ‘저항’으로 절도행위 등 소위 범죄로 치부되는 ‘일탈’적 행위가 보다 과감하게 표출되었다. 도시 공간에서는 ‘스피드’를 추구하는 흐름에 연동된 변화에 주목하였다. 1920년대 노동운동의 주역으로 한 시대를 풍미했던 인력거 노동자는 그 역할을 마감하고 퇴출되어 갔다. 또한 여성의 대표적인 직업으로 자주 거론되던 전화교환수 역시 스피드의 위협에 처해진다. 그 속에서 도시의 불안한 감성이 증폭되었다. 일상생활 공간에서는 기존의 생활개선 담론이 현실화되는 양상을 검토하였다. 도시 중류층 사람들은 생활경제의 합리적 방식을 깊이 내면화하면서 자본주의적 질서에 적응해가는 동시에 생활 물가에 민감하게 반응하며 그 개선에 적극적으로 나서는 한편 보다 적극적으로 자신들의 선택지를 현실적으로 확장해 갔다. 이는 스스로 식민지 자본주의 체제에 포획되어 가는 과정의 하나였던 것이다. The purpose of this study is to examine the emotional structure and the corresponding aspect that the public shown in the face of fluctuation in the economic structure during the panic in the early 1930s. The social and economic conditions of the economic recession cause problematic situation in the lives of the public and cracks in their existing routines. They try to ‘change’ the conditions ‘positively’ through various ways of practice in their living space. Furthermore, they try to cope with external conditions in a complicated manner such as internal resistance or various resistance in everyday life. This article examines the workplace, the urban space, and the living area as the three levels that make most clearly reveal the daily routines of the panic. In the part of the workplace, the workers resisted violently against the attacks of capital, but they had inwardly the fear and uneasiness of unemployment. In addition, ‘deviant’ acts that are considered as so-called crimes such as theft may be included in ‘an resistance’ though may not be included in the traditional sense. In the part of the urban space, we paid attention to the changes that are linked to the flow of pursuing ‘a speed’. The rickshaw workers, who had been a moment in time as a leading part of the labor movement in the 1920s, ended its role and had been kicked out. Also telephone operators, who are frequently mentioned as typical female occupations, had been under threat by speed. The uneasy emotions of the city were amplified in the situation. In the part of everyday living space, we examined the aspect that the existing discourse of life improvement was realized. The urban middle-class people adapted to the capitalist order by internalization of the rational way of living economy, actively made improvements sensitively responding to the price of life, and expanded their options more actively. This was one of the process of being captured voluntary by the colonial capitalist system.

서평 : 사생활 , 역사로 자각되기 위하여 - 필립 아리에스 외 편 , 『 사생활의 역사 』 3 - 르네상스부터 계몽주의까지 , 새물결 , 2002 ( Articles : Private life , Recognizing as History ) ( 이병례 사림 2002년 )

이병례(Byung Rye Lee) 수선사학회 2002 史林 Vol.17 No.-

일제하 전시 기술훈련생의 존재형태

이병례(Lee, Byung-Rye) 역사학연구소 2013 역사연구 Vol.- No.25

This paper has an intention of studying the inflow route and the existence form of technical trainees during wartime. Japanese imperialism had recruited teenagers and carried out technical training to solve the problem of technician lack during the war. Japanese imperialism had replaced young adults and middle-aged people with a young generation to solve the shortage of manpower, and a young generation could be controlled easily. Japanese imperialism desired to uprear trainees as warriors who learned the idea of a nation state and the public benefit of labor. They had been embodied as the most ideal and the most desirable human being during the war. Trainees entered a training school because of the desire of learning. All in all they graduated from an elementary school with excellent results, but could not go to advanced school in view of circumstances. Trainees regarded a training school as the opportunity which their class rising could be achieved by improvements in their positions and their circumstances. They were trained by strategic upbringing policy of Japanese imperialism, and were objects of mobilization policy during the war, and were subjects that wholeheartedly accepted mobilization policy. Trainees were not students and not labors, they had a most complex identity. Their identity had been made by the contradictory between the motive of entering a training school and training curriculum. Japanese imperialism advertised a training school as the space which taught a middle school curriculum, but educations were not came into action properly. Trainees mostly had been added to a supplement of labor. Trainees entered a training school with great expectations, but as soon as they entered a training school, their expectations and their hopes turned to despairs and fears. When their wishes were frustrated, they faced up to the reality and carried out escape. The crack in systems of a technical training were caused not extensively but slightly.

전시 산업재해 실태와 재해보호 규정의 식민지성

이병례 ( Lee¸ Byung-rye ) 수선사학회 2021 史林 Vol.- No.75

This article dealt with the historical nature of industrial accidents during the colonial period. In particular, it reviewed the actual conditions of industrial accidents and the countermeasures of colonial power during the Asian-Pacific War. Wartime industrial accidents were certainly not regarded as personal problems. The colonial power emphasized that in order to give preference to “industrial warriors,” it is necessary to treat and protect industrial accidents by enacting industrial accident protection regulations. However, even in such discourse, workers who are devoted to the “state” are not protected by the general workers. Protection against industrial accidents was not the object of general rights or social protection of workers, but a privilege enjoyed by certain classes. Hence, the “national responsibility” for industrial accidents was to cease to speak of war propaganda. Due to the necessity of mobilizing war, the “body” of Korean workers emerged as an opportunity to expand the social nature of industrial accidents. However, not only did not the protection regulations covering all workers have been established, but also discrimination and exclusion based on colonialism were the basis, so it can be seen that the sociality of industrial accidents was rather regressed.

일제하 전시 경성공립공업학교의 설립과 운영

이병례(Lee, Byung-Rye) 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2013 서울학연구 Vol.- No.50

This study explores the characteristics of technical education in the era of wartime colonial Korea by analyzing Kyungsung technical public school(京城公立工業學校), the largest technical institution in colonial Korea. The technical education of colonial Korea had not been formed until 1930s. After the Sino-Japanese War, seven technical institutions of the secondary level were cursorily established in colonial Korea. This rapid and hasty beginning of technical education was attributed to the sharply rising demand for technical professionals in the munitions industry. At this time, colonial Korea lagged behind colonial Taiwan by a decade in training technical professionals. Kyungsung technical public school, established in 1899, had been in stagnant for a long time. However, by the need for technical education, Government-General started to reform Kyungsung technical public school and construct new buildings in Yeongdeungpo- Gu linked with the Kyungsung-Incheon industrial district, one of the representative industrial areas gathering the small and medium-sized machine industry in Korea. Despite severely ethnic discrimination, Kyungsung technical public school was encouraged to select Korean students by Government-General. Consequentially, the rate of Korean students in the school increased from 30% to 50%, fostered by the urgent need for technical manpower during the wartime. Although the curriculum of Kyungsung technical public school was based on that of the general schools, the education in Kyungsung technical public school was actually focusing on practical courses related to a job, especially in the field of mining engineering. While the training program was at a high level in the initial stage, the program could scarcely function after 1943. Because Kyungsung technical public school had tried to select high-quality students from the elementary school in Korea, the alumni were extremely proud of having entered the school. After the independence, however, many alumni cannot help but build their careers in the military industry or education field, not in the same field they had learned. Arguably, this means that the continuity of training technical professionals from the Japanese colonial period to the post-independence Korea would be undermined.

일제하 경성 전차 승무원의 생활과 의식

이병례 서울시립대학교 부설 서울학연구소 2004 서울학연구 Vol.- No.22

This paper focuses on living conditions of the electric car crew in Kyungsung during the colonial period and their consciousness which is formed from work process. The occupation which is an electric car crew originated with imported civilization together. Their wages or labor condition were similar to the worker of different type of business. But they had an autonomy in a fashion differently from the plant worker. The crews recognized that they were responsible for the safe carriage of many people. From like that point, they were full of conceit of their occupation. But many citizens made a complaint that crews were high-handed and impolite. The crews's high-handed manner was influenced by the colonial rule of japanese imperialism. The attitude of the colonial rule of japanese imperialism was to accomplish their purpose by the oppressive control and management. And It was related to a control form of capital. Kyungsung Electrical Manufacturing Company didn't invest in equipment or increase the number of crew for the benefit of themselves. The inferior labor condition of crews was due to confront a passenger with impertinence. The citizens thought that an electronic car must served citizens because of working for the public good. Therefore citizens required the electric car crews to do passengers a kindness. Citizens frequently conflicted with an electric car crews because of service. Complications between both persons were not solved through standing on the basis of understanding. The problem of service was solved with oppressive form through the police's frequent intervention. Kyungsung was the city which a new change began and the region which a new thought was flowed most first of all. The crews felt social change most first of all, with running fast in the heart of colonial city. The way of thinking of them was realistic. A right consciousness was not appeared by rapid and excessive form. The way of action of the crews in the process of strike was to watch the development of a matter, and was to take the way of improvement or compromise. The crews participated in organization movement individually or collectively. They participated in the 1919 independence movement and Singanhoi(新幹會). And the organization of crews was closely related to labor movement during 1920s, 1930s. But This movement don't have influence on most of crews. It was due to more the limit of labor movement in those days than the close control of capital and Japanese imperialism. It was expected that collective movement of crews spreaded over the society largely because they took charge of mass traffic. Therefore capital and police watched closely the crews's movement. Accordingly the organization movement of crews most was over at a shot and was left over potential power.