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김백철(Kim Paek-chol) 한국학중앙연구원 2011 장서각 Vol.0 No.26
In the early days following his enthronement, King Yeongjo chose faithfully to follow the political tradition established by his predecessors with the utmost prudence, as if walking on thin ice. As state affairs gradually stabilized and he came to lead them personally, however, he recovered confidence and therefore made diverse new attempts. In addition, because King Yeongjo reigned for over half a century, the policies that he implemented came to be established as yet another unique tradition of monarchical rule. 18th-century monarchs could not argue for the legitimacy of their rule solely based on their sacred lineage. In fact, through the cultivation of the study of the sage-king, they did not hesitate to reveal their political views to their subjects, displaying their aspects as scholar-kings internally and externally. Here, the form of the yuneum (royal exhortations), personally authored by monarchs, too, was actively used. Early yuneum were issued so as to express monarchs' intentions regarding and through national projects such as tangpyeong (impartial appointment) and major policies such as gyunyeok (equalized taxation). As yuneum gradually came to be regularly issued during specific solar terms such as the first day of the first month of the lunar year and the winter solstice, their repetitiveness increased. Moreover, they were used without fail when expressing monarchs' intentions even regarding and through particular policies such as those on alcohol prohibition, frugality, judicature, civil and military service examinations, and rituals and ceremonies of the royal household. Afterwards, monarchs enjoyed proclaiming even their personal sentiments such as delight internally and externally through yuneum. This signifies that, during the 18th century, yuneum were used to express monarchs' intentions omnidirectionally.
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김백철 ( Kim¸ Paek-chol ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2021 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.76
경상도에서는 영남차별론이 역사적 사실로 받아들여지고 있다. 숙종 20년(1694) 갑술환국, 영조 4년(1728) 무신란, 순조 원년(1801) 신유박해 등이 남인이 중앙정계에서 퇴출되는 계기로 제시되곤 한다. 그런데 경상도는 조선시대 500년간 과거급제자가 서울을 제외하면 부동의 1위이다. 또한 과거급제에 그치지 않고 출사로 이어진 비율도 높았으며 그중 고위직 비중도 적지 않았다. 남인이 때때로 탄압을 받은 적은 있으나 영남인이 그 대상이 되지는 않았다. 그렇다면 영남 차별론이 생긴 이유는 무엇일까? 첫째, 상대적인 기억의 왜곡 현상이다. 여러 정치사건에도 불구하고 실제 영남 출사자가 감소하거나 중단되지 않았다. 심지어 세도정치기나 고종연간조차 영남인의 출사는 증가하였다. 이는 차별론의 시선과 전혀 다른 현실이다. 둘째, 과거 급제자 숫자의 일시적 변동이다. 18세기 영남 급제자 일부가 단기간에 감소하였고, 18-19세기 충청도와 평안도 숫자가 일시적으로 경상도를 앞서는 시점이 도래했다. 하지만 이 역시 남인 등용책과 더불어 기호지방 출사가 늘어났기 때문이었고 서북인 등용확대는 영남인 우대조치와 연동되어 등장하였으므로 영남차별과는 무관하였다. 오히려 공평한 인사정책과 지역균형 정책이 역설적으로 영남인 진출자 감소를 가져왔다. 셋째, 현재적 관점에서 지역차별을 논하면서 과거 역사에 투영하는 방식이다. 주로 지방의 정치권에서 선거철과 관련하여 자주 일어나는 현상이다. 결과적으로 경상도가 지역차별을 받은 적은 거의 없었다. 명현을 가장 많이 배출하였고 경제적으로 매우 부유한 지역이었다. 단지 서울을 꿈꾸기 때문에 욕망에 비례하여 갈증을 느끼는 것이다. In Gyeongsang Province, the theory of discrimination in Yeongnam is being accepted as a historical fact. Several political events are often suggested as an opportunity for Southern party to be expelled from the political world of the capital. For instance, Gabsul Regime Change in 1694, Musin Rebellion in 1728, Sinyu Persecution of Catholics in 1801 etc. However, Gyeongsang Province has the largest number of successful applicants for the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials in the history of the Joseon Dynasty for 500 years excluding Seoul. What’s more, Those belonging to Southern party were sometimes suppressed, but those from Gyeongsang Province were not targeted. Then, why did the theory of the Yeongnam discrimination arise? First, it is a relative memory distortion phenomenon. Despite various political events, the number of successful applicants in Yeongnam did not actually decrease or stop. Even during the power politics and the reign of King Gojong, the number of Yeongnam people entering government posts increased. This is a completely different reality from the view of discrimination. Second, the number of Yeongnam people who passed temporarily fluctuated. In the 18th century, some of successful candidate for Yeongnam decreased briefly. And from the 18th to the 19th century, the number of successful candidate for Chungcheong and Pyeongan provinces temporarily surpassed that of Gyeongsang Province. But this was also due to increased travel to the region along with other people's regulations. However, this was also due to the increase in the number of government posts in Gyeonggi and Hoseo Province along with the use of Southern party. And the expansion of the use of Northwesterners was related to the preferential treatment of Yeongnam people, so it had nothing to do with the discrimination in Yeongnam. Rather, fair personnel policies and balanced regional policies have ironically reduced the number of Yeongnam people entering government posts. Third, it is a way of projecting the regional discrimination from a current perspective on past history. This is a frequent phenomenon in local political circles, mainly in relation to the election season. As a result, Gyeongsang Province has rarely suffered regional discrimination. Yeongnam produced the most famous talents and was a very economically wealthy area. Just because they dream of Seoul, they feel thirsty in proportion to their desire.
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김백철(Kim Paek-chol) 한국역사연구회 2008 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.68
The task of compiling Sok-Daejeon during the latter half period of Joseon, was born out of the need to restore the so-called 'Gyeongguk Daejeon system', which was based upon the Joseon dynasty's main legal code, Gyeongguk Dsejeon. It has been being strongly argued that the legal codes of Gyeongguk Daejeon should be respected, honored and abided by. But the codes that were created in the early days of the dynasty, were actually in no condition to properly reflect the various social changes that had accumulated for centuries. So, during the reign of King Yeongjo, the Sugyo orders that had earlier been issued by the King were compiled(as the first stage of overall efforts that will eventually follow) in the form of Shinbo Sugyo Jibrok. After that task was completed, soon it was followed by a second stage of efforts in which the newly compiled Sugyo orders were 'integrated' into the existing legal code system(or structure), and resulted in the compilation of Jeungbo Jeonrok Tonggo. And in the third stage, all the existing legal codes were gathered together and merged with each other, under the name of Sok-Daejeon. As we can see, the task of updating and improving the legal code system during King Yeongjo's reign, proceeded with several stages composed of individual tasks. Compilation of Sok-Daejeon proceeded somewhat differently from other tasks of legal codification projects that continued in the same period. First, regarding the issue of penal code implementation, codes inside the 'Penal section' of Sok-Daejeon(based upon Joseon situations) came to be used more frequently and prominently than the codes inside the Chinese Daemyeong-ryul. And secondly, Sok-Daejeon shows its own distinct nature of containing all the Sugyo orders that were previously included in the four legal compilations('Sarok/四錄') which all came after the days of Cyeongguk Daejeon(Daejeon Sokrok, Daejeon Hu-Sokrok, Sugyo Jibrok, Shinbo Sugyo Jibrok). Sok-Daejeon literally absorbed all those predecessors to itself, and established them inside one single unified legal code system usually referred to as "Deajeon/大典". Through this process, the legal codes that were scattered throughout several legal code systems were finally put into a unified structure under clearly defined legal relationships. These efforts that continued during the reign of King Yeongjo provided an important momentum for future tasks of updating and improving existing legal codes, and also tasks of preparing new forms of national legal codes.
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김백철(Kim Paek-Chol) 역사학회 2012 역사학보 Vol.0 No.214
King Yeongjo advocated the realization of harmony and mediation (impartial appointment of officials; tangpyeong) well into his last years. Even though a political situation based on harmony and mediation had already gotten on track to a considerable degree during the early years of his reign and also evolved into new levels over time, the monarch did not relax in his efforts even during the latter half of his rule. While he had not intended it from the start, he used a problem involving the appointment of officials which broke out in 1772 as an means to punish Kim Chi-In, who had advised him for over 10 years. The incident once again impressed on court officials that even men of influence could be accused of conspiracy. To justify this incident, King Yeongjo compiled a work of his own writings and, to appease him, his ministers had to present yet another regnal name. Although the incident was an unforeseen one, the monarch quickly stressed that it had been a part of the great harmony and mediation, even going on to reinstate ministers of the Young Doctrine (Soron) faction, a measure that he had not been quite able to realize earlier. Disillusioned with contemporary political reality, a large number of court officials punished during the incident subsequently sought to open up a new era of harmony and mediation of their dreams by actively aiding the enthronement of King Jeongjo (r. 1776-1800), who was next in the line of succession. Consequently, this incident can be evaluated as a political event separating the reigns of King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo.
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