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      • KCI등재

        발해 금군과 도성방어체계

        강성봉(Kang, Sung-bong) 한국역사연구회 2015 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.97

        Historical studies of the Balhae military system were waiting for a breakthrough for a long time, because the lack of pertinent data was preventing studies from going forward. Yet recently, thanks to the newly acquired and secured archaeological data, comparative studies examining the Chinese Dang dynasty’s Jang’an-seong capital and Balhae Sang’gyeong-seong capital have been announced, and based upon such accomplishments this article attempted to trace evidences of the formation of the Eight Battalions[衛] and the Royal guard of Balhae, which are believed to have been quite similar to their Dang dynasty counterparts, such as the 16 Battalions and the Imperial Guard. First, the concept and categories of the Royal guards that existed throughout the history of Korea and China were examined, and determined was the fact that the concept of ‘Royal Guard’ primarily referred to the Dynastic army or ‘Central’ army, while it also referred to the smaller, refined and independent units (enlisted within the central army) which were put in specific charge of not only safeguarding the king and emperor but also serving them in the most minute aspects. During the reign of Balhae king Mun-wang, the capital was moved to the Sang’gyeong-seong fortress, and at the time the Eight Battalion system, which quite resembled the 16 Battalion system of Dang, seems to have been established. Later, during the reign of King Seon-wang, all aspects of Balhae culture and administration continued to be refined, and in the process, the North, South, Left and Right Battalions were officially designated to serve the role which was assumed by the Left/Right Shinchaek battalion of Dang. The Capital defense system of Balhae reveals that the Sang’gyeong area was protected by a multi-layered overlapping lines of defense. The left and right shores of the Mokdan-gang river, the Jang’gwang-jae-ryeong ridge on the West, The No’ya-ryeong range on the East served as primary perimeters, which engulfed the palace, outer fortress, and the entire capital along with its adjacent areas. What should be noticed is the fact that no traces of middle or large scale fortresses are found between the Jirin city and the Jang’gwang-jae-ryeong ridge, at least from archaeological excavations. Such traces are mainly being discovered from the Mokdan-gang river basin and near the Gyeongbak lake where the Sang’gyeong-seong was reportedly located. Unlike the Goguryeo dynasty’s Liaodung defense system, it seems that the Balhae system took advantage of the natural geographical features of the Mokdan-gang area in designing its own defense structure.

      • KCI등재

        노인의 종교활동과 신앙태도가 우울 및 자아통합감에 미치는 영향

        강성봉(Sung-Bong Kang),조성숙(Sung-Sook Cho) 한국콘텐츠학회 2013 한국콘텐츠학회논문지 Vol.13 No.10

        본 연구는 노인의 인구사회학적 특성에 따른 종교활동, 신앙태도, 우울 및 자아통합감의 차이를 분석하고, 종교활동과 신앙태도가 우울 및 자아통합감에 미치는 영향을 분석하였다. 설문조사는 서울 수도권 지역에서 기독교 신앙을 가진 60세 이상의 노인을 대상으로 2013년 5월 4일에서 25일까지 실시하였으며, 총 408부의 자료를 분석하였다. 연구결과를 요약하면, 첫째, 노인의 인구사회학적 특성에 따라 종교활동, 신앙태도, 우울 및 자아통합감에서 부분적인 차이가 분석되었다. 둘째, 주관적 종교활동과 신앙태도는 우울 요인에 부(-)적인 영향을 미쳤고, 노인의 주관적, 조직적 및 비조직적 종교활동은 비활력 요인에 부(-)적인 영향을 미치고 있었다. 셋째, 주관적 종교활동은 자아통합감의 삶에 대한 태도와 죽음의 수용에, 조직적 종교 활동은 노령의 수용에 정(+)적인 영향을 미쳤고, 종교활동의 모든 요인은 현재 생활 만족에 정(+)적인 영향력을 나타냈다. This study analyzed the differences of the religious activities, faith attitudes, depression and ego-integrity by the elderlys demographic characteristics. In addition, this study analyzed the effects of the elderlys religious activities and faith attitudes on depression and ego-integrity. The survey was conducted from May 4 to 25, 2013 among the aged 60 or older with Christian faith in the Seoul metropolitan areas. And 408 responses were used in the data analysis. As a summary of the results, first, there were partially differences in religious activities, faith attitudes, depression, and ego-integrity by the elderlys demographic characteristics. Second, the subjective religious activities and faith attitudes had a negative effect on depression factor, and all factors of the religious activities had a negative effect on anti-vitality factor of the elderly. Third, the subjective religious activities had a positive effect on the attitude about life and acceptance of death, and the organizational religious activities had a positive effect on the acceptance of aging. Also, all factors of the religious activities had a positive effect on the satisfaction of the present life.

      • IEEE-1394 버스의 가용 등시성 대역폭을 활용하기 위한 대역폭 훔치기와 ABR-1394 전송 모드

        강성일(Kang Sung Il),이윤직(Lee Yoon Jick),이흥규(Lee Heung Kyu),강성봉(Kang Sung Bong) 한국정보처리학회 1999 정보처리학회논문지 Vol.6 No.6

        The IEEE-1394 High Performance Serial Bus provides the real-time isochronous transport with capability of bandwidth reservation, however, there is a problem that isochronous bandwidth is used inefficiently on transmitting multimedia data with variable rate via the isochronous transport. To improve utilization of isochronous bandwidth, this paper proposes a bandwidth stealing technique to be able to recognize available isochronous bandwidth without any effects on current isochronous transmissions with reserved bandwidths, standard nodes and extended nodes with the bandwidth stealing technique can be connected together on the same bus. The ABR-1394 transport enables applications to utilize available isochronous bandwidth efficiently. In the respect of the utilization of available bandwidth, ABR-1394 is similar to the ABR service of ATM, however, it is different in that an ABR-1394 node itself can do flow control independently without any help from the network.

      • KCI등재

        발해 8위제에 관한 검토

        강성봉(Kang, Sung-bong) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2011 군사 Vol.- No.79

        Balhae(渤海) corresponds to a stretch of the northern part of the Korean Peninsula, the northeast part of China, and the Maritime Province of Russia in modern times. It took on the socioeconomic character based on farming combined with hunting, and fishing. Also, a majority of ruled class was a multiracial country which was composed of malgaltribes(靺鞨族). Thus, the rulers of Balhae tried to establish the military system based on social and economic structures to secure stable ruling system. Its Eight Guards System, therefore, can be said to have resulted from the social organization based on the economic life of combining farming with hunting which was projected as it was on the military system. A study on the system has important significance in examining the character of the society closely. Chapter 2 reexamined ten and eight guards theories related to the military system. The result showed that Balhae had organized Eight Guards(8衛), the military system by transforming Tang"s(唐) guards system besides the elements such as malgal’s eight native camps or parts. Chapter 3 analysed the ambassadors dispatched to Tang who secured military officer position from the country in the period of Muwang(武王). Also, it explored the system improved overall in central political machinery and local system in the period of Munwang(文王). The result revealed that the Eight Guards System, as Balhaes military system was formed in the period. Chapter 4 first divided Balhae’s military officer position broadly into the ones of three periods and made a comparative study with Tang’s military officer position ranks. Also, it briefly examined relevant historical materials which enabled me to presume the scale of Balhae’s military organization. Regarding the supplement of military force it explained mainly the Fifteen Parts(15府) as Balhae’s local system by dividing it into three types of military systems. On the other hand, a comparative study with Tang’s military system allowed me to presume the role of the Eight Guards System. The result showed that in Balhae the Left and Right Fierce and Great Guards (左右猛賁衛) kept the rcyal palace all night, that the Left and Right Bear Guards (左右熊衛) and the Left and Right Big Bear Guards (左右?衛) fulfilled the duty of defending the capital, and that the Southern and Northern Left and Right Guaids (南北左右衛) played the role as rcyal guards.

      • KCI우수등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        발해 수령과 고려 도령의 상관성 검토

        강성봉(KANG Sung-bong) 고구려발해학회 2012 고구려발해연구 Vol.42 No.-

        발해는 지방사회의 수령들을 매개로 간접통치를 시행하였다. 발해는 부(部) 및 촌(村)의 대소 등급을 기준으로 도독과 자사 등의 관직을 내렸다. 물론 관직을 받은 수령도 있었지만 지방사회 속에는 관직을 받지 않은 소규모 부족의 수령들도 여전히 산재하였다. 즉 발해의 지방제도가 정비되는 과정 속에서 지방의 영향력 있는 대수령 및 수령들은 관직을 수여받고 자치권을 행사하였다. 하지만 그 휘하에 있던 다수의 수령들과 영향권에 벗어나있던 수령들도 자치권을 행사하며 산재하였다. 이러한 상황은 발해멸망시기까지 유지가 되었으며, 멸망 후에도 지방사회의 많은 수령들은 부족자치를 행하며 존속하였을 것으로 보인다. 그것은 고려전기 양계지역에 산재하고 있던 여진족 도령(都領)의 모습에서도 유추할 수 있었다. 도령은 ‘우두머리’로 표현되는 수령과 같은 어의를 지니며, 그 성격도 유사하기 때문이다. 도령이란 호칭은 940년 무렵, 고려 태조 때부터 이미 사용되었다. 또한 중국왕조가 발해나 말갈·거란 등 북방 주변 종족의 추장에게 부여했던 수령에서 유래하였다. 도령에 관한 초기기록은 강원도 명주나 경북 등 대부분 변방지역에서 발견되었다. 이것은 발해멸망 후 발해 유민의 고려 유입과 무관하지 않음을 보여준다. 고려는 건국과 더불어 멸망한 발해의 유민을 대거 영입함으로써 민족융합정책을 추진하였다. 발해가 멸망하면서 발해유민들은 거란에 포로가 되거나 강제사민으로 끌려간 자들도 적지 않았다. 하지만, 그 유민의 상당수는 오랜 세월에 걸쳐 고려로 내투하여 흡수·동화되었다. 발해유민들은 고려의 지방곳곳에 이주되어 고려사회 전반에 지대한 영향을 주었다. 따라서 적어도 고려초기에는 도령이라는 명칭이 재지유력가 혹은 어떤 집단의 수장이나 특수임무를 수행하는 조직의 우두머리를 부를 때 쓰이던 호칭으로 파악된다. 이것은 발해시기 수령이라는 신분적 호칭이 고려에 전이된 것으로 생각된다. 특히 고려초기 사서에 나타난 도령들은 대부분 귀화하는 여진족의 추장(우두머리)들을 고려에서 부르던 명칭이었다. 이들은 고려조정으로부터 관직을 수여받았던 도령과 관직을 받지 않았던 도령으로 나타났다. 그것은 사료에서 ‘도령+관직명’과 단순히 ‘도령’이라고 기재된 것을 통하여 유추할 수 있다. 또한 한 지역에서 다수의 도령들도 나타났으며, 부락 내지는 집단의 크기에 따라 도령과 부도령으로 구분되기도 하였다. 이러한 상황은 발해의 대수령과 수령이 구분되거나, 도독과 자사와 같은 관직을 수여받는 수령과 관직이 없이 부락 및 촌에 그대로 산재하고 있던 수령의 모습을 띠는 발해의 상황과 매우 유사하다. 이러한 지방통치방식의 상황은 전근대 왕조에서는 쉽게 보여지는 것으로, 중앙에서 지방으로, 혹은 중심에서 주변으로 통치력이 관철되어 나가는 과정의 일환으로 생각해 볼 수 있겠다. Balhae adopted the policy of indirect rule, which means that Suryong governed the local region. Balhae awarded Suryong governmental post such as Dodok and Jasa based on the scale of the village and the country. While some of the Suryong received the governmental post, the Suryongs of a small collection of tribes did not receive the governmental post and they were scattered in the local regions. In other words, Daesuryong and Suryong who were granted governmental position held the autonomy in the local region in the process of organization of local district. Similarly, Suryongs who were not granted governmental post also held the autonomy and they were scattered in the local regions. It seems that a large number of Suryong held the autonomy even after the fall of Balhae. It is inferred from the fact that the appellation as like Doryong was in used in the early Korea dynasty era which had the same semantics and nature compared with Suryong. The appellation of Doryong was already in use in the Korea first emperor era around 940 years. It was derived from Suryong which was granted to the headman of tribes such as Malgal tribes and Georan tribes dwelt in the northern areas by China dynasty. The regions which were found in the early records on the Doryong are the frontier regions such as Gyeongbuk and Myungu in Ganwon-do. It is not irrelevant to the inflow of the drifting people into Korea after the fall of Balhae. Korea had implemented the policy of national amalgamation embracing the migrants of Balhae since the founding of Korea. A large number of migrants were assimilated into Korea and they had affected Korea society in gigantic ways. Therefore, Doryong is inferred as the appellation which was called to the headman of tribes performing the official duties in the early Korea dynasty era. Furthermore, it is presumed that Suryong, the appellation of social position in Balhae, was transferred to Korea society as the Doryong. Especially, Doryong at the records written in the early Korea dynasty era was the appellation called to the headman of the nationalized Yeojin tribes into Korea. Doryong was also divided into two cases whether he was granted governmental post or not. It is inferred from the fact that records are divided into two cases, “Doryong plus governmental position” case and only “Doryong” case. In addition, a large number of Doryong were also appeared in the same region and Doryong was differentiated into Doryong and Vice-Doryong based on the magnitude of group. This situation is very similar to the case of Balhae in the fact that Suryong was differentiated into Daesuryong and Suryong and Suryong was also divided into two cases whether he was granted governmental position or not. This method of the indirect rule to govern over the local regions was plainly appeared in premodern ages, which is considered as a part of process that the power to govern is being spreaded over from the central regions to the local regions.

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