英祖의 綸音과 王政傳統 만들기

김백철(Kim Paek-chol) 한국학중앙연구원 2011 장서각 Vol.0 No.26

In the early days following his enthronement, King Yeongjo chose faithfully to follow the political tradition established by his predecessors with the utmost prudence, as if walking on thin ice. As state affairs gradually stabilized and he came to lead them personally, however, he recovered confidence and therefore made diverse new attempts. In addition, because King Yeongjo reigned for over half a century, the policies that he implemented came to be established as yet another unique tradition of monarchical rule. 18th-century monarchs could not argue for the legitimacy of their rule solely based on their sacred lineage. In fact, through the cultivation of the study of the sage-king, they did not hesitate to reveal their political views to their subjects, displaying their aspects as scholar-kings internally and externally. Here, the form of the yuneum (royal exhortations), personally authored by monarchs, too, was actively used. Early yuneum were issued so as to express monarchs' intentions regarding and through national projects such as tangpyeong (impartial appointment) and major policies such as gyunyeok (equalized taxation). As yuneum gradually came to be regularly issued during specific solar terms such as the first day of the first month of the lunar year and the winter solstice, their repetitiveness increased. Moreover, they were used without fail when expressing monarchs' intentions even regarding and through particular policies such as those on alcohol prohibition, frugality, judicature, civil and military service examinations, and rituals and ceremonies of the royal household. Afterwards, monarchs enjoyed proclaiming even their personal sentiments such as delight internally and externally through yuneum. This signifies that, during the 18th century, yuneum were used to express monarchs' intentions omnidirectionally.

18세기 영남 ‘반역향(叛逆鄕)’담론의 실상과 허상

김백철 ( Kim¸ Paek-chol ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2021 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.76

경상도에서는 영남차별론이 역사적 사실로 받아들여지고 있다. 숙종 20년(1694) 갑술환국, 영조 4년(1728) 무신란, 순조 원년(1801) 신유박해 등이 남인이 중앙정계에서 퇴출되는 계기로 제시되곤 한다. 그런데 경상도는 조선시대 500년간 과거급제자가 서울을 제외하면 부동의 1위이다. 또한 과거급제에 그치지 않고 출사로 이어진 비율도 높았으며 그중 고위직 비중도 적지 않았다. 남인이 때때로 탄압을 받은 적은 있으나 영남인이 그 대상이 되지는 않았다. 그렇다면 영남 차별론이 생긴 이유는 무엇일까? 첫째, 상대적인 기억의 왜곡 현상이다. 여러 정치사건에도 불구하고 실제 영남 출사자가 감소하거나 중단되지 않았다. 심지어 세도정치기나 고종연간조차 영남인의 출사는 증가하였다. 이는 차별론의 시선과 전혀 다른 현실이다. 둘째, 과거 급제자 숫자의 일시적 변동이다. 18세기 영남 급제자 일부가 단기간에 감소하였고, 18-19세기 충청도와 평안도 숫자가 일시적으로 경상도를 앞서는 시점이 도래했다. 하지만 이 역시 남인 등용책과 더불어 기호지방 출사가 늘어났기 때문이었고 서북인 등용확대는 영남인 우대조치와 연동되어 등장하였으므로 영남차별과는 무관하였다. 오히려 공평한 인사정책과 지역균형 정책이 역설적으로 영남인 진출자 감소를 가져왔다. 셋째, 현재적 관점에서 지역차별을 논하면서 과거 역사에 투영하는 방식이다. 주로 지방의 정치권에서 선거철과 관련하여 자주 일어나는 현상이다. 결과적으로 경상도가 지역차별을 받은 적은 거의 없었다. 명현을 가장 많이 배출하였고 경제적으로 매우 부유한 지역이었다. 단지 서울을 꿈꾸기 때문에 욕망에 비례하여 갈증을 느끼는 것이다. In Gyeongsang Province, the theory of discrimination in Yeongnam is being accepted as a historical fact. Several political events are often suggested as an opportunity for Southern party to be expelled from the political world of the capital. For instance, Gabsul Regime Change in 1694, Musin Rebellion in 1728, Sinyu Persecution of Catholics in 1801 etc. However, Gyeongsang Province has the largest number of successful applicants for the highest-level state examination to recruit ranking officials in the history of the Joseon Dynasty for 500 years excluding Seoul. What’s more, Those belonging to Southern party were sometimes suppressed, but those from Gyeongsang Province were not targeted. Then, why did the theory of the Yeongnam discrimination arise? First, it is a relative memory distortion phenomenon. Despite various political events, the number of successful applicants in Yeongnam did not actually decrease or stop. Even during the power politics and the reign of King Gojong, the number of Yeongnam people entering government posts increased. This is a completely different reality from the view of discrimination. Second, the number of Yeongnam people who passed temporarily fluctuated. In the 18th century, some of successful candidate for Yeongnam decreased briefly. And from the 18th to the 19th century, the number of successful candidate for Chungcheong and Pyeongan provinces temporarily surpassed that of Gyeongsang Province. But this was also due to increased travel to the region along with other people's regulations. However, this was also due to the increase in the number of government posts in Gyeonggi and Hoseo Province along with the use of Southern party. And the expansion of the use of Northwesterners was related to the preferential treatment of Yeongnam people, so it had nothing to do with the discrimination in Yeongnam. Rather, fair personnel policies and balanced regional policies have ironically reduced the number of Yeongnam people entering government posts. Third, it is a way of projecting the regional discrimination from a current perspective on past history. This is a frequent phenomenon in local political circles, mainly in relation to the election season. As a result, Gyeongsang Province has rarely suffered regional discrimination. Yeongnam produced the most famous talents and was a very economically wealthy area. Just because they dream of Seoul, they feel thirsty in proportion to their desire.

논문 : 조선후기 영조대(英祖代) 탕평(蕩平)정치의 이념과 《주례(周禮)》

김백철 ( Paek Chol Kim ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2005 韓國史論 Vol.51 No.-

조선시대 충청도 지역사자료의 재검토

김백철(Paek-chol Kim) 충청남도역사문화연구원 2023 충청학과 충청문화 Vol.34 No.1

靈城君 朴文秀(1691~1756)의 政界활동

金伯哲(Kim, Paek-chol) 한국사연구회 2013 한국사연구 Vol.- No.163

Behind the emergence of fair and anti-partisan (Tangpyeong) politics during the years of King Yeongjo, the support from the Tangpyeong bureaucrats played a significant role. Since the Sinim political imprisonment, Park was the close court attendant to King Gyeongjong and subordinate to the Crown prince, which explains his loyalty to the court. He particularly left a visible achievement during the Mooshin revolt gaining recognition and trust from King Yeongjo. At the time, the court subordinates represented the Cheongryu trend and thus, promoted the Tangpyeong politics. They entered the politics after Sinimhwangook ; therefore, could not turn their back on the identity of Soron. The conflicts rose quite often as the ideal of Tangpyeong politics and realistic view held by politicians often clashed. Furthermore, the oppression carried out by the believers of Soron and Tangpyeong during the Mooshin revolt was very harsh, so they could not avoid being attacked by the radicals of Soron. Additionally, Park as an individual was free from his political belief, so he could not be protected by other believers of Tangpyeong. He was an independent individual which explains why he could not climb the bureaucratic ladder for about a decade. However, the reason why he was trusted by the King despite all was not only his integrity, but also due to his highly skilled executive ability. During famine, he made effective use of exchanging grain, producing salt, striking coins. He was later in charge of the military in which he pursued the financial reform and restructured the supreme command. As a result of such reform and contribution he made to the military, he was at the forefront of military reform. He developed and successfully implemented fishery and salt, shipping Tax which laid a solid foundation for Gyunyeok law. This also became a noteworthy milestone for King Yeongjo who later revised Gong-si policy. In sum, Park’s political activities are a clear indicator of the complex nature of politicians during the Tangpyeong politics period.

정조 초반 『명의록(明義錄)』과 왕권(王權)의 위상 - 만들어진 이미지와 실상의 경계

김백철 ( Kim Paek-chol ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2016 大東文化硏究 Vol.95 No.-

정조 초반 국왕의 위상에 대해 공교롭게도 대다수의 연구자들이 왕권의 취약성을 전제로 검토해 왔다는 사실이 흥미롭다. 이같은 평가의 근거는 즉위 전후 일어난 척신계의 명백한 반발과 범궐모의사건 때문이었다. 정조의 즉위과정이 순탄하지 않았던 까닭에 당대 정국운영도 국왕에게 매우 불리했을 것이라는 추정만이 난무하였다. 하지만 정조는 왕권에 대해 어떠한 형태의 도전도 용납하지 않았다. 심지어 즉위초 대대적인 討逆의 정당성을 알릴 목적으로 『명의록』까지 편찬하였다. 이는 일견‘정치선전’까지 연상되는 측면이 없지 않으며, 오히려 국왕의 권력은 그 어느 때보다도 견고함을 입증하는 듯하다. 정조 초반 굳건한 왕권의 토대 위에서 국왕이 도성을 장시간 비우는 陵幸과 그에 따른 군사훈련이 대규모로 이루어졌다. 미약한 왕권의 이미지로는 상상하기 어려운 행보였다. It is interesting to note that the majority of researchers for status of regal power in the early of the reign of King Jeongjo, unfortunately, leaving the throne to the vulnerability of the premises. It is the basis of this assessment and the rebound was due to the events of the plan for royal court invasion and backlash from maternal relatives of king. At that time, the political situation was emphasized that only a very unfavorable impression on the king because that process the crown prince ascended the throne was not smooth. However, King Jeongjo retaliated against all of the hostility events. After purging his enemies extensively at the early stage of his ascension to the throne, Jeongjo published Myeonguirok to justify his subjugation. This book was in part used to promote the king’s political propaganda, and his royal power was stronger than any other times. Based on his well-established authority, King Jeongjo made royal trips frequently and implemented a grand-scale military training. It was difficult for the image of weak kingship of King Jeongjo to imagine his real pace.

朝鮮後期 英祖初盤 法制整備의 성격과 그 지향

김백철(Kim Paek-chol) 한국학중앙연구원 2009 한국학 Vol.32 No.2

영조 만년의 초월적 권위와 ‘大蕩平’

김백철(Kim Paek-Chol) 역사학회 2012 역사학보 Vol.0 No.214

King Yeongjo advocated the realization of harmony and mediation (impartial appointment of officials; tangpyeong) well into his last years. Even though a political situation based on harmony and mediation had already gotten on track to a considerable degree during the early years of his reign and also evolved into new levels over time, the monarch did not relax in his efforts even during the latter half of his rule. While he had not intended it from the start, he used a problem involving the appointment of officials which broke out in 1772 as an means to punish Kim Chi-In, who had advised him for over 10 years. The incident once again impressed on court officials that even men of influence could be accused of conspiracy. To justify this incident, King Yeongjo compiled a work of his own writings and, to appease him, his ministers had to present yet another regnal name. Although the incident was an unforeseen one, the monarch quickly stressed that it had been a part of the great harmony and mediation, even going on to reinstate ministers of the Young Doctrine (Soron) faction, a measure that he had not been quite able to realize earlier. Disillusioned with contemporary political reality, a large number of court officials punished during the incident subsequently sought to open up a new era of harmony and mediation of their dreams by actively aiding the enthronement of King Jeongjo (r. 1776-1800), who was next in the line of succession. Consequently, this incident can be evaluated as a political event separating the reigns of King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo.

朝鮮後期 英祖代 『續大典』位相의 재검토

金伯哲(Kim Paek-Chol) 역사학회 2007 역사학보 Vol.0 No.194

During the 18th century, large scale projects of law code (statutes) compilation continued. The individual Sugyo orders that had been accumulated were trimmed or complimented, and processed into a form of a general law, and then inserted into the Daejeon(Grand Law Code) structure. The earliest result was the compilation and publication of the Sok-Dzejeon, which was the successor of Gyeongguk Daejeon. It became the backbone of the Joseon dynasty's legal system in the dynasty's latter half period. The birth of a grand new law code system would have obviously mirrored the facets of the society that were apparent at the time, so proper examination is required. Inside the foreword of the Gyeongguk Deejeon, the ideal society one might hope for and based upon the teachings of Confucianism is discussed. It shows that the Joseon society was endeavoring to achieve a society placed at such level, as the editors revealed the Joseon dynasty's objective of achieving Confucian legalism in the very first part of the law code. Also, in the foreword of Sok-Daejeon the issue of the 'subjects'(the general public) is particularly emphasized, as the articles inside the Penal code are quoted there. This means that the Penal code section was basically designed to represent the nature and spirit of the entire Sok-Daejeon statutes. And the things that were most emphasized were articles involving the subjects, the general population of the Joseon society. Gyeongguk Daejeon was created in efforts to establish various elements of the national ruling system which would solidify the Joseon dynasty's foundation, and compared to that, Sok-Daejeon was created in efforts to then find ways to care for the subjects based upon such pre-established ruling order. A well-designed legal system and the protection of the basic rights of the public based upon such system were launched by the birth of a new law code which considered the welfare of the public as most important. Also, the official authority of the government was stressed again as well, in order to establish an environment that would practically serve the protection of the public's basic rights and the preservation of social stability. The birth of Sok-Daejeon meant the advent of a new kind of legal code system in the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty, and it reflected the dynamic nature of social changes that continued during the 18th century. And the general population was the most important thing to be protected by such law codes and articles.

조선후기 영조대 법전정비와 『속대전』의 편찬

김백철(Kim Paek-chol) 한국역사연구회 2008 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.68

The task of compiling Sok-Daejeon during the latter half period of Joseon, was born out of the need to restore the so-called 'Gyeongguk Daejeon system', which was based upon the Joseon dynasty's main legal code, Gyeongguk Dsejeon. It has been being strongly argued that the legal codes of Gyeongguk Daejeon should be respected, honored and abided by. But the codes that were created in the early days of the dynasty, were actually in no condition to properly reflect the various social changes that had accumulated for centuries. So, during the reign of King Yeongjo, the Sugyo orders that had earlier been issued by the King were compiled(as the first stage of overall efforts that will eventually follow) in the form of Shinbo Sugyo Jibrok. After that task was completed, soon it was followed by a second stage of efforts in which the newly compiled Sugyo orders were 'integrated' into the existing legal code system(or structure), and resulted in the compilation of Jeungbo Jeonrok Tonggo. And in the third stage, all the existing legal codes were gathered together and merged with each other, under the name of Sok-Daejeon. As we can see, the task of updating and improving the legal code system during King Yeongjo's reign, proceeded with several stages composed of individual tasks. Compilation of Sok-Daejeon proceeded somewhat differently from other tasks of legal codification projects that continued in the same period. First, regarding the issue of penal code implementation, codes inside the 'Penal section' of Sok-Daejeon(based upon Joseon situations) came to be used more frequently and prominently than the codes inside the Chinese Daemyeong-ryul. And secondly, Sok-Daejeon shows its own distinct nature of containing all the Sugyo orders that were previously included in the four legal compilations('Sarok/四錄') which all came after the days of Cyeongguk Daejeon(Daejeon Sokrok, Daejeon Hu-Sokrok, Sugyo Jibrok, Shinbo Sugyo Jibrok). Sok-Daejeon literally absorbed all those predecessors to itself, and established them inside one single unified legal code system usually referred to as "Deajeon/大典". Through this process, the legal codes that were scattered throughout several legal code systems were finally put into a unified structure under clearly defined legal relationships. These efforts that continued during the reign of King Yeongjo provided an important momentum for future tasks of updating and improving existing legal codes, and also tasks of preparing new forms of national legal codes.