소설『황진이』와 영화 「황진이」의 심미적 거리

박태상(Park Tai-Sang) 국어국문학회 2009 국어국문학 Vol.- No.151

She is quite a character of charm. Her spec of free-will quite wields its power over the four hundred years from her lifetime to this 21st century. Those characteristic aspects of Hwang Jin-i have been portrayed in many ways in the several genres in the last 5 years. For example in 2005 since Dahoon.com published ??Hwang Jin-i??of Hong Seok-jung, the North Korean novelist, an authoress Jeon Gyeong-rin's ??Hwang Jin-i??has been published in two volumes and sold as much as 150,000 sets in two years and then become the topic of the public. Later in 2006, KBS 2TV produced and televised ??Hwang Jin-i?? for a Wed-Thursday drama and recorded high popularity-rating. In 2007, a film company, who bought the copyright of the North Korean novel, ??Hwang Jin-i??, produced and showed the film ??Hwang Jin Yi??and drew large audience of 1,200,000. There are three categories of Gisaengs, who were highly reputed in history; a national self-existence, a self-preservation, and an artist. While Gyewolhyang and Nongye can be categorized into the type of national self-existence, Sobakju, Hongrang, Kanga, Hanwu and Maehwa can be categorized into the type of self-preservation. In the other hand, Maechang and Hwang Jin-i can be categorized into both types of the self-preservation and the artistic character but nearer to the artistic one. 'One source multi-use' (OSMU) means the enterprise strategy which the source-contents give birth to diverse genres such as games, publications, dramas, films, animations, and characters and raise the related value added. Hwang Jin-i is the text that showed up as a new icon of the mass culture owing to the 2006 OSMU strategy and genre of faction. ??Hwang Jin-i??of Hong Seok-jung created a story differentiated from the other history novels written by the previous writers such as Lee Tae-jun. While the one of Lee Tae-jun has the epic structure centering around the episodes of the historical romances, ??Hwang Jin-i??of Hong Seok-jun weaves the western structure of discord. The work of Hong Seok-jun is transformed into the film containing the aesthetic value on pro-romanticism and style-aesthetics which is different from the other genres. Meanwhile, the film ?Hwang Jin-i?starts the story breaking the balance of the long-story novel with three volumes. While the novel, ??Hwang Jin-i??, which can depict the charm of language-arts, seeks for the balanced beauty on the axis of three theses-the heroine, Hwang Jin-i's entering the Gisaeng-Affront to the hypocrisy of the nobilities of old Korea-Breaking down the feudalistic discrepancy, the film ?Hwang Jin Yi?shows the more intensified aspect of the dramatic tension as the frame of the epic structure is condensed into two theses-Love above class barrier-Breaking down the medieval discrepancy. The film ?Hwang Jin Yi?, however, shows the weakness of the sudden decrease of the dramatic tension because the weakness of the framework such like the unsuitable role weight of Nomi in the framework and the dramatic reverse('Nomi's self-surrender' and 'Hwang Jin Yi's episode of serving to the local magistrate') and the unskilled manipulating the tension lets fall sudden the fun of the drama. Above all, the description of Nomi as 'a strong and chivalrous hero with Herculean strength' in the North Korean film, ?Im Ggeok-jeong?, also aroused the rejection symptoms of South Korean audience. However, the film ?Hwang Jin Yi?obtained good results proposing the possibility of mutual communication between the genres. Though it is the historical work, setting up a method of sincere communication in trying talks between the classes in the dark medieval era itself raised the level of the video culture and at the same time served as a momentum overcoming the chronic critical comment from School of Frankfurt, the loss of 'the critical power' of the mass culture. The film ?Hwang Jin Yi?also achieved the expected results of understanding of the tragic social situation of the mediev

辰國·辰王 기록과 ‘辰’의 명칭

전진국(Jeon, Jin-kook) 한국고대사탐구학회 2017 한국고대사탐구 Vol.27 No.-

이 글에서는 진국과 진왕이 등장하는 기록을 검토하여 기록의 사실성과 대상의 실상을 살펴보았다. 그리고 그 논의를 바탕으로 ‘辰’의 의미와 명칭 기원을 추정하였다. 진국이 처음 등장하는 기록은 『한서』 조선전인데 그 기사는 사실의 역사를 수록한 것이라 보기 어렵다. 潢이 위만조선을 침공하는 명분을 제공하고 자국의 위엄을 높이기 위한 찬자의 윤문이라 판단한다. 『위략』에서 진국은 위만조선 주민이 옮겨간 지역이고, 『삼국지』에서는 진한의 과거라 하였다. 진한은 위만조선 주민이 옮겨 오면서 형성하였다. 이상의 기록을 종합해 보면, 진국은 위만조선 유민의 남하에 의해 진한이 형성되기 이전으로, 오늘날의 한반도 중부 지역에 해당한다. 진왕은 『후한서』와 『삼국지』에만 등장한다. 『후한서』에서 진왕은 삼한 전체의 왕이라 하였는데, 이는 後潢 때의 사정을 반영한 것이라 보기 어렵다. 『삼국지』에서 마한 목지국의 진왕과 진한 12국의 진왕은 각각 다른 존재이다. 진한 12국의 진왕은 원문을 ‘진한왕’으로 바꾸어 볼 수 없다. 별개의 실체를 똑같이 진왕으로 표기한 이유는 ‘辰’이라는 명칭의 의미를 파악해 봄으로써 짐작해 볼 수 있다. 진국과 진왕은 실존의 명칭이라 보기 어렵다. 史家에 의해 작위적으로 쓰인 표현이며 그 기사 자체 또한 사실의 내용으로 신뢰하기 어려운 경우가 많다. 그러나 그 속에서 ‘辰’의 명칭에 담긴 의미를 파악할 수 있다. ‘辰’의 명칭은 삼한 지역 전체를 포괄하는 전통적인 대명사의 성격을 지닌다. 그러한 특성을 통해서 보면, 고대 중국인들이 동쪽의 먼 번방을 辰(震)으로 표기할 수 있다는 문자에 대한 관념에서 비롯되었다고 판단한다. This study examines the meaning of ‘Jin(辰)’and its origin through the review of historical records about the Jin state(辰國) and the king of Jin(辰王), verifying the facts and reality of the records. The first record of the Jin state was written in Hanshu(漢書) Joseon chapter(朝鮮傳). But this record is considered the manipulated sentence to provide the reason for Han(漢)"s invasion of the Wiman Joseon(衛滿朝鮮) and to increase the dignity of his country. In the Weilue(魏略), the Jin state refers to the area where Wiman Joseon residents moved. According to Sanguozhi(三國志), the Jinhan(辰韓) was called the Jin state in the past because the Wiman Joseon residents had formed Jinhan after Jin state. In this context, the Jin state refered to the central region of the Korean peninsula. The records of king of Jin appears only in the Sanguozhi and the Houhanshu(後漢書). In the Houhanshu, the king of jin is called the king of entire Samhan(三韓), which does not seem to have reflected the situation of the Eastern Han(後漢) period. In the Sanguozhi, the king of Jin in the state of the Mokchi(目支國) and the king of Jin in the Jinhan(辰韓) of twelve countries indicate different kings although they have same name. The king of Jin in the Jinhan of twelve countries does not mean the King of Jinhan(辰韓王). The reason that this two different kings were represented as same name can be understood by examining the meaning of the name "Jin(辰)". As a conclusion, the name ‘Jin state’ and ‘the king of Jin’ in the records did not indicate real state or king. These expressions were made by history writer for certain reason, and it is hard to think the records were historical fact. Nevertheless, through these records it is possible to understand the meaning contained in the name of "Jin". There was a common perception of "Jin", which refers to the Samhan(三韓) area. This perception originated from the notion that ancient Chinese used the word "Jin" when they referred to the eastern region.

『금사(金史)』에 기록된 몽골인명(人名)을 통해 본 몽골·금(金) 관계 연구

류병재 한국몽골학회 2018 몽골학 Vol.0 No.52

This study carried out a historical research on what the Mongolisti original names(蒙古人原名) are in mongolian people of having been recorded with Chinese characters in History of Jin(金史), and tried to inquire into the political-military relations between Mongol Empire and the Jin Dynasty through this, and into all sides of Mongolian figures related to this. As everyone knows, History of Jin is one of the three history books that Mongolian people in Yeke Yuan(大元) Ulus compiled along with History of Liao(遼史) and History of Song(宋史). History of Jin was described directly by Mongolians and is simultaneously containing a considerable number of the legitimacy in establishing Yeke Mongol Ulus and Yeke Yuan Ulus. This study extracted Mongolian people's names that are recorded in History of Jin, which has the political ideology and the descriptive characteristic in Yeke Yuan Ulus as the historical documents(官撰史料), and then strived to restore Mongolian people's Chinese-character names into the correct Mongolian-language personal names through a comparative research between The Secret History of the Mongols(蒙古秘史), which recorded the contemporary situations in Mongolian language, and Jāmi‘ at-tawārīkh(集史), which recorded those situations in Persian language. This study became the significant research work available for just slightly complementing the blank and the lack in a historical-evidence relationship between Mongolia and the Jin Dynasty of being recorded in the historical materials in Chinese character, in Mongolian language and in Persian, while passing through the process of reconstitution in “Chinese-character (Mongolian) names → Mongolian-language personal names → Chinese-character (Mongolisti) names out of other Chinese-character historial data” on the Mongolian-side figures that are recorded in History of Jin. The Mongolisti Names in History of Jin, which can be definitely confirmed by a comparative analysis with The Secret History of the Mongols, Jāmi‘ at-tawārīkh and History of Yuan(元史), include “Mongol Buqa(萌古不花=蒙古蒲花), Muqali(木華里=木華黎國), Sūbetāī(速不䚟=碎不䚟), Ajul(阿术魯), Toγachar(塔察, [元史]塔察兒), Anchar or Alchar(按察兒), and Temüder(忒木䚟).” These are the figures who played an important role in the war against the Jin Dynasty while being in the high position even in Mongolian troops. Those figures who are shown their names only in History of Jin or who are equivocal to be restructured as Mongolisti Names include “*Sergi or *Seligi buqa(斜里吉不花), (Mongol)Toqu(塔忽 or 蒙古塔忽), and *Tardai or *Daltai(達兒䚟).” 본 연구는 『金史(History of Jin)』에 漢字로 기록된 몽골인들의 몽골 원명(原名)이 무엇인지를 고증하고 이를 통해 초기 몽골과 금나라간의 정치·군사적 관계와 이와 관련된 몽골측 인물들의 면면에 대해 고찰해 보았다. 주지하다시피, 『金史』는 대원(大元)올로스(Yeke Yuan Ulus)의 몽골인들이 『遼史(History of Liao)』와 『宋史(History of Song)』 등과 함께 편찬한 3대 사서(史書) 가운데 하나이다. 『金史』는 몽골인들에 의해 직접 기술되었을 뿐만 아니라 예케몽골올로스(Yeke Mongol Ulus)와 대원올로스 건립의 정당성을 상당수 내포하고 있는 있다. 본고에서는 관찬사료(官撰史料)로 대원올로스의 정치적 이데올로기와 기술의 특성을 가지고 있는 『金史』에 기록된 몽골인들의 인명(人名)을 추출하여 당시 상황을 몽골어로 기록한 『몽골비사(the Secret History of the Mongols)』와 페르시아어로 기록한 『집사(集史, Jami'u't-Tawarikh)』와의 비교 연구를 통해 몽골인 한자인명을 정확한 몽골어 인명으로 복원하도록 노력하였다. 본 연구는 『金史』에 기록된 몽골측 인물에 대한 “한자(몽골)인명 → 몽골어 인명 → 기타 한문 사료 중의 한자(몽골)인명”의 재구(再構) 과정을 거치며 한문, 몽골어 및 페르시아 사료에 기록된 몽골-금나라 간의 사실(史實) 관계의 공백과 부족을 조금이나마 상호보완 할 수 있는 의미있는 연구 작업이 되었다. 『몽골비사』, 『집사』 및 『원사』 등과 비교분석하여 분명히 확인할 수 있는 『金史』 속 몽골인명들은 “몽골보카(萌古不花=蒙古蒲花, Mongol Buqa), 모칼리(木華里=木華黎國, Muqali), 수베에테이(速不䚟=碎不䚟, Sūbetāī), 아줄(阿术魯, Ajul), 토가차르(塔察, [元史]塔察兒), 안차르 또는 알차르(按察兒, Anchar 또는 Alchar), 테무데르(忒木䚟, Temüder)”이다. 이들은 몽골 군대에서도 높은 지위에 있으면서 금나라와의 전쟁에서 중요한 역할을 한 인물들이다. 『金史』에만 그 인명이 나타나거나 몽골인명으로 재구하기 불분명한 이들은 “斜里吉不花(*Sergi 혹은 *Seligi buqa), (몽골)토코(塔忽 혹은 “蒙古塔忽, (Mongol) Toqu), 達兒䚟(*Tardai 혹은*Daltai)” 등이다.

朝鮮後期 忠州鎭營硏究

서태원(Seo, Tae-Won) 역사실학회 2012 역사와실학 Vol.49 No.-

The Chungju Jin-Young was established while the Gihyosinseo(紀效新書) strategy was being introduced to defect Japanese army during the war against Japan in 1592. And the Chungju Young-Jang(營將) was appointed as the commanding officer of the Jin-Young from the age of King Hyojong(孝宗). But the Chungju Jin-Young was abolished in the Reform in 1895. The Chungju Jin-Young, which was located outside the Eupsung(邑城), had buildings such as Dongheon(東軒). According to Yeojidoseo(輿地圖書) from the age of King Yeongjo, the Chungju Jin-Young had 4,447 soldiers and was composed of various types of units including cavalry and infantry. In Hoseoeupji(湖西邑誌: 1871), Topo-Koonkwan(討捕軍官) and soldiers for beacon fire were added and, as a result, the number of soldiers increased up to 5,098. Topo-Koonkwan shows the police function of the Chungju Jin-Young in the late Chosun Dynasty. The budget of the Chungju Jin-Young was financed with grains supplied by the governor of Chungju, the seat of Jin-Young, as payment and food for the commanding officer and his company. In addition, the town where the Chungju Jin-Young was situated supplied the money of Topo-Koonkwans, the money of brush makers, the money of paper, etc. Goods of the Chungju Jin-Young was purchased by I-bang(吏房), Heong-bang(刑房), etc. The Chungju Jin-Young situated inland was in charge of defeating the Japanese army advancing to Seoul from Gyeongsang-do(慶尙道) via Cho-ryeong(鳥嶺) and, in case of the invasion of Qing(淸) from the north, defending the outer front line of the capital area and the king’s refuge at the Namhan-sansung(南漢山城). Furthermore the Chungju Jin-Young carried out police functions, catching thieves, capturing tigers, arresting Catholics, seizing accomplices in the revolt, etc. It also executed military aid to civil authorities as soldiers belonging to the Chungju Jin-Young in Chungcheong-do(忠淸道) participated in the construction of banks 25 times from 1820 to 1859.

12세기 초 국제 정세와 麗金 간의 전쟁과 외교

조복현 동북아역사재단 2011 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.34

In the late nineteenth century, Jurchens (女眞) widely extended its influence. From the time of Jin’s establishment up to the collapse of Northern Song (北宋), the relationship between Goryeo (高麗) and Jin (金) can be classified into the following. Before the Jurchens established Jin, the herandian war occurred between Goryeo and Jurchens. In the beginning, Goryeo won the war by mobilizing more than 170,000 forces and constructed nine fortresses in the war zone. Goryeo then received an agreement in which Jurchens would not invade Goryeo (高麗) further and returned nine fortresses in the war zone. When Jin and Liao started the war which brought the fall of Liao,Goryeo monitored the situation closely and refused to enter the war on the Allied side. Finally, Goryeo cancelled subservience to the Liao and endeavored to regain Koguryo’s former territory through diplomatic efforts. At the end, Goryeo occupied both Baozhou and Laiyuan forts. Goryeo tried to advise Northern Song for the near future when Northern Song concluded a new pact with Jin. However, Beisong concluded a new pact with Jin and Liao was destroyed. Before Liao was destroyed, Goryeo played a leading role to ward Jin,and Jin maintained taking a passive stance toward Goryeo. However, Goryeo maintained the same subservient way to Jin as Goryeo did to Liao and obtained Baozhou fort from Jin(金). Song(宋) tried to exploit Goryeo, which was under the control of Jin,but Goryeo acted on its own. Goryeo strenuously handled the issue of regaining Koguryo’s former territory and took practical interest. From 1127, Goryeo and Jin maintained amicable relations with each other. The reason why Goryeo and Jin maintained good relations with each other is that Jin and Southern Song often made regional wars, while Northern Song and Liao had no war after concluding the new pact. Secondly, Goryeo concentrated its diplomatic efforts against rapidly changing circumstances. 10세기에서 13세기까지 五代十國 시대부터 元代까지는 동북아 지역에서 매우많은 나라들이 건국되고 멸망하였다. 본문에서 언급한 12세기 초반은 女眞의 세력은 급격하게 확대되는 시기였는데 金의 건국 무렵부터 北宋이 멸망할 무렵까지의 고려와 金(女眞)의 관계를 시기적으로 분류하여 살펴보면 아래와 같다. 女眞이 金을 건국하기 이전에 高麗와 女眞의 사이에는 曷懶甸의 전쟁이 있었다. 고려에서는 17만 이상의 군대를 동원하여 전쟁 초기에 승리를 거두고 이 지역에 9城을 축조했지만 외교적인 교섭을 통해서 다시는 침략하지 않는다는 맹세와 함께 이를 女眞에게 환부하였다. 그리고 金이 遼를 멸망시키는 전쟁을 시작하자 고려는 상황을 주시하면서 遼의 구원 요청을 거부하면서 기존에 遼에 대한 事大를 취소하고 高句麗의 故土를 회복하기 위한 외교적 노력을 계속하여 결국은 保州와 來遠城의 점유하게 되었다. 이처럼 高麗가 曷懶甸의 전쟁에서 9城을 女眞에 還付하고 金은 保州와 來遠城을 함락시키기 직전에 고려가 영유권을 주장하자 이를 인정하는 것은 당시의 이례적인 것이었다. 宋이 金과 ‘海上之盟’을 체결할 때에는 장래에 발생할 상황에 대비하여 적절한 조언을 하였지만 북송은 金과 ‘海上之盟’을 제의해 와서 맹약을 체결하고 遼는 멸망하였다. 遼가 멸망하기 이전까지 高麗는 여진에 대해서 주도적이었고, 金은 遼나 北宋에 대한 태도와는 달리 상당히 소극적이었다. 하지만 遼가 멸망한 후에는 遼에 대해서 事大하던 방식으로 金에 대해서 사대하였고, 그 대신 保州를 얻는 성과가 있었다. 宋은 金의 배후에 있는 高麗를 이용하고자 하였지만 이러한 요구에 응하지 않으면서 金에 대해서 事大의 예를 취하였지만 고구려의 故土를 수복하는 문제에 대해서는 당당하게 대처하면서 실리를 획득하였다. 그리하여 1127년 이후 高麗와 金은 시종 우호적인 관계를 지속하였다. 이렇게 우호적인 관계가 형성될 수 있었던 것은 北宋과 遼가 “澶淵之盟”을 체결한 후에 전쟁이 없었던 반면에 金과 南宋은 크고 작은 전쟁이 중원지역에서 자주 발생하였기 때문이고, 또 한편으로는 高麗가 급박하게 돌아가는 국제적 환경 속에서 매우 민첩하고 적절한 외교력을 발휘하였기 때문이다.

임진왜란 明 水將 季金의 유적과 조선 문사의 酬唱 시편

박현규(Park Hyun Kyu) 순천향대학교 이순신연구소 2015 이순신연구논총 Vol.- No.23

본 논문에서는 임진왜란 시기 명 수군장으로 참전한 季金의 제반 모습을 살펴보는 작업의 일환으로 한반도와 중국 대륙에 각각 남아 있는 계금 유적, 조선 문사들이 계금과 수창한 시문을 조사하여 집중 분석했다. 계금의 집안은 대대로 무인 출신이었다. 계금은 무과 급제하여 武進士에 올랐고, 관직으로 鎭江副總兵에 이르렀다. 고향 절강 松門에서는 抗日愛國 장수로 널리 알려졌다. 송문 虎坑 鳳冠岩에는 계금의 분봉과 석주가 남아 있고, 『石曲季氏重修宗譜』에는 계금의 유상이 그려져 있다. 충남 鰲川에는 계금의 덕행을 기리는 「季金淸德碑」가 세워져 있다. 전남 古今島에는 진린과 계금이 함께 세운 關王廟 건물이 보존되어 있다. 근자에 옥천사로 바뀌었다가, 다시 忠武祠로 바뀌었다. 명 萬世德이 일본군을 물리친 사적을 기린 「釜山平倭碑銘」의 비음기에 계금 이름이 들어가 있다. 이 비석은 부산 五六島 또는 子城臺에 세워져 있었다고 전해오는 데, 현재 유실되고 비문만 전해온다. 조선 문사들은 계금과 만나 흉금을 털어놓고 시가를 수창했다. 白振南이 본 계금의 모습은 시를 잘 짓는 전형적인 儒將이었다. 전장에서는 용명하게 싸웠고, 평소에는 애민 정신을 발휘했다. 尹光啓는 계금이 천리 바다에 퍼져있던 요상한 기운을 소멸시키고 다시 태평스러운 기쁨을 맞이했다고 계금의 전공을 칭송했다. This thesis placed an emphasis on remains in Korea and China relating to Ji Jin and poems exchanged between Ji Jin and Joseon literati. This is a part of academic research which studies all the matters of Ji Jin who entered Imjin War as a Ming naval officer. Ji Jin came from a family of military officer. He was well known in his hometown Songmen(松門) in Zhejiang Province(浙江) as a commander of anti-Japan patriot. There are Ji Jin’s tomb and a stone pillar in Songmen. His portrait is included in genealogy of Ji family from Shiqu(『石曲季氏重修宗譜』). There is a memorial stone for Ji Jin in Ocheon(鰲川) in Chungnam Province(忠淸南道). A shrine for Guandi(關帝) which was established by Jin Lin(陳璘) and Ji Jin is preserved in Gogeum Island(古今島) in Jeonra Province (全羅南道). The name of the shrine changed recently to Okcheonsa(玉泉寺) and then to Chungmusa. A memorial stone which paid a tribute to a historical fact that Man Seodeok(萬世德) defeated Japanese troop in Oryuk Island(五六道) or Jaseongdae(子城臺) was elected in Busan(釜山). The name of Ji Jin was included in the memorial stone. Later on, the newly elected one was also disappeared. Literati in Joseon dynasty liked to meet Ji Jin and exchange poems with him. Ji Jin was a typical confucian military officer who wrote beautiful poems in the eyes of Baek Jinnam. Ji Jin was a brave military officer in war and showed a spirit of loving people in peace. Yun Gwanggye praised Ji Jin as a man who dispelled weird aura spread in the ocean and welcomed again a peaceful joy.

1949年以來中國大陸地區宋金關係史硏究述評

Chen Junda(陳俊達) 경북대학교 아시아연구소 2017 아시아연구 Vol.- No.21

“宋金關係”는 12세기 초에서 13세기 초까지 중국 송나라와 금나라 사이에 형성된 정치ㆍ경제ㆍ문화 등 각 방면의 교류관계를 지칭하는 것으로, 송나라와 금나라의 역사 연구 분야에서 대단히 활발하게 다루어지고 있는 문제들이다. 1949년 이전까지 중국 대륙에서의 송나라와 금나라의 관계사 연구는 여전히 맹아적 단계에 머물러 있었다. 1949년 이후, 특히 최근 30년 동안 송나라와 금나라의 관계에 대한 연구가 크게 발전하여, 대량의 연구 논저들이 부단히 출현하였다. 학자들의 송나라와 금나라 관계사 연구는 주로 양국 사이에 있었던 전쟁과 화친에 관한 문제, 사신제도와 경제 교류 및 인물평가 등의 분야에 집중되어 있다. The relation between Song and Jin refers to the political, economic, cultural and other relations between the Song Dynasty and Jin Dynasty in the land of China from the early 12th century to the early 13th century, which is a hot issue in the study of Song history and Jin history. Before 1949, the study on the history of Song and Jin in mainland China was still in its infancy. Since 1949, especially the recent thirty years, the researches of the history of Song and Jin have been booming, and a lot of related theories have been published. The scholars’ main researches of the history of Song and Jin focus on the cease of war between Song and Jin, diplomacy exchange systems, economic exchanges and characters evaluation. During studying the cease of war before 1949, scholars considered the Han Dynasty as China and thought that the Jurchen in Song and Jin period were the people not of the same clan, and the Jin Dynasty was a foreign country. The view that the Song Dynasty and Jin Dynasty were also regarded as ‘China’ was proposed after 1949, which laid a theoretical foundation for the study of the history of Song and Jin. With the guidance of this, the academic field carried on further researches on the issues such as alliance between Sung and Kin over the sea, Rebellion of Jing Kang, Shaoxing Peace Treaty, Longxing Peace Treaty and Jiading Peace Treaty and so on. In the aspects of diplomacy exchanges and economic & cultural exchanges of Song and Jin, since 1949, especially the recent 20 years, academic field have carried on intensive researches on diplomacy exchange systems, quotations, and economic and cultural exchanges, which have broadened the research field of the history of Song and Jin. In the study of related characters evaluation in the history of Song and Jin, the academic researches in this field has been more and more thorough since 1949. In the evaluation of Song Gaozong, Song Xiaozong, Yue Fei and others, the basic consensus has been reached in the academic field. However, in the evaluation of Qin Hui, Han Tuozhou and others, there are many views existing in academic field. At the same time, with the continuous deeper understanding in the historical position of Jin Dynasty, there have been more and more objective views in the people of Jin Dynasty in academic field since 1949. About the evaluation of Wan Yanliang, the academic field have held a corresponding discussion and at least five views have been formed. In addition, the scholars also make the study of the history of Song and Jin from other aspects. The famous battles in Song and Jin War, the reformed people, and other issues have been the hot ones in academic researches. In general, the research results have greatly emerged about the history of Song and Jin since 1949 with new research features, which mainly present in the gradually formed set of complete research system of history of Song and Jin, and cover a variety of disciplines, and greatly explore the perspective and field of the history of Song and Jin. At the same time, the scholars put forward different views around the specific issues. However, it should also be recognized that some problems still exist although significant achievements in many aspects have been achieved in the history of Song and Jin. First, some issues need the further study. Second, the strength of historical data mining need to be forced further as well. Finally, the biased “orthodox view” still affects the study of the history of Song and Jin in different degree. The researches on this subject still need our continuous exploration.

천총 연간(1627-1636) 후금의 조선 사신 접대 양상과 그 의미

김영진 명청사학회 2023 명청사연구 Vol.- No.59

In Tianchong era, Later Jin(後金) and Joseon(朝鮮) formed a brotherly relationship and held negotiations over various issues about ten years. In this relationship, the main channel of negotiations between Later Jin and Joseon was Diplomatic Documents(國書, Ma.bithe). Envoys(使臣, Ma.elcin) dispatched regularly or irregularly to deliver the diplomatic documents were also the main channel of negotiations. As a response to the envoy's dispatch, the treatment process of envoys was derived during the envoy's visit. Therefore, the treatment process of envoys could be the clue to find the Later Jin and Joseon's intentions through the envoy exchange. However, there is a lack of research on the treatment of envoys dispatched from Later Jin and Joseon. Accordingly, the following dissertation examines the aspect of Later Jin's treatment of Joseon envoys in the Tiancong Era by compiling various historical records. The stages of reconstructed procedures of Later Jin's treatment of Joseon envoys are; welcoming, reception, presentation of the gift, and farewell. Each of the procedures seemed to carry out by referring to previous cases. Additionally, The Board of Rites(禮部) was involved with the Treatment of Joseon envoys since its establishment in 1631. In other words, Later Jin's treatment of Joseon envoys was in the progress of forming specific procedures. And in certain circumstances, Later Jin adjusted some of the procedures to deliver reactions to Joseon’s response. In the process of Later Jin's treatment of Joseon envoys, there were some cases that Later Jin's internal rituals were related to the treatment of Joseon envoys. These rituals were conducted to place Hong Taiji as the center of the rite, and show off the military achievements of Later Jin or the sovereignty of Hong Taiji. By attending Joseon envoy at internal ritual, Later Jin intended to demonstrate the visualized authority through the ritual and imprint its authority on Joseon. In 1636, Joseon envoy was enforced to attend the Hong Taiji's emperor enthronement. Through this case, Later Jin(Qing)'s intention was urging Joseon to agree with the authority of Hong Taiji as the emperor of Daicing Gurun(大淸).

홍석중의 〈황진이〉 연구 - 주인공의 현실인식 변모 양상을 중심으로

고인환(Ko In-Hwan) 한국문학회 2008 韓國文學論叢 Vol.48 No.-

  〈Hwang Jin-Yi〉 by Hong Seok-Jung contains important meaning on inner change of North Korea"s literature and literary exchange of South and North Korea. This novel has the strong power to attract the readers of South Korea though it is reflected the idea of North Korea appropriately. The main driving forces of this novel are individual love in question and to pursuit happiness although it has strong voice of criticism of irrational social reality. It is a meaningful change which compares with the existing North Korea"s novels are captured with the logic of socialism However, it"s clearly exposed the critical points of various researches because of the prejudice of North Korea"s novel. The mistakes which evaluate the novels with the circumference context rather than concrete text analysis. But, now the inductive method is required for see the change aspect of North Korea"s literature with analysis of the work itself. In this paper, therefore, focuses on the change of reality recognition of "Hwang Jin-Yi(heroin in the novel)" and analyze the concrete meaning of this novel. 〈Hwang Jin-Yi〉 searches for the change procedures of reality recognition of main character in actual life realized, with these steps, writer reflects the era of "Hwang Jin-Yi" lived and our reality.<BR>  In this novel, "Hwang Jin-Yi" is a vivid woman who has self-consciousness. She goes through many social positions - "the only daughter among many sons in noble Hwang"s family → Gi-Saeng(singing and dancing girl who is cultured in ancient Korea / it"s neutral position between ruling class and lower class) → freeman" - and her reality recognition had changed according to her social positions.<BR>  "Hwang Jin-Yi" who is the only daughter among many sons in noble Hwang"s family has romantic and abstract reality recognition. Especially, the eyes of writer who catches delicately the internal desire of "Hwang Jin-Yi" has universality which union the difference ideal gap of South and North Korea.<BR>  The reality recognition of "Hwang Jin-Yi" as Gi-Saeng is expressed as division; she satirizes the noble"s hypocritical desire and despairs herself with social position as Gi-Saeng. Such crack are sutured as love with "Nomi(hero in this novel". The tragic and pure love between "Nomi" and "Hwang Jin-Yi" is compared with the hypocritical love and doesn"t have the meaning of revolutionary love as ideal concept. Like this, individual love and desire are rarely reveal in North Korea"s novels which forbid the inside and desire of existence, so this novel is very meaningful to look for communication South and North literature.<BR>  "Hwang Jin-Yi" as a freeman who lefts the human society doesn"t mean of escape from reality but rises above the world after doing her duties in her life. It"s impossible to overcome the hypocrisy and falsity of noble class as Gi-Saeng. It"s a transcendence beyond the dichotomy like as" good vs evil", "truth vs false" and "ruling class vs lower class".<BR>  "Hwang Jin-Yi" doesn"t overcome the contradiction of her era. But it doesn"t matter. It can become a signal of new era because "Hwang Jin-Yi" considers her problem as periodic meaning in her era. Probably, the significance of literature which captures the state of tension between existence and real world is to reflect the real life"s meaning. Such a point, 〈Hwang Jin-Yi〉 by Hong Seok-Jung asks us who lives in real world which the capital logic governs what is the meaning of life, with heroin "Hwang Jin-Yi" who tries to overcome the periodic dominant concepts though she couldn"t escape the false era.

12세기 高麗·北宋·金 황제릉의 비교 연구

장경희 한서대학교 동양고전연구소 2014 동방학 Vol.30 No.-

12세기 고려와 금은 우호적 관계를 유지하였다. 그것은 금의 始祖가 고려에서 왔다는 민족적 동질성에서 비롯하는 것으로 알려져 왔다. 그러나 그동안 고려나 금 황제릉에 대한 연구는 소외되어 있었다. 이에 본고는 고려와 금 황제릉에 관심을 갖고 북송 황제릉과 비교하여 시대적․양식적으로 친연성이 있음을 다음과 같이 밝혀 보았다. 첫째, 고려와 북송 및 금 황제릉을 선정할 때 당시 유행한 풍수사상을 따랐다. 고려와 금 황제릉의 陵地는 북쪽이 높고 동서쪽으로 산들이 둘러싸고 남쪽이 낮은 곳에 정하는 ‘藏風得水’가 공통되었다. 송 황제릉은 ‘五音姓利說’에 의해 남쪽이 높고 북쪽이 낮은 평지에 陵地를 선택하여 고려나 금의 것과는 달랐다. 둘째, 고려와 북송 및 금 황제릉은 규모나 구조에서 차이를 보였다. 고려와 금 황제릉은 산 위에 작은 규모로 조영하였고, 제사용 香殿이나 국왕이 머무는 行宮 등만 배치하였다. 반면 송 황제릉은 비교적 넓은 평지에 궁궐처럼 다종다양한 다수의 건물을 웅장하게 배치하였다. 셋째, 고려와 북송 및 금 황제릉 석조물의 양식은 달랐다. 전자보다 후자의 석조물은 종류가 4배, 수량이 5배, 크기가 2배 이상이었다. 전자는 생략적이고 해학적인 반면 후자는 정교하고 사실적이었다. 이처럼 고려와 금 황제릉은 양식적으로 친연성이 강하며, 시기적으로 볼 때 금 황제릉이 고려 황제릉의 영향을 받았음을 알 수 있다. 이것은 금의 조상들이 고려에서 왔다는 민족적인 동질성이 황제릉 양식에 반영된 것이라 여겨진다. In the 12th century, Goryo and Jin dynasties kept a friendly relationship each other. It was because the founder of Jin dynasty came from Goryo. However, the focus about imperial tombs has been so far concentrated on the ancient times and modern times by Korean and Chinese historians, and Goryo and Jin dynasties have been alienated. Thus, this study compared Goryo and Jin’s imperial tombs and then examined their architectural characteristics. The study results are as follows;First, when Goryo, Jin and Northern Song dynasties selected the imperial tombs, they followed Chinese Geomantic principles. Goryo and Jin dynasties’ imperial tombs had a common feature that their north sides were located at high places, their east and west sides were surrounded by mountains, and their south sides were located at low places. On the other hand, Northern Song dynasty’s imperial tombs showed the characteristic that their south sides were high, and their north sides were low, thus they showed a difference in comparison with Goryo and Jin dynasties’ imperial tombs. Second, Goryo and Jin dynasties’ imperial tombs were built on the mountains in small scale. The buildings for memorial service or emperor’s rest were simply placed in front of both dynasties’ imperial tombs. However, Northern Song dynasty’s imperial tombs were magnificently placed with various buildings like a palace. Third, Goryo and Jin imperial tombs’ statues were small in their kind, quantity and size. Both countries’ stone carvings consisted of 12 pieces in 3 kinds, while Northern Song imperial tombs consisted of 64 pieces in 13 kinds, thus Northern Song dynasty had 4 times more pieces in kind and 5 times more in quantity. Even in size, Goryo and Jin imperial tombs’ human-shape stone statues were 2m high and animal-shape stone statues were 1m high, while Northern Song imperial tombs’ human-shape stone statues were 3.8m high and animal-shape stone statues were 2m high, thus the latter was 2 times bigger than the former. Fourth, Goryo and Jin imperial tombs’ carving style was mainly centered on embossing, and their details tended to be omitted and humorous. On the other hand, Northern Song imperial tombs’ carving style was sophisticated in detail description and realistic. Like this, Goryo and Jin’s imperial tombs have a strong similarity in their statue style. Considering this fact, we can know that Jin’s imperial tombs were influenced by Goryo dynasty’s imperial tombs. Probably, it may be due to the fact that the racial homogeneity was reflected on both countries’ imperial tombs since the ancestors of Jin dynasty came from Goryo dynasty.