만보산 사건과 조선인 사회주의자들의 중국 인식

윤상원(Yun Sangwon) 한국사연구회 2012 한국사연구 Vol.156 No.-

This thesis analyzes the Koreans’ perception of China around the time when the Wanbaoshan Incident (Man-bo-san Sah-gun) took place, especially focusing on the socialists’ point of view. After the Wanbaoshan Incident, Koreans who were enraged by the event carried out a series of attacks on Chinese residents in cities like Kyungsung, Pyeongyang and Incheon. The Japanese police at that time placed socialists who inhabited Kyungsung in preventive custody. Consequently, the socialists weren’t able to take a part in coping with the aftermath of series of attacks on Chinese that happened after the Wanbaoshan Incident. Plus, they lost their chance to contact the public within the legal boundary. Alongside the general trend of socialist movement which was to go underground after the dismissal of Shinganhui, this event has led the socialists to gradually disappear, ceasing to pursue their movement within the boundary of law. When veteran socialists that worked within the boundary of law weren’t properly dealing with the aftermath of the Wanbaoshan Incident, the newly rising socialists issued manifesto to inform the public about the truth of the Wanbaoshan Incident and the essence of invasion policy of Japanese imperialism. In the manifesto, the socialists clearly pointed out that the Chinese farmers were not Chosun’s enemies but the incident was a part of the invasion policy of Japanese imperialism. Also, they insisted that Chinese army was one of the enemies. The socialists drew a distinction between the Chinese army and the bourgeois class that were in the vanguard of the Japanese imperialism and the common Chinese people who were suppressed by the empowered. The lessons that the socialists learned from the Wanbaoshan Incident reassured their internationalist principle which stated that accomplishing the Chinese revolution by collaborating with Chinese farmers and laborers was the way to drive Japanese imperialism out of Chosun. There started to exist a slight difference in perception of China between the socialists who worked within the boundary of the Maintenance of the Public Order Act and those who didn’t conform to it. It was the role of those who worked within the legal boundary to refine the ‘raw’ ideas of their partners who didn’t conform to the law. By making national-wide appeal in writing, the socialists were trying to convince that nationalists’ movement to help Koreans in Manchuria was an impractical proposal and that nationalists’ perception of China derived from the pro-Japanese logic. In the process of that, the socialists began to perceive differently of China’s Nationalist party, debating whether they will bring it down or take advantage of it. In the meantime, the socialists who were used to the style of activism in 1920s began to quit engaging in the movement, convinced or forced to do so by the Japanese imperialism which commenced to take the form of militarism. This trend of going underground by evading the intervention of law, which had been rising since the dismissal of Shinganhui became prominent while experiencing Wanbaoshan Incident and the Manuchurian incident.

레닌의 혁명 사상과 민족자결주의: 제1차 세계대전 시기를 중심으로

박상철 호남사학회 2020 역사학연구 Vol.77 No.-

레닌은 자신의 제국주의 이론을 통하여 제국주의란 독점 단계의 자본주의로서 자본주의 발전의 최고이자 최후의 단계, 즉 사회주의 혁명의 전야라는 점, 현 전쟁은 세계를 재분할하기 위한 제국주의 전쟁이며 제국주의 시대에 전쟁은 불가피하다는 점, 기회주의와 사회배외주의의 사회적 토대는 부르주아지가 식민지로부터 착취한 초과이윤으로 매수한 일부 프롤레타리아트 상층이라는 점, 제국주의는 소수의 선진국들이 엄청난 다수의 주민들에게 식민지적 억압과 금융적 교살을 자행하는 세계적 체제가 되었다는 점. 그리고 자본 수출은 후진국과 식민지에서 자본주의의 발전과 격렬한 민중적 저항을 초래함으로써 세계혁명의 가능성을 증대시키고 있다는 점 등을 입증하고자 하였다. 이런 제국주의 이론에 근거하여 레닌은 우선 기회주의 및 사회배외주의와 이념적으로 투쟁할 뿐만 아니라 조직적으로 분리해야 하며 그런 원칙 위에서 새로운 인터내셔널을 조직해야 한다는 것, 전쟁이 낳은 혁명적 상황을 실제 혁명으로 이끌 수 있는 주체적인 역량을 강화해야 하며 이를 위해서는 노동자 조직이 합법성에 얽매여서는 안 된다는 것, 현재의 전쟁은 제국주의 전쟁이기 때문에 반대해야 하지만, 억압계급에 맞선 피억압 계급의 전쟁과 사회주의적 혁명전쟁은 지지해야 한다는 것, 따라서 제국주의 전쟁을 내전으로 전환시키자는 슬로건이 사회주의자들의 가장 올바른 구호라는 것 등등을 주장하였다. 또한 그는 러시아가 유럽 혁명 또는 세계 혁명에서 주도적인 역할을 하게 될 것이라고 믿었는데, 제국주의 전쟁 상황에서 세계 혁명은 선진국의 사회주의 혁명과 나머지 지역의 부르주아 민주주의 혁명 또는 민족해방운동이 서로 결합되는 방식으로 진행될 것이며, 사회주의는 처음에 하나 또는 몇몇 나라에서만 승리할 수도 있다고 예견하였다. 또한 레닌은 후진국과 식민지의 민족자결권을 적극적으로 옹호했는데, 그것은 첫째, 선진국의 사회주의 혁명에 도움이 될 것이기 때문이었고, 둘째로는 사회주의란 모든 억압과 착취가 폐지된 철저한 민주주의를 의미한다고 믿었기 때문이었다. 하지만 레닌은 민족자결권이 노동자계급의 국제주의적 단결에 기여해야 한다고, 그리고 이를 위해서는 모든 민족을 억압 민족들과 피억압 민족들로 구분하여 억압민족의 사회주의자는 피억압 민족의 민족자결권을 적극 지지해야 하는 반면에, 피억압민족의 사회주의자는 억압민족 노동자계급과 피억압민족 노동자계급 사이의 단결을 옹호해야 한다고 믿었다. 마지막으로 레닌은 서유럽 선진국의 사회주의 혁명이 곧 일어날 것이고, 그리고 그것이 세계 혁명의 중심에 놓여있다고 믿었다. 민족 자결권 문제에서도 그의 주된 관심은 반식민지 및 식민지보다는 동유럽 지역에 놓여 있었다. 레닌의 이런 혁명 사상, 특히 민족자결권 옹호는 1917년 러시아 혁명 과정 및 그 이후에도 큰 변화 없이 계속되었다. 또한 러시아 혁명 이후 유럽의 정세는 레닌의 예측이 실현되는 것처럼 보였다. 하지만 혁명의 물결은 곧 가라앉았다. 반면에 10월 혁명 이후 러시아 혁명정부가 천명한 민족자결주의는 특히 아시아지역에서 큰 반향을 불러일으켰다. 그 결과 아시아 지역의 민족운동이 급속히 확산되자 레닌은 아시아 민족운동의 역사적 의미를 더욱 강조하게 되었으며 러시아 사회주의 정권의 소수민족 정책이 아시아 민족들... Lenin, in his pamphlet on imperialism, tried to prove that imperialism is the monopoly capitalism, the highest and final stage of capitalist development; that it is the eve of the socialist revolution; that the current war is an imperialist war for redividing the world and a war is inevitable in the age of imperialism; that the social basis of opportunism and social chauvinism is the upper part of the proletariat which the bourgeois bought by excess profits from the colonies; that imperialism is a global system of colonial oppression and financial exploitations of a vast majority of its population by a few advanced countries; and that capital exports are increasing the possibility of world revolution by causing capitalist development and violent popular resistance in unadvanced countries and colonies. Based on this theory, Lenin insisted that socialists should not only ideologically fight opportunists and social chauvinists, but organizationally be separated from them; that socialists should organize a new international on such principles; that proletarians should strengthen their capacity to lead the revolutionary situation, created by the war, into the revolution; that workers' organizations should not be bound by legitimacy; that socialists should oppose the current imperialist war, but support the civil wars of the oppressed against the oppressing; therefore, that the slogan to turn the imperialist war into civil war was the only correct slogan of the socialists. He believed that Russian revolution would play a leading role in the European revolution or the world revolution. He predicted that the world revolution would proceed in a way that would combine the socialist revolution of advanced countries with the bourgeois democratic revolution or national liberation movement of the rest of the world; and that socialism might initially triumph in only one or a few countries. Lenin also actively defended the right to self-determination of the unadvanced and colonial nations, because he believed that it would promote the socialist revolution in advanced nations, and that socialism meant a thorough democracy in which all oppression and exploitation were abolished. However, Lenin thought, the right to self-determination of nations should contribute to the international unity of the working class, and to do this, all the nations should be divided into oppressed and oppressing nations. The socialists of the oppressing should actively support the self-determination of the oppressed nations, while the socialists of the oppressed should advocate the unity between working classes of oppressed and oppressing nations. Lastly, Lenin foresaw that the socialist revolution of western European nations would soon take place, and that it would take the decisive place in the world revolution. In the matter of self-determination of nations, his main interest was in Eastern Europe rather than in semi-colonies and colonies. Lenin's view on world revolution, especially on the right to self-determination of nations continued without major changes during and after the Russian Revolution. And for a while after the Russian Revolution, Lenin's predictions seemed to come true in Europe. But a revolutionary wave soon subsided. On the other hand, the doctrine of the right to self-determination of nations, declared by the Russian revolutionary government after the October Revolution, had a repercussion, especially in Asia. As a result, the rapid spread of national movements in Asia led Lenin to emphasize the historical significance of national movements in Asia, and emphasized that minority policies of the Russian socialist regime should be a good example for Asian peoples.

1920년대 초기 사회주의경향 잡지의 문예론과 시적 실천 양상 연구

권유성(Kwon, Yu-seong) 국어국문학회 2013 국어국문학 Vol.- No.165

This paper aimed to considering the meanings of literary phenomenons in the early 1920"s socialist journals by the synchronic view point. In other words, this study want to examine the characteristics of literary theories and poetic practices which had been appeared in socialist journal KongChe (共濟), ASung(我聲), and ShinSeangWhal(新生活). For it could be exposed when it was observed in synchronic cultural contexts. The persons who had published the literary theory in them were generally socialist. They actively participated in the process of publishing it. For them, emotion was one of the most important feature which must be equipped in literary works. However, they never thinking that all sorts of emotion are important. Instead, they thought that socially meaningful emotion is very important. They also regarding that personality is necessary to a literary works. But it was also the social personality rather than individual personality. And it could be realized through social liberation from the structural absurdities of capitalist society. Therefore, for them art or literature was what means the state of liberation. They called it for “aestheticization of life”. The phases of poetic practice in socialist journals might be divided into two directions. The one is the aspect that socialist literary theories were applied in writing poetry by a socialist. It was then to reconcile romanticism with sociality. The other is the aspect that diverse poetry coexisting in the socialist journals. The fundamental reason why diverse poetry were coexisted in it was because the socialist literary theories had a liberal structure. For this reason, the journals could accommodate ‘art for art’s sake’ as well as socialist poetry together.

체제전환 이전의 리투아니아 사회정책에 관한 연구

민기채(Min, Kichae) 경성대학교 사회과학연구소 2014 社會科學硏究 Vol.30 No.4

본 연구의 목적은 탈사회주의 국가인 리투아니아 사회정책의 특징을 역사적으로 고찰함으로써 체제전환 이전의 사회정책을 이해하고 미래를 전망하는 데 있다. 사회주의 이전과 사회주의 이후로 구분하여, 경제발전과 민주주의 분석에 기초한 10개 사회정책(연금, 건강, 질병, 실업, 산재, 가족정책(출산휴가, 가족수당, 아동수당), 공공부조, 교육, 주거, 돌봄)의 특징을 각각 고찰하였다. 마지막으로 이러한 고찰을 통해 리투아니아 사회정책의 미래를 전망하였다. 사회주의 이전에는 약한 비스마르키언 특징(연금, 건강, 질병, 산재, 출산휴가)이 우세하다고 할 수 있다. 사회주의 시대에는 비스마르키언 사회주의(연금, 질병, 산재, 출산휴가)와 사회주의(건강, 교육, 주거, 돌봄)의 혼합이라고 할 수 있다. 리투아니아는 사회주의 이전 시기에 약한 비스마르키언 모델로 출발하였고, 사회주의 시대에도 비스마르키언 특징은 사회주의와 혼합하면서 경로의존성을 구축했다고 할 수 있다. 리투아니아 복지체제의 도전 요인은 불안정한 복지정치, 재원의 투명성과 신뢰 부족, 해외이주로 인한 노동세대의 공동화라고 할 수 있다. 본 연구를 통해 탈사회주의 국가들의 사회정책에 관한 연구들이 활성화되기를 기대한다. The purpose of this study is to explain the characteristics of social policies and to foresee the future in Lithuania, which is one of the post-socialist countries. For these research questions, according to the two periods of pre-socialist and socialist, the main method of this study was case study based on in-depth interview with local experts. This study analyzed ten social policies(pension, health, sickness, unemployment, industrial accident, family policy(maternity leave, family allowance, child allowance), public assistance, education, housing, care) and explain the characteristics of social policies. And this study foresaw the future of the welfare regime in Lithuania. The findings of this study are as follows. Lithuania has started weak Bismarckian characteristics(pension, health, sickness, industrial accident, maternity leave) in period of pre-socialist. And Lithuania modified into the hybridization of Bismarckian socialist(pension, sickness, industrial accident, maternity leave) and socialist(health, education, housing, care) characteristics during socialist. Lithuania started the Bismarckian and the tradition has the path-dependency in the era of socialist. Future obstacles of the welfare regime in Lithuania are the unstable welfare politics, the untrust to the finance, and the shortage of labor generation. This study could expect to activate the study to social policies of the post-socialist countries.

마르크스주의 중국화에 대한 고찰 -중국 사회주의 정체성의 근원을 찾아서-

김도희 ( Do Hee Kim ) 한중사회과학학회 2014 한중사회과학연구 Vol.12 No.3

Socialist identity is an important factor in China. People recognize China is Socialist country. Because China was built by the socialist institution and ideology against western invasion and internal disorder after a period of modern upheaval. In order to know what country is China, we have to study China’s socialist identity. It needs to examine how Marxism became sinicized. This article give a detailed account the background of formation, process, characteristics and meaning of the Sinicizing of Marxism. First, starting of the Sinicizing of Marxism will be discussed by the four topics about beginning and background. Second, it will show the process of theorization of the Sinicizing of Marxism with the new enlightenment movement through official papers of those days scholars and revolutionist. Third, the factors and its implication of re-emergence of the Sinicizing of Marxism will be reviewed since the reform and opening of China. Fourth, this paper will try to study critically the problems of the Sinicizing of Marxism via its features. Socialist values and ideals inherent have been weakened by various elements of the Sinicizing of Marxism is complicated. Historically formed socialist’s values and tradition will be to help resolve China’s rich-poor gap and inequality. For this, the Sinicizing of Marxism linked to China’s socialist identity needs some harsh criticism. This paper presents the study of China’s socialist identity through the features and implications about the Sinicizing of Marxism. And this kinds of efforts have helped to clarify the realities of China.

‘교양’, 식민화된 제국국민 그 계층 질서의 척도 -한설야의 「대륙」

이행선 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 인문과학연구소 2012 인문과학연구논총 Vol.33 No.1

Seol Ya, Han 「The Continent」 in Japan 'pseudo socialists' of the novel can be called forward. Until now, the socialists discussing the impact of the national discourse, it reveals him received criticism, or contrast-tuning approach. However, the pioneer of the socialist tendencies in the national discourse, that it was sinking behind the interactive communication that: assumptions that were made should be sympathetic. If so, it is located on the inside to accommodate the national discourse qualities. In other words, the nature of 'liberal' should have been identified. To determine the driver's forward planning. Taisho literacy self-fulfillment, meaning the completion of one's personality, but also on the other hand, it were beginning nationalism and adhesion. Sohwa period, so the Patriots became the 'pseudo-socialist "did not take into account the lives of others, unconscious of the colonists were expressed as the racist gaze. Beyond the scope of violence to justify the feeling of pleasure as it became Jejulism, aggressive investment fund humane business by forging their own hypocrisy. rank and concealed. University-trained pioneers in Manchuria tried to practice their dreams but, empire of the prostate in the discourse of 'mobilized the subject' is reduced to only those aspects. As the leader who stood on the opposed side of immigrants accomplished, Joseon intellectuals were confident. Especially, If he(writers-turned-socialist) had read this work with his vain that well-educated (up again) wouldn't have realized. 「The Continent」 have internalized the nationalized literacy is the projection of the eye of the pioneers of novel, sequencing of each person as ranking, affiliation, and other-directed. A number of books based on liberal criticism from the socialist addition to being a social science knowledge as well as 'advanced liberal'. As a result, literacy is essentially a lot of these do not meet the level of education, it made more mass production, they continued to their low thermal nature over and again and it was the symbolic violence in the end. There was national discourse like 'orientalism', and the citizens of another 'liberal' people would be ranked. In short, he meant to or not, whether intentionally selected from the eyes of the perpetrators. Excluded the points in this novel: the bar cross ventilation to enable him to resist recognition as a writer is also a factor.

1949~1976년 中華人民共和國 山水畵에 보이는 정치적 표현

이현아 미술사연구회 2009 미술사연구 Vol.- No.23

This paper aims to examine political expression in Chinese landscape paintings between 1949 and 1976, when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was founded and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution ended after Mao Zedong’s death. Since the establishment of the PRC, its government carried out a social reformation in diverse aspects in an effort to build a socialist state, including that of art according to the political situation. Theoretical guidelines of the Republic’s art policy were based on the Yan’an Talks on Literature and Art led by Mao Zedong, which originated in 1942. It was mainly concerned with the idea that art should unite and educate the people and be served for the people. Mao Zedong defined art as a political instrument and asserted that politics should take precedence over art. He further suggested that socialist-realism should be the principle of art to be pursued. Based upon his theories, the government carried out a daring reform in general parts of art, including education, exhibition, publication, organization, etc., in order to perform the government’s policy in a systematic manner. In the case of landscape painting, the central reformation concerned the application of the subject and style of socialist-realism to the traditional material and technique of Chinese painting, which was quite difficult to follow in many cases of literati paintings, unlike in the case of realistic oil paintings. With the new demands to follow, traditional painters combined the optimistic subjects that reflect the coming new era and realistic Western techniques. Political expression in the landscape paintings of the PRC can be divided according to their subjects, political settings and objects, as it is a reflection of the current of time with major political events. Firstly, from the establishment of the PRC until 1958, around the time of the Great Leap Forward, there was a prevalence of propaganda paintings that promoted the construction of an idealistic socialist state. These landscape paintings included a kind of documentary landscape that depicted the process of public construction, a landscape that represented the people’s passion for building a socialist state, or a landscape that publicized the result of constructional projects. These were aimed at idealizing government’s policies to make people to pursue them, and also at overstating them to produce an effective result as it had been done with the Great Leap Forward by portraying it as a model of success. In the late 1950s and the early part of the 1960s, many landscape paintings were either based on the poems of Mao Zedong or depicted places that are historically important in relation to Mao Zedong’s life or communist revolution. This was to emphasize that Mao Zedong, the second man since the failure of the Great Leap Forward, was the central figure in the Communist Revolution and the leading figure of the Long March, in order to consolidate his position in the Party by raising his legitimacy and also to raise the memories of the Long March. In many of these landscapes intentionally used red which was the symbol of Communist Party and the Revolution. Lastly, landscape paintings were produced that idealized an optimistic Chinese utopia during the period of the Cultural Revolution. As the Revolutionary Romanticism which exaggerates optimistic sides was emphasized by Mao Zedong, these landscapes depicted the changes of the land by Mao’s revolutionary constructions and beautified the lives of the people living in the transformed nature. Political landscape painting between 1949 and 1976 is significant in that it is a distinctive genre that retains the traditional technique and material while accommodating socialist art and maintaining the unique characteristics of Chinese paintings, yet reflecting the demands of time.

1949~1976년 中華人民共和國 山水畵에 보이는 정치적 표현

李賢俄(Lee Hyuna) 미술사연구회 2009 미술사연구 Vol.- No.23

This paper aims to examine political expression in Chinese landscape paintings between 1949 and 1976, when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was founded and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution ended after Mao Zedong’s death. Since the establishment of the PRC, its government carried out a social reformation in diverse aspects in an effort to build a socialist state, including that of art according to the political situation. Theoretical guidelines of the Republic’s art policy were based on the Yan’an Talks on Literature and Art led by Mao Zedong, which originated in 1942. It was mainly concerned with the idea that art should unite and educate the people and be served for the people. Mao Zedong defined art as a political instrument and asserted that politics should take precedence over art. He further suggested that socialist-realism should be the principle of art to be pursued. Based upon his theories, the government carried out a daring reform in general parts of art, including education, exhibition, publication, organization, etc., in order to perform the government’s policy in a systematic manner. In the case of landscape painting, the central reformation concerned the application of the subject and style of socialist-realism to the traditional material and technique of Chinese painting, which was quite difficult to follow in many cases of literati paintings, unlike in the case of realistic oil paintings. With the new demands to follow, traditional painters combined the optimistic subjects that reflect the coming new era and realistic Western techniques. Political expression in the landscape paintings of the PRC can be divided according to their subjects, political settings and objects, as it is a reflection of the current of time with major political events. Firstly, from the establishment of the PRC until 1958, around the time of the Great Leap Forward, there was a prevalence of propaganda paintings that promoted the construction of an idealistic socialist state. These landscape paintings included a kind of documentary landscape that depicted the process of public construction, a landscape that represented the people’s passion for building a socialist state, or a landscape that publicized the result of constructional projects. These were aimed at idealizing government’s policies to make people to pursue them, and also at overstating them to produce an effective result as it had been done with the Great Leap Forward by portraying it as a model of success. In the late 1950s and the early part of the 1960s, many landscape paintings were either based on the poems of Mao Zedong or depicted places that are historically important in relation to Mao Zedong’s life or communist revolution. This was to emphasize that Mao Zedong, the second man since the failure of the Great Leap Forward, was the central figure in the Communist Revolution and the leading figure of the Long March, in order to consolidate his position in the Party by raising his legitimacy and also to raise the memories of the Long March. In many of these landscapes intentionally used red which was the symbol of Communist Party and the Revolution. Lastly, landscape paintings were produced that idealized an optimistic Chinese utopia during the period of the Cultural Revolution. As the Revolutionary Romanticism which exaggerates optimistic sides was emphasized by Mao Zedong, these landscapes depicted the changes of the land by Mao’s revolutionary constructions and beautified the lives of the people living in the transformed nature. Political landscape painting between 1949 and 1976 is significant in that it is a distinctive genre that retains the traditional technique and material while accommodating socialist art and maintaining the unique characteristics of Chinese paintings, yet reflecting the demands of time.

식민지 시기의 민족주의 연구: 국내 부르주아 우파와 사회주의 세력을 중심으로

전재호 ( Jae Ho Jeon ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2011 동북아연구 Vol.16 No.-

이 글은 식민지 시기 조선의 민족주의를 주도한 부르주아 우파와 사회주의 세력의 민족주의를 고찰한다. 부르주아 우파는 1920년대 사회주의가 확산되면서 그에 대비되어 ‘민족주의’ 세력으로 간주되었다. 그들은 1920년대 일본의 문화통치로 확장된 공간에서 구습개량을 통한 민족성 개조운동, 신교육운동, 자작자급운동, 참정권 청원운동, 자치운동 등 문화적, 타협적 민족주의 정책을 전개했다. 그러나 1920년대 후반 사회주의자와의 연합을 반대하는 부르주아 우파와 찬성하는 부르주아 좌파로 분열되었다. 1930년대에 전자는 ‘당면과제의 해결’을 내걸고 농촌계몽운동, 표현단체재건운동, 정책청원개선운동, 만주동포구제운동, 고적보존운동 등 ‘탈정치적인’ 운동을 전개한 데 비해 후자는 조선연구와 민족의 주체적 문화탐구를 표방하고 조선학 운동을 전개했다. 그러나 1930년대 후반 일본이 동화정책을 실시하자 후자는 이를 거부한데 비해, 전자는 조선 민족주의를 포기하고 조선 민족의 일본 민족으로의 동화를 주장했다. 한편 1920년대 등장한 사회주의 세력은 마르크스주의의 원칙에 따라 민족보다 계급을 우선하면서 민족주의를 비판했다. 1920년대 중반부터 피식민지로서 조선의 특수성을 고려하여 부르주아와의 협동전선을 전개 했고 그 결과로 신간회가 결성되었다. 1930년대에는 코민테른의 12월 테제에 따라 부르주아 세력과 결별하고 노동자, 농민과의 동맹을 강화하려 했다. 1930년대 중반 이후에는 반파시즘 민족통일전선을 주장한 코민테른 7차 대회의 영향으로 민족 부르주아를 포섭하는 노선으로 전환했다. 결국 식민지 시기 조선의 민족주의를 주도했던 부르주아 우파는 민족주의 세력으로 명명되었지만 일본의 힘에 압도되어 독립의 희망을 잃고 조선 민족주의를 포기했다. 이에 비해 사회주의자들은 민족주의를 부정하고 국제 사회주의운동의 영향력 아래서 민족해방과 계급해방 사이에서 동요했다. This paper studies on the bourgeois rightists` and the socialists` nationalism in the colonial period. The Right nationalists was regarded as ‘the nationalist camp’ compared to the socialists since the 1920`s. The Rightist camp pursued such cultural and temporizing movements as the Reconstruction of the Nation Movement, and the Self-government Movement during the 1920`s. Towards the end of the 1920`s, the rightist nationalists divided into two camps, i.e. ‘the bourgeois leftists’ and ‘the bourgeois rightists’, as a result of their opposing positions towards the united front with socialists. The bourgeois rightists pursued the ‘non-political’ nationalist movement such as Korean Vnarod movements and the preservation movement of historical sites, whereas the bourgeois leftists pursued ‘Chosunhak’(朝鮮學). However, the former gave up the Korean nationalism during the second half of the 1930`s, and finally became the proponent of Korean people`s dissolution into Japanese people. The socialists who began to emerge in the early 1920`s, criticized nationalism as a bourgeois ideology. However, they cried to build the united front with bourgeois considering the colonial situation from the mid-1920`s. In the early 1930`s, they separated from the bourgeois following ‘the December thesis’ of the Comintern, and tried to strengthen the alliance with labors and peasants. However they tried to collaborate with the national bourgeois again following the resolution of the 7th convention of Comintern since the mid-1930`s. Although the bourgeois rightists was regarded to the nationalist camp, they gave up the Korean nationalism bending to the Japanese imperialism since mid-l930`s. On the other hand, the socialists veered between the class liberation and the national liberation under th influence of the international communists movements during the colonial period.

혁명가를 바라보는 여성작가의 시선 -지하련의 「도정」, 한무숙의 「허물어진 환상」을 중심으로

박지영 ( Ji Young Park ) 반교어문학회 2011 泮橋語文硏究 Vol.0 No.30

본고는 해방기에 발표된 지하련의 「도정(道程)」과 전쟁 직후 발표된 한무숙의 「허물어진 환상」을 통해 남성 혁명가를 바라보는 여성작가의 시선을 분석하였다. 지하련은 「도정」을 통해서 식민지 시기 전향한 사회주의자가 해방을 맞이하여 자기반성을 통해 당원으로 입당하게 되는 과정을 그리고 있다. 이 작품의 미덕은 여느 남성 작가들의 사회주의자 형상이 갖지 못한 진지하고 철저한 윤리적 자기반성을 행하고 있다는 것이다. 이 작품에서는 주인공이 당원이 된 결과보다는 주인공의 시선을 통해 폭로한 사회주의자의 욕망과 이중성, 그리고 그가 쉽사리 당원이 되지 못하도록 막는 당대 사회주의자의 비윤리적 행태, 특히 친일을 행하고도 자기반성을 생략한 채 당원인양 행세하는 행태와 노동자에 대한 교조주의적 숭배에 대한 신랄한 비판이 더 생생하게 부각된다. 그리고 결국 입당하게 되는 결론에서도 주인공은 사회주의 투쟁을 해야 한다는 당위보다는 자신의 윤리적 결단, 즉 소시민으로서의 자기 투쟁에서부터 출발해야 한다는 점을 더 강조하며, 당대 행태를 조롱한다. 이처럼 이 여성작가는 작품을 통해 당대 위선적인 남성혁명가들의 행태를 비판하고, 진정한 사회주의자는 어떠한 인간이어야 하는가에 대해 근본적인 문제제기를 하고 있는 것이다. 전후 반공주의적 서사가 본격적으로 시작되기 시작한 즈음에 창작된 한무숙의 「허물어진 환상」은 한 민족주의 혁명가를 흠모하던 여성이, 대의를 위해 남편을 배신하고 자신을 희생하라는 그의 억압적 요구를 계기로, 자아를 찾게 되는 과정을 그리고 있다. 사랑마저 이용하려드는 그의 독선과 위선을 깨닫고 혁명가와 그를 둘러싼 세상을 객관적으로 바라볼 수 있는 고민을 하게 된 것이다. 여기서 그치지 않고 작가는 해방기 후일담을 통해서 이러한 민족주의 혁명가를 “청사에 길이 남을 분!”으로 기억하는 남성중심의 혁명 서사를 조롱한다. 친일파였던 남편이 주인공의 실수 덕분에 해방 후에는 애국지사로 평가되는 것을 보면서 역사의 부조리함을 깨달은 것이다. 역사적 평가의 오류는 여성과 그 외에 소외된 인물들의 희생을 도외시한 채, 결과론적으로만 남성혁명가를 우상시하는 관행에 기인한다는 점을 증명한 것이다. 물론 이 작품이 역사를 바라보는 허무주의적 맥락을 도외시할 수는 없지만, 혁명가의 곁에 있었던 희생된 여성 주체를 묻혀진 역사 속에서 소환해 내었다는 점에서 큰 의의가 있다. 그리하여 이 두 여성작가는 역시 남성혁명가 중심, 민족주의자 중심으로만 서술되는 해방기 혁명 서사와 전후 민족 서사 모두에 작은 균열을 내고 있는 것이다. 이 두 작가는 집단화된 기억의 폭력 속에서 개인(여성) 체험의 진실을 탐험해 내는 섬세하고 날카로운 시선을 지니고 있었던 것이다. This study is to analyze the feministic perspectives of women writers looking at men revolutionists through Ji Ha-ryeon`s <Dojeong> published in the Liberation period and Han Mu-sook`s <Collapsed Illusion> published right after the Korean War. In <Dojeong>, Ji Ha-ryeon describes the process in which a socialist converted during the colonial period became a partisan through self-reflection in the liberation period. The virtue of this work is that earnest and thoroughly ethical self-reflection of the figuration of a socialist is conducted, which has never been done by any men writers. This work vividly highlights a socialist`s desire and duplicity exposed through the hero`s ethical self-reflection rather than the result of the hero`s becoming a partisan, the unethical behavior of then socialists who prevent becoming a partisan, and particularly, caustic criticism about partisan-like behavior omitting self-reflection of having been a Japanophile and dogmatic idolatry of laborers. Moreover, what is important is that the work ends up with the scene to begin with one`s own ethical resolution, i.e. a self-struggle as petit bourgeois, rather than to give emphasis on the choice of appropriateness of socialistic struggles. Through this, this woman writer criticizes the behavior of hypocritical men revolutionists at that time and raises fundamental questions about what kind of man a true socialist should be. Han Mu-sook`s <Collapsed Illusion> written at the time when anticommunist epics began on a full scale basis after the Korean War describes the process in which a woman adoring a Nationalist revolutionaries finds her true self when she was forcefully demanded by him to sacrifice herself by betraying her husband for the great cause. Realizing his self-righteousness and hypocrisy, she gets a discerning eye with which she can see the revolutionist and the world around him objectively. Without ending here, the writer acidly sneers the man-centered revolution epics which remember such Nationalist revolutionaries as “the person who remains long in history” through the behind-the-scene stories in the liberation period. She realizes the irony of history when she sees her husband who was Japanophile being evaluated as a patriot thanks to the main character`s mistake. This proves that errors in historical evaluation is due to the practice of idolizing men revolutionists based only on results ignoring the sacrifices of women and other estranged persons. Of course, the anticommunist context of this work cannot be ignored, but this work is meaningful in that it summoned the principal woman character sacrificed and buried in history at the side of the revolutionist. Accordingly, these two women writers caused small cracks in both the revolution epics that are described, focusing on men revolutionists and nationalists in the liberation period and the nationalistic epics after the war These two writers had delicacy and sharpness that explore the truth of individual (women) experiences amid collective violence of memories.