[신앙의 명가를 찾아서_평신도편] 김병기 · 병인박해 순교자 김보현(요한) 4대손, 고 김수환 추기경 친조카

김병기 미래사목연구소 2016 사목정보 Vol.9 No.2

러시아의 대외 군사·안보정책 결정과정 : 대한반도 정책에 미치는 영향 Its Effects on Policy toward Korea

김병기 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

When Boris Yeltsin was elected President of the Russian Federation in 1990. the former Soviet republic lacked those crucial political institutions necessary for consolidating his power and authority. These organs-which existed in other republics. which thereby enhanced the political consolidation of former Communist Party members who came into power-constituted the republican Committee on State Security (or the KGB). the Ministry of International Affairs. and even Academy of Sciences and radio/television channels. Lacking the institutional bases for effective rule, Yeltsin on the other hand, inherited Soviet power ministries with whom he had to struggle to "Russianize" it. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and the Liberal Democratic Party which inhetrited the balk of the organizational and ideological remanants of the powerful Soviet Communist Party apparatus. moreover, generated major barriers towards institutionalization of Yeltsin's presidency. Such difficult situation, on the whole. helped generate the bloody suppression of the Parliament on October of 1993, the consolidation of the anti-center oriented Siberian Agreement of 1994, and even the Chechen crisis from the same year. Andrei Kozyrev followed a policy of full and complete Westernization in 1992, agreeing on all major issues which NATO and the United States positively thought. including the joining of the military coalition against Irag--a former ally of the Soviet Union. Such policy, however, brought not full economic, political and military integration with the West, but isolation and new ideological division along the shrunken border of the Russian Federation with the Baltic countries, and the CIS. Contrary to expectations, former members of the now defunct Warsaw Pact Organization began to join NATO, while even members of the former Soviet Union begin to seek membership. Kozyrev, all in all, ignored not only Russia's strategic interests vis-a-vis the West, but also, its immediate concerns in the Near Abroad where millions of ethnic Russians resided, who were facing daily economic, social and even political threats to their security. These problems were seriously politicized; the Communists and the Liberal Democrats along with the scattered Russian armed forces began to call for a turn towards "within" and the much ignored "Near Abroad." Between the years 1992 and the beginning of 1996, Kozyrev was forced to follow the lines of the domestic conservatives, thereby weakening the institution of the Presidency, and generating the popular image of a weak-willed administration. At the beginning of 1996 Yeltsin appointed Yevgeny Primakov--then the Director of Counter- Foreign Intelligence Agency--as Foreign Minister. A Middle Eastern expert by training and a long-time bureaucrat in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee he began to reorient Russian foreign policy away from US/West Europe to the Near Abroad. In the national security concept developed in 1998, for example, the predominant emphasis is placed on domestic dimension, namely, stablized economic transition towards market economy, and parellel social conditions. In the field of external policy, Primakov proved instrumental in preempting a formation of second military coalition against Iraq--with the help of France and China. In fact, Primakov is reportedly supplying Iraq with nuclear technology for energy purposes. Primakov also actively opposed the expansion of NATO, pressuring the Baltic countries not to join the military bloc. Parenthetically, such show of pressure against the West meant that within the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) no outside forces can interfere: moreover by exporting missiles to Northern Cyprus, an area controlled by Greece. which has a confrontation with Southern Cyprus. an area controlled by Turkey. Primakov intends to weaken NATO internally. by accelarating tension among the two members. The contraction of the border in the Western frontier. and threat of NATO toward it has forced Russia to seek compensation in the Southern frontier. In the Caucasus. Moscow was successful in forcing Georgia to join the CIS by supporting the Abkhazian seperatists as was also with Azerbaijan whose enemies Armenia and its seperatists in contentious Nargono-Karaback it also supported. Moscow felt threatened by the ethnic-disturbances in the Caucasus and the geopolitical encroachements being made by Turkey. a strong ally of the United States. Primakov is reinforcing Russia's relations with Iran for three reasons: (1) to offset Turkey. China and the US' influence in the Middle East and Central Asia: (2) to deny US rapproachment with Tehran with whom Washington desires closer trade and political relations: and (3) to export, like towards irag. nuclear related technology for energy purposes. In Kosovo. moreover. Primakov has intervened on behalf of the Serbs against the Albanians. whose forces are supported by the Western diplomatic community. These policies have earned Primakov not only the support of the Communists and the Liberal Democrats who form the majority in the Duma, but also, have strengthened Yeltsin's. domestic position through essential conservatization of Russia's foreign policy. It is support for these feats that Yeltsin awarded the highest medal of public service to Primakov as well as personally visiting him at the Foreign Ministry this year. Primakov has also recently engineered the breakthrough in the reestablishment of talks with Tokyo for normalizing its relations. a moved aimed at weakening the US grip on Japan. Moscow knows and appreciates the markedly grown influence of China in both Koreas: it also worries the recent improvement of US-Sino relations. Only by improving its relations with Pyongyang can Moscow redress its imbalnce on the Korean peninsula; but given the five years of freeze in its relationship. Moscow had no means of approaching Pyongyang other than by way of kicking out the South Korean diplomat as a way of showing Pyongyang that it is ready to deal more equally with North Korea. Given the current freeze in North Korean-US. North Korean-Japanese and inter-Korean talks. Seoul must be ready to exercise more independent initiative in its foreign policy.

綜合討議

김병기,임병락,양한성,문기식,이은주,오종용 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 1989 서원대학교 미래창조연구원 학술대회지 Vol.1989 No.5

A Study on the Control Method of Customer Voltage Variation in Distribution System with PV Systems

김병기,최성식,왕용필,김응상,노대석 대한전기학회 2015 Journal of Electrical Engineering & Technology Vol.10 No.3

This paper deals with the modified modeling of PV system based on the PSCAD/EMTDC and optimal control method of customer voltages in real distribution system interconnected with the photovoltaic (PV) systems. In order to analyze voltage variation characteristics, the specific modeling of PV system which contains the theory of d-q transformation, current-control algorithm and sinusoidal PWM method is being required. However, the conventional modeling of PV system can only perform the modeling of small-scale active power of less than 60 [kW]. Therefore, this paper presents a modified modeling that can perform the large-scale active power of more than 1 [MW]. And also, this paper proposes the optimal operation method of step voltage regulator (SVR) in order to solve the voltage variation problem when the PV systems are interconnected with the distribution feeders. From the simulation results, it is confirmed that this paper is effective tool for voltage analysis in distribution system with PV systems.

Molecular carcinogenesis of ovarian clear cell carcinoma

김병기 한국발생생물학회 2013 한국발생생물학회 학술발표대회 Vol.2013 No.8

Squamous cell carcinoma antigen in cervical cancer and beyond

김병기 대한부인종양학회 2013 Journal of Gynecologic Oncology Vol.24 No.4

EC 보험시장통합에 관한 고찰

김병기 한국보험학회 1990 保險學會誌 Vol.35 No.-

PSCAD/EMTDC를 이용한 전기 저장장치의 모델링에 관한 연구

김병기,김기영,오승택,이문석,이주광,노대석 대한전기학회 2013 대한전기학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2013 No.11

실시간 다수 UGV의 최적 이동경로 계획을 위한 다목적 진화연산 해법

김병기,후쿠다 카즈마,이준호 대한산업공학회 2015 대한산업공학회 추계학술대회논문집 Vol.2015 No.11

최근 무인 이동체에 대한 연구가 활발히 연구 되고 있으며, 이를 이용하여 감시영역에서의 자율이동 및 군집화 등 많은 분야에서 적용 및 연구되고 있다. 감시영역에서 다수 UGV(Unmanned Ground Vehicle)의 운용감시를 할 경우, 오퍼레이터와 UGV 는 1:N 의 관계가 되며 단일 UGV 와 달리 실시간 스케줄링을 필요로 하게 된다. 다목적의 해를 고려하여 다수의 이동체에 대한 최적이동경로 계획은 NP-hard 문제로 분류되며, 감시의 운용 시나리오에 따라 많은 문제로 분류될 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 최적 이동경로 계획을 감시경로에서의 다수 UGV 의 최적경로 할당 문제로 정의하여 문제를 해결하고자 한다. 감시최적 이동경로 계획은 시간, 총 거리, 배터리 량 등을 고려한 비선형 최적이동 경로 문제이며, 시스템에서는 실 시간으로 스케줄링 하여 각 UGV 에 적용하도록 한다. 본 논문에서는 메타 휴리스틱 방법들 중 진화 알고리즘과 초기 해를 형성하는 Saving Method 을 이용한 해법을 제시한다. 진화 알고리즘을 적용함에 있어 가장 중요한 유전자표현을 어떻게 나타낼 것인가와 여러 다목적 해 영역에서의 진화 전략을 제안 및 적용하고 수치 실험을 통해 그 성능을 평가하고자 한다.

한국생물공학회 바늘구멍으로 본 나의 30년

김병기 한국생물공학회 2015 BT NEWS Vol.22 No.2