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When Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation in 1990. the former Soviet republic lacked those crucial political institutions necessary for consolidating his power and authority. These organs-which existed in other republics. which thereby enhanced the political consolidation of former Communist Party members who came into power-constituted the republican Committee on State Security (or the KGB). the Ministry of International Affairs. and even Academy of Sciences and radio/television channels. Lacking the institutional bases for effective rule, Yeltsin on the other hand, inherited Soviet power ministries with whom he had to struggle to "Russianize" it. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and the Liberal Democratic Party which inhetrited the balk of the organizational and ideological remanants of the powerful Soviet Communist Party apparatus. moreover, generated major barriers towards institutionalization of Yeltsin's presidency. Such difficult situation, on the whole. helped generate the bloody suppression of the Parliament on October of 1993, the consolidation of the anti-center oriented Siberian Agreement of 1994, and even the Chechen crisis from the same year. Andrei Kozyrev followed a policy of full and complete Westernization in 1992, agreeing on all major issues which NATO and the United States positively thought. including the joining of the military coalition against Irag--a former ally of the Soviet Union. Such policy, however, brought not full economic, political and military integration with the West, but isolation and new ideological division along the shrunken border of the Russian Federation with the Baltic countries, and the CIS. Contrary to expectations, former members of the now defunct Warsaw Pact Organization began to join NATO, while even members of the former Soviet Union begin to seek membership. Kozyrev, all in all, ignored not only Russia's strategic interests vis-a-vis the West, but also, its immediate concerns in the Near Abroad where millions of ethnic Russians resided, who were facing daily economic, social and even political threats to their security. These problems were seriously politicized; the Communists and the Liberal Democrats along with the scattered Russian armed forces began to call for a turn towards "within" and the much ignored "Near Abroad." Between the years 1992 and the beginning of 1996, Kozyrev was forced to follow the lines of the domestic conservatives, thereby weakening the institution of the Presidency, and generating the popular image of a weak-willed administration. At the beginning of 1996 Yeltsin appointed Yevgeny Primakov--then the Director of Counter- Foreign Intelligence Agency--as Foreign Minister. A Middle Eastern expert by training and a long-time bureaucrat in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee he began to reorient Russian foreign policy away from US/West Europe to the Near Abroad. In the national security concept developed in 1998, for example, the predominant emphasis is placed on domestic dimension, namely, stablized economic transition towards market economy, and parellel social conditions. In the field of external policy, Primakov proved instrumental in preempting a formation of second military coalition against Iraq--with the help of France and China. In fact, Primakov is reportedly supplying Iraq with nuclear technology for energy purposes. Primakov also actively opposed the expansion of NATO, pressuring the Baltic countries not to join the military bloc. Parenthetically, such show of pressure against the West meant that within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) no outside forces can interfere: moreover by exporting missiles to Northern Cyprus, an area controlled by Greece. which has a confrontation with Southern Cyprus. an area controlled by Turkey. Primakov intends to weaken NATO internally. by accelarating tension among the two members. The contraction of the border in the Western frontier. and threat of NATO toward it has forced Russia to seek compensation in the Southern frontier. In the Caucasus. Moscow was successful in forcing Georgia to join the CIS by supporting the Abkhazian seperatists as was also with Azerbaijan whose enemies Armenia and its seperatists in contentious Nargono-Karaback it also supported. Moscow felt threatened by the ethnic-disturbances in the Caucasus and the geopolitical encroachements being made by Turkey. a strong ally of the United States. Primakov is reinforcing Russia's relations with Iran for three reasons: (1) to offset Turkey. China and the US' influence in the Middle East and Central Asia: (2) to deny US rapproachment with Tehran with whom Washington desires closer trade and political relations: and (3) to export, like towards irag. nuclear related technology for energy purposes. In Kosovo. moreover. Primakov has intervened on behalf of the Serbs against the Albanians. whose forces are supported by the Western diplomatic community. These policies have earned Primakov not only the support of the Communists and the Liberal Democrats who form the majority in the Duma, but also, have strengthened Yeltsin's. domestic position through essential conservatization of Russia's foreign policy. It is support for these feats that Yeltsin awarded the highest medal of public service to Primakov as well as personally visiting him at the Foreign Ministry this year. Primakov has also recently engineered the breakthrough in the reestablishment of talks with Tokyo for normalizing its relations. a moved aimed at weakening the US grip on Japan. Moscow knows and appreciates the markedly grown influence of China in both Koreas: it also worries the recent improvement of US-Sino relations. Only by improving its relations with Pyongyang can Moscow redress its imbalnce on the Korean peninsula; but given the five years of freeze in its relationship. Moscow had no means of approaching Pyongyang other than by way of kicking out the South Korean diplomat as a way of showing Pyongyang that it is ready to deal more equally with North Korea. Given the current freeze in North Korean-US. North Korean-Japanese and inter-Korean talks. Seoul must be ready to exercise more independent initiative in its foreign policy.
The purpose of this study was to determine if the addition of spermatozoa into the culture medium could influence the nuclear maturation of denuded porcine germinal vesicle (GV) oocytes in vitro. Cumulus-oocyte complexes were collected from follicles of 3 to 5 mm in diameter. The cumulus and corona cells were removed from oocytes. Porcine denuded oocytes were cultured in tissue culture medium containing spermatozoa. After 48 h culture, oocytes were examined for the evidence of GV breakdown, metaphase I, anaphase-telophase I, and metaphase II (M II). The proportion of oocytes reaching M II stage was significantly (P<0.01) increased in the oocytes cultured in media containing spermatozoa compared to those in media without spermatozoa (31.9±1.8% vs 14.9±1.0%). No differences in the rates of M II were observed among the different period of spermatozoa exposure nor among the spermatozoa from different species. The proportion of oocytes reaching M II stage was significantly different between high and low concentrations of spermatozoa. The present study suggests that mammalian spermatozoa contain a substance(s) that improves nuclear maturation in vitro of GV oocytes. Enhancing effect of spermatozoa for oocytes maturation in vitro is a highly dose-dependent. Key words - in vitro maturation, oocytes, porcine, spermatozoa 제거된 돼지 미성숙 난자의 체외성숙에 포유동물 정자가 미치는 영향김병기·강성룡·임자옥·한창희·이복규·이광선(동의대학교 자연과학대학 분자생물학전공)
본고는 2012년 2월 『中國文學』(韓國中國語文學會) 제70집에 게재한 논문 「蘇軾 <寒食詩卷> 黃庭堅 跋文考(Ⅰ)-作詩·作書 時期 問題와「此詩似李太白, 猶恐太白有未到處」句 析意」-의 후속으로 이루어진 연구로서 蘇軾의 서예작품인<寒食詩卷>에 붙인 黃庭堅의 跋文에서 擧論한 李西臺가 과연 누구인지를 밝힌 논문이다. 臺灣의 연구자 張淸治는 蘇軾 <寒食詩帖>에 대한 黃庭堅의 跋文에 나오는 李西臺는 李建中이 아니라 李邕이다는 의견을 처음으로 제기하였다. 역시 臺灣의 연구자인 李郁周는 張淸治의 견해에 반론을 제기하여 李西臺는 李邕이 아니라 李建中이다는 주장을 하였다. 이 두 사람의 주장을 상호 비교하고 『宋史』를 비롯한 여러 자료를 검토한 결과 필자는 黃庭堅 跋文 중의 李西臺는 李邕이라는 張淸治의 의견이 더 의미가 있다고 판단하였다. 그렇게 판단한 이유는 다음과 같다. 1. 黃庭堅은 顔眞卿, 楊凝式, 李邕을 蘇軾의 書藝를 구성하는 3대 淵源이자 蘇軾의 書藝가 滋養分을 얻은 곳으로 보았다. 그러므로 黃庭堅 跋文 중의 李西臺는 李邕을 지칭한 것으로 보아야 한다. 2. 黃庭堅이 평소 존경하고 추앙하던 蘇軾의 글씨를 평하면서 소식도 별로 좋아하지 않았고 黃庭堅 자신도 탐탁찮게 여겼던 李建中을 들어 “이 글씨는 안진경, 양응식, 이건중의 필의를 겸하고 있다(此書兼顔魯公․楊少師․李西臺筆意).”는 평을 할 리 없다. 그러므로 黃庭堅 跋文 중의 李西臺는 李建中이 아니라 李邕을 지칭한 것으로 보아야 한다. 3. 李郁周가 제기한 증거인 『宋史』 <列傳> 「李建中」부분의 “前後三求掌西京留司御史臺” 구절은 ‘전후 세 차례에 걸쳐 西京留司御史臺를 관장하기를 구한 적이 있다.’는 뜻이지 李建中이 西京留司御史臺의 직을 맡았다는 뜻은 아니다. 李建中은 御史臺의 직에 나간 적이 없다. 御史臺가 곧 西臺이다. 그러므로 李建中을 李西臺라고 부르는 것은 부당하다. 4. 李郁周는 “李邕은 從7品 下의 낮은 관직인 9명의 殿中侍御史중 한 사람일 뿐이었으며 李邕을 ‘西臺’라고 불렀다는 기록을 역사에서 찾아볼 수 없다.”는 이유로 黃庭堅 跋文 중의 ‘李西臺’는 李建中임을 거듭 주장하였다. 그러나 실상은 그렇지 않다. 李邕은 처음 관직에 나갈 때부터 ‘諫諍之官’을 맡았으며 훗날 御史臺의 실질적 首長인 御史中丞을 맡기에 가장 적격인 인물로 추천은 되었으나 간신의 모함으로 인해 그 직에 나가기 직전에 뜻을 접어야 했던 인물이다. 이런 인물이기 때문에 전혀 御史臺의 관직에 나간 적이 전혀 없는 李建中보다는 李邕을 李西臺로 불러야 옳다. 5. ‘西臺’라는 어사대 首長의 관직에 직접 나가지 않았다는 점에 있어서는 李邕이나 李建中이나 마찬가지다. 그러나 西臺의 직에 보다 더 근접해 있었던 인물은 李建中이 아니라 李邕이다. 그러므로 黃庭堅 跋文 중의 李西臺를 李邕으로 보는 것은 전혀 무리가 없다.
This study was a report on 60 heads of Hanwoo steers(5 treatments⨯4 heads⨯3 repeats). Their start weights were 361.2±14.39 kg to 380.5±27.33 kg; 12.7 to 13.6 months of age. The aim was to investigate the effect of herbal probiotic supplementation on the weight, blood composition, meat quality and immunity in beef. In case of body weight gain, con. 1 plot(183.8 kg) in the early fattening stage, T3 plot(115.1 kg) in the middle fattening stage, and T2 plot(163.3 kg) in the late fattening stage significantly increased(p<0.05). There was a statistically significant difference in the blood content of T-Cho and IgG: con. 1 plot and T1 plot in the early fattening stage, T3 plot and T2 plots in the middle fattening stage, and con. 2 plot and T1~T3 plots in the late fattening stage had higher blood content than that of other treatment plots (p<0.05). In addition, the carcass weight was highest in the T1 plot and T2 plot among the total treatment plots(p<0.05). However, no statistical significant difference was observed in the different treatments; all individual treatment plots(T1~T3 plots) were somewhat higher than the control plots(con. 1~con. 2 plots) with respect to the carcass quantity and carcass quality. Combining and analyzing all results revealed that the dietary addition of herbal probiotics for Hanwoo steers had a positive effect on the improvement of weight, amount of meat, meat quality and immunity
This paper deals with the modified modeling of PV system based on the PSCAD/EMTDC and optimal control method of customer voltages in real distribution system interconnected with the photovoltaic (PV) systems. In order to analyze voltage variation characteristics, the specific modeling of PV system which contains the theory of d-q transformation, current-control algorithm and sinusoidal PWM method is being required. However, the conventional modeling of PV system can only perform the modeling of small-scale active power of less than 60 [kW]. Therefore, this paper presents a modified modeling that can perform the large-scale active power of more than 1 [MW]. And also, this paper proposes the optimal operation method of step voltage regulator (SVR) in order to solve the voltage variation problem when the PV systems are interconnected with the distribution feeders. From the simulation results, it is confirmed that this paper is effective tool for voltage analysis in distribution system with PV systems.