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        朝鮮時代(조선시대) 歷史像(역사상)과 共時性(공시성)의 재검토: 14~18세기 한국사 발전모델의 모색

        김백철 ( Paek Chol Kim ) 한국사상사학회 2013 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.44

        14세기 조선왕조의 성립시점은 서양의 르네상스기에 해당하며, 조선 후기는 서구의 근대국가체제의 형성기와 맞닿아 있었다. 따라서 세계사의 변화추이에서 전통사회를 살펴볼 필요가 있다. 아득히 먼 조선왕조가 신기하게도 때때로 근대와 유사한 요소를 지녔다기보다는 전 지구적 인 변화의 흐름 속에 있었던데 불과하다. 동양과 서양으로 나뉜 이분법 적인 시각에서 벗어나 동시대사라는 측면에서 접근해보아야 한다. 특히, 17-18세기 조선의 大同法·均投法과 청의 地丁銀制 등은 부세 개혁을 통하여 국가의 통치구조를 재편하였다. 동아시아 지역세계가 17세기후반부터 약100여년이상 이룩했던 평화의 시대는 내정이 안정되었기에 가능한 일이었다. 조선과 청에서는 군주가 학문을 연마하여 사회의 변화를 주도하고 급기야 개혁을 성공시켜서 부강한 평화의 시대를 만들어낸 반면에, 서구의 절대왕정은 새로운 변화에 부응하지 못하여 백성의 이반을 초래하였으며, 급기야 舊體制로 낙인찍혀 혁명을 경험해야만 했다. 18세기 동아시아의 평화기는 서양에서 흠모해마지 않았던 이상향이였다. 유교정치문화는 서구사회에서 새롭게 발굴해낸 또하나의 이상화된 사회로 인식되었으며, 계몽주의시대 고대 그리스·로마문명 및 중세 기독교적 세계관과 더불어 새로운 근대국가상을 꿈꾸는데 활용되었다. 따라서 한국사와 지역사, 더 나아사 세계사와의 연관구조 속에서 역사상의 재구축이 절실하다. 세계와 고립되었던 분단체제하 일국사적 관점에서 이루어진 조선시대사 연구는 더 이상 유효하지 않을 것이다. 이를 위해서는 한국사와 세계사에 대한 재검토가 동시성을 고려하면서 진행되어야 한다. The point at which the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) was established in the 14th century was the Renaissance in the West, and the latter half of the same dynasty saw the formation of the modern state system in the West. Consequently, it is necessary to examine traditional society in terms of changes in world history, In other words, rather than interestingly harboring elements similar to those of the modern era at times, the temporally remote Joseon Dynasty was only located in the flow of global change, It is necessary to overcome the binary perspective of the East and the West and to take an approach in terms of the history of contemporaneous history, In particular, the implementation of measures including the Uniform Land Tax Law (Daedong-beop) and the Equalized Tax Law (Gyunyeok-beop) in Joseon and the combined land-and-labor service tax (Didingyin-zhi) in Qing China, respectively, during the 17th-18th centuries reorganized the ruling structures of the state through taxa lion reforms. The age of peace that the East Asian region achieved for over a century starting in the latter hall" 01" the 17th century was possible because domestic affairs were stable. While, in Korea and China, monarchs devoted themselves lo studies. led social change, and even successfully implemented reforms. thus leading to an era of prosperity and peace, absolute monarch in the West railed to meet new changes and therefore brought about the estrangement of the people, ultimately to be branded as the ancient regime and lo have lo undergo revolutions. In fact, the peaceful period in East Asia during the 18th century was a utopia admired by the West. The Confucian political culture was perceived as yet another idealized society newly discovered by Western society and was used, along with the classical Greco-Roman civilization and the Medieval Christian world view, to envision images of new, modern states during the age of Enlightenment. Consequently, urgently needed is the reconstruction of historical images within a structure 01" interrelation with Korean history, regional history, and, furthermore, world history. Conducted from the perspective 01" mononational history under the national division system and m isolation from the world. research on the history of the Joseon Dynasty will no longer be valid. For this, a reexamination or Korean history and world history must he performed in consideration of synchronicity.

      • KCI우수등재

        朝鮮後期 英祖代 『續大典』位相의 재검토

        金伯哲(Kim Paek-Chol) 역사학회 2007 역사학보 Vol.0 No.194

        During the 18th century, large scale projects of law code (statutes) compilation continued. The individual Sugyo orders that had been accumulated were trimmed or complimented, and processed into a form of a general law, and then inserted into the Daejeon(Grand Law Code) structure. The earliest result was the compilation and publication of the Sok-Dzejeon, which was the successor of Gyeongguk Daejeon. It became the backbone of the Joseon dynasty's legal system in the dynasty's latter half period. The birth of a grand new law code system would have obviously mirrored the facets of the society that were apparent at the time, so proper examination is required. Inside the foreword of the Gyeongguk Deejeon, the ideal society one might hope for and based upon the teachings of Confucianism is discussed. It shows that the Joseon society was endeavoring to achieve a society placed at such level, as the editors revealed the Joseon dynasty's objective of achieving Confucian legalism in the very first part of the law code. Also, in the foreword of Sok-Daejeon the issue of the 'subjects'(the general public) is particularly emphasized, as the articles inside the Penal code are quoted there. This means that the Penal code section was basically designed to represent the nature and spirit of the entire Sok-Daejeon statutes. And the things that were most emphasized were articles involving the subjects, the general population of the Joseon society. Gyeongguk Daejeon was created in efforts to establish various elements of the national ruling system which would solidify the Joseon dynasty's foundation, and compared to that, Sok-Daejeon was created in efforts to then find ways to care for the subjects based upon such pre-established ruling order. A well-designed legal system and the protection of the basic rights of the public based upon such system were launched by the birth of a new law code which considered the welfare of the public as most important. Also, the official authority of the government was stressed again as well, in order to establish an environment that would practically serve the protection of the public's basic rights and the preservation of social stability. The birth of Sok-Daejeon meant the advent of a new kind of legal code system in the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty, and it reflected the dynamic nature of social changes that continued during the 18th century. And the general population was the most important thing to be protected by such law codes and articles.

      • KCI등재

        로봇 손용 인체모방형 구동기 및 센서

        김백철(Baek-chul Kim),정진아(Jinah Chung),조한정(Hanjoung Cho),신승훈(Seunghoon Shin),이형석(Hyongsuk Lee),문형필(Hyungpil Moon),최혁렬(Hyouk Ryeol Choi),구자춘(Jachoon Koo) 대한기계학회 2012 大韓機械學會論文集A Vol.36 No.12

        복잡한 구조와 다채로운 기능을 수행하는 사람 손의 기능을 모사하는 로봇 손을 제작함에 있어서 유연성 있는 구동기와 센서의 개발이 필수적으로 요구되고 있다. 본 논문에서는 전기활성 고분자를 기반으로 하여 로봇 손에 사용될 수 있는 구동기와 슬립센서의 설계, 제작 및 성능검증에 대한 내용을 소개한다. 전기활성 고분자는 필름형태로 제작되며 양단에 전압을 가하여 수축과 팽창에 따른 움직임이 발생하게 한다. 이와 반대로 전기활성 고분자에 외부의 압력으로 인해 두께나 면적의 변화가 발생하게 되면 정전용량의 변화가 발생하게 된다. 이러한 에너지의 변화소자를 이용하여 구동기와 센서로 이용하였다. 본 논문에서는 전기활성 고분자를 이용한 구동기와 센서를 제시하고 성능평가를 통해 새로운 로봇 손용 에너지 변환 소자로서의 가능성을 연구하였다. To manufacture a robot hand that essentially mimics the functions of a human hand, it is necessary to develop flexible actuators and sensors. In this study, we propose the design, manufacture, and performance verification of flexible actuators and sensors based on Electro Active Polymer (EAP). EAP is fabricated as a type of film, and it moves with changes in the voltage because of contraction and expansion in the polymer film. Furthermore, if a force is applied to an EAP film, its thickness and effective area change, and therefore, the capacitance also changes. By using this mechanism, we produce capacitive actuators and sensors. In this study, we propose an EAP-based capacitive sensor and evaluate its use as a robot hand sensor.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        영조 만년의 초월적 권위와 ‘大蕩平’

        김백철(Kim Paek-Chol) 역사학회 2012 역사학보 Vol.0 No.214

        King Yeongjo advocated the realization of harmony and mediation (impartial appointment of officials; tangpyeong) well into his last years. Even though a political situation based on harmony and mediation had already gotten on track to a considerable degree during the early years of his reign and also evolved into new levels over time, the monarch did not relax in his efforts even during the latter half of his rule. While he had not intended it from the start, he used a problem involving the appointment of officials which broke out in 1772 as an means to punish Kim Chi-In, who had advised him for over 10 years. The incident once again impressed on court officials that even men of influence could be accused of conspiracy. To justify this incident, King Yeongjo compiled a work of his own writings and, to appease him, his ministers had to present yet another regnal name. Although the incident was an unforeseen one, the monarch quickly stressed that it had been a part of the great harmony and mediation, even going on to reinstate ministers of the Young Doctrine (Soron) faction, a measure that he had not been quite able to realize earlier. Disillusioned with contemporary political reality, a large number of court officials punished during the incident subsequently sought to open up a new era of harmony and mediation of their dreams by actively aiding the enthronement of King Jeongjo (r. 1776-1800), who was next in the line of succession. Consequently, this incident can be evaluated as a political event separating the reigns of King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo.

      • KCI등재

        정조 초반 『명의록(明義錄)』과 왕권(王權)의 위상 - 만들어진 이미지와 실상의 경계

        김백철 ( Kim Paek-chol ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2016 大東文化硏究 Vol.95 No.-

        정조 초반 국왕의 위상에 대해 공교롭게도 대다수의 연구자들이 왕권의 취약성을 전제로 검토해 왔다는 사실이 흥미롭다. 이같은 평가의 근거는 즉위 전후 일어난 척신계의 명백한 반발과 범궐모의사건 때문이었다. 정조의 즉위과정이 순탄하지 않았던 까닭에 당대 정국운영도 국왕에게 매우 불리했을 것이라는 추정만이 난무하였다. 하지만 정조는 왕권에 대해 어떠한 형태의 도전도 용납하지 않았다. 심지어 즉위초 대대적인 討逆의 정당성을 알릴 목적으로 『명의록』까지 편찬하였다. 이는 일견‘정치선전’까지 연상되는 측면이 없지 않으며, 오히려 국왕의 권력은 그 어느 때보다도 견고함을 입증하는 듯하다. 정조 초반 굳건한 왕권의 토대 위에서 국왕이 도성을 장시간 비우는 陵幸과 그에 따른 군사훈련이 대규모로 이루어졌다. 미약한 왕권의 이미지로는 상상하기 어려운 행보였다. It is interesting to note that the majority of researchers for status of regal power in the early of the reign of King Jeongjo, unfortunately, leaving the throne to the vulnerability of the premises. It is the basis of this assessment and the rebound was due to the events of the plan for royal court invasion and backlash from maternal relatives of king. At that time, the political situation was emphasized that only a very unfavorable impression on the king because that process the crown prince ascended the throne was not smooth. However, King Jeongjo retaliated against all of the hostility events. After purging his enemies extensively at the early stage of his ascension to the throne, Jeongjo published Myeonguirok to justify his subjugation. This book was in part used to promote the king’s political propaganda, and his royal power was stronger than any other times. Based on his well-established authority, King Jeongjo made royal trips frequently and implemented a grand-scale military training. It was difficult for the image of weak kingship of King Jeongjo to imagine his real pace.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        18세기 영남 ‘반역향(叛逆鄕)’담론의 실상과 허상

        김백철 ( Kim¸ Paek-chol ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2021 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.76

        경상도에서는 영남차별론이 역사적 사실로 받아들여지고 있다. 숙종 20년(1694) 갑술환국, 영조 4년(1728) 무신란, 순조 원년(1801) 신유박해 등이 남인이 중앙정계에서 퇴출되는 계기로 제시되곤 한다. 그런데 경상도는 조선시대 500년간 과거급제자가 서울을 제외하면 부동의 1위이다. 또한 과거급제에 그치지 않고 출사로 이어진 비율도 높았으며 그중 고위직 비중도 적지 않았다. 남인이 때때로 탄압을 받은 적은 있으나 영남인이 그 대상이 되지는 않았다. 그렇다면 영남 차별론이 생긴 이유는 무엇일까? 첫째, 상대적인 기억의 왜곡 현상이다. 여러 정치사건에도 불구하고 실제 영남 출사자가 감소하거나 중단되지 않았다. 심지어 세도정치기나 고종연간조차 영남인의 출사는 증가하였다. 이는 차별론의 시선과 전혀 다른 현실이다. 둘째, 과거 급제자 숫자의 일시적 변동이다. 18세기 영남 급제자 일부가 단기간에 감소하였고, 18-19세기 충청도와 평안도 숫자가 일시적으로 경상도를 앞서는 시점이 도래했다. 하지만 이 역시 남인 등용책과 더불어 기호지방 출사가 늘어났기 때문이었고 서북인 등용확대는 영남인 우대조치와 연동되어 등장하였으므로 영남차별과는 무관하였다. 오히려 공평한 인사정책과 지역균형 정책이 역설적으로 영남인 진출자 감소를 가져왔다. 셋째, 현재적 관점에서 지역차별을 논하면서 과거 역사에 투영하는 방식이다. 주로 지방의 정치권에서 선거철과 관련하여 자주 일어나는 현상이다. 결과적으로 경상도가 지역차별을 받은 적은 거의 없었다. 명현을 가장 많이 배출하였고 경제적으로 매우 부유한 지역이었다. 단지 서울을 꿈꾸기 때문에 욕망에 비례하여 갈증을 느끼는 것이다. In Gyeongsang Province, the theory of discrimination in Yeongnam is being accepted as a historical fact. Several political events are often suggested as an opportunity for Southern party to be expelled from the political world of the capital. For instance, Gabsul Regime Change in 1694, Musin Rebellion in 1728, Sinyu Persecution of Catholics in 1801 etc. However, Gyeongsang Province has the largest number of successful applicants for the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials in the history of the Joseon Dynasty for 500 years excluding Seoul. What’s more, Those belonging to Southern party were sometimes suppressed, but those from Gyeongsang Province were not targeted. Then, why did the theory of the Yeongnam discrimination arise? First, it is a relative memory distortion phenomenon. Despite various political events, the number of successful applicants in Yeongnam did not actually decrease or stop. Even during the power politics and the reign of King Gojong, the number of Yeongnam people entering government posts increased. This is a completely different reality from the view of discrimination. Second, the number of Yeongnam people who passed temporarily fluctuated. In the 18th century, some of successful candidate for Yeongnam decreased briefly. And from the 18th to the 19th century, the number of successful candidate for Chungcheong and Pyeongan provinces temporarily surpassed that of Gyeongsang Province. But this was also due to increased travel to the region along with other people's regulations. However, this was also due to the increase in the number of government posts in Gyeonggi and Hoseo Province along with the use of Southern party. And the expansion of the use of Northwesterners was related to the preferential treatment of Yeongnam people, so it had nothing to do with the discrimination in Yeongnam. Rather, fair personnel policies and balanced regional policies have ironically reduced the number of Yeongnam people entering government posts. Third, it is a way of projecting the regional discrimination from a current perspective on past history. This is a frequent phenomenon in local political circles, mainly in relation to the election season. As a result, Gyeongsang Province has rarely suffered regional discrimination. Yeongnam produced the most famous talents and was a very economically wealthy area. Just because they dream of Seoul, they feel thirsty in proportion to their desire.

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