일본의 외국인 참정권 논쟁의 성격

이진원 동국대학교 일본학연구소 2020 일본학 Vol.50 No.-

This paper analyzes the flow of policy and discussions on foreign suffrage in Japan. After the defeat in 1945, suffrage of foreigners in Japan was concerned with suffrage for those who came from colonies. The Japanese government eventually stripped suffrage of colonists. The basis was that the family register was not in Japan. Since 1980, the world has entered the age of globalization. Japan has also begun to think seriously about the recognition of foreign suffrage.Foreigners residing in Japan have also been asserting their suffrage. At that time, the criterion for determining whether to grant suffrage to foreigners was whether or not to have Japanese nationality. There was a conflict between the assertion that suffrage should be granted only because of Japanese nationality and the assertion that suffrage should be granted to foreign residents who do not have nationality. In short, right after the defeat, Japan's suffrage was based on the idea that it was a national right. After globalization, there was a conflict between the idea of the Japanese people's rights and the ideas of the residents' rights. In the end, Japan's suffrage for foreigners was fully enforced by the assertion that suffrage is the right of the Japanese people. The claim of residents' rights did not materialize. It can be said that Japan still could not overcome nationalism(민족주의) and statism(국가주의) 본 논문은 일본의 외국인 참정권 정책의 흐름과 논의의 쟁점의 성격을 분석하였다. 1945년 일본이 패전한 이후 외국인 참정권 정책의 쟁점은 구 식민지 출신자들에게 참정권을 부여할 것인가 아닌가였고 결국은 호적조항을 법규에 추가하면서 구 식민지 출신자의 참정권을 박탈하였다. 1980년대 국제화 시대 이후 일본은 본격적으로 외국인 참정권에 대해 고민을 하게 되었고 일본에 거주하는 외국인들도 자신들의 참정권을 주장하는 움직임을 본격화하였다. 이 때의 외국인에게 참정권 인정의 논쟁을 보면 참정권의 기준을 국적으로 해야 한다는 주장과 국적과 무관하게 주민에게도 참정권을 부여해야 한다는 주장이 맞섰다. 즉 패전 후, 일본의 참정권은 민족권이라는 생각이었고, 국제화시대 이후에는 국민권(국적자)이라는 생각과 주민권(생활자)라는 생각이 존재하였다. 결국 참정권은 국민권(국적자)이라는 생각이 정치적 힘을 가지면서 외국인의 참정권 인정은 실현되지 않았다. 일본은 민족주의, 국가주의를 넘어서지 못하고 있다고 말할 수 있다.

조선총독부 관료의 구술기록을 통해 본 참정권 문제

성주현(Sung, Joo-Hyun)(成周鉉) 한일민족문제학회 2020 한일민족문제연구 Vol.38 No.-

This article explores the issue of the right to vote in the late 1930s in Korea and how the right to vote was perceived through dictation by the Governor-General’s Bureaucrats. The issue of suffrage in the Korean colony was raised while referring to the Japanese government’s colonial policy based on the principle of “extension of remote areas” immediately after the 3.1 movement, but the Japanese government maintained the early trend of the Korean people’s livelihood as they did not reach a certain level. The suffrage issue, which had been at rest since then, reappeared after the Manchuria Incident in 1931. The issue of the right to vote was raised after careful discussion of the draft system of the Korean people, and the People’s Coalition for Participation, the Jochu, and the Koshien Ministry launched a campaign for the draft system and linked it with the right to vote for the right to vote in the anti-parceleratory payoff of the draft system. Nevertheless, Japan’s position is still premature and is reluctant to grant suffrage. The claim for the deployment of the draft system was raised again as the front line was expanded in the 1937 Sino-Japanese War, and the issue of the right to vote was raised again. The Japanese government and the Korean governor’s office tried to use the issue of suffrage as a means of mobilizing war. On the other hand, colonial bureaucrats did not have a positive view of the suffrage issue. It predicted that there will be a natural suffrage issue based on the slogan of equality and extension of the remote area. Some people were negative about granting the right to vote for North Koreans, but there was no doubt that the issue of the right to vote would be solved by itself if the draft system were put into force. However, the draft system was actually introduced through the volunteer system, but the issue of suffrage remains a problem. This was due to the Japanese government’s colonial policy of separating the issue of military service, namely conscription and suffrage. The draft system will be implemented, but the right to vote will not be granted. The Japanese government maintained its position that it was too early to give up the right to vote because of the low popularity of North Korea. However, colonial officials and the Japanese government have taken seriously the concern that if they grant the right to vote, they will lose the casting boat.In these points, we can see that although the “democracy” was mentioned on the surface, the major factor was the “casting boat.” 本稿は、1930年代後半の植民地朝鮮で展開された参政権の問題とその延 長線上から続く徵兵制について朝鮮総督府官僚の口述を介して参政権につい てどのように認識したのか調べてみた。 植民地朝鮮で参政権問題は3.1運動直後、日本政府の｢內地延長主義｣ を踏まえた植民政策に言及しながら提起されたが、日本政府は、朝鮮の民度 がまだ一定の水準に達していなかったので、時機尙早という基調を一貫して維 持した。以降小康状態にあった参政権問題は、1931年満州事変に展示システ ム基形成され、再び台頭した。慎重に朝鮮人の徴兵制についての議論が提 起され参政権問題は、新たに浮上され國民協會、時中會、甲子俱樂部は徵 兵制要望運動を展開しながら、これを参政権と連携させたいた、すなわち徴兵 制の反對給付に参政権を要求したものだった。それにもかかわらず、日本の立 場はまだ時期尚早を打ち出して参政権付与に消極的に対応している。1937年 日中戦争で戦線が拡大されることによって徴兵制実施を要求する主張が再び 提起され、このかみ合っ参政権問題も再び提起された。日本政府や朝鮮総督 府は、参政権の問題を事実上の戦争動員の手段として利用しようとした。 一方、参政権問題についての植民地官僚は、肯定的な認識もなかった。 一視同仁と內地延長主義をスローガンにする自然参政権問題が発生するものと見た。一部では、朝鮮人の参政権付与は否定的だったが、徴兵制が施行さ れれば参政権問題は自然に解決されると考えもなくはなかった。しかしながら実 際に志願兵制度を経て徴兵制が実施されたが参政権問題は依然として課題と して残った。これは、日本政府の兵役義務つまり徴兵制と参政権の問題を徹底 的に分離する植民地政策をとるたからであった。徴兵制は実施するが参政権は 付与しないというものである。 日本政府は、参政権を付与していない本質的な原因は、朝鮮の民度が低 いということで、まだ時期尚早という立場を固守した。しかしながら植民地官僚や 日本政府は参政権を付与した場合、｢キャスティングボートを奪われることができ るという憂慮｣を真剣に受け入れた。これらの点は、これまで参政権問題は、｢民 度｣は表面的に掲げたが、実質的には｢キャスティングボート｣が主要な要因で あったことを知ることができる。

일본 민주당과 재일 영주외국인의 지방참정권

金太基(Kim Tae-Ki) 한일민족문제학회 2010 한일민족문제연구 Vol.19 No.-

2009年9月日本民主党を中心とした鳩山由紀夫内閣が誕生してから最近まで在日永住外国人に対する地方参政権付与の法制化問題は日本政治の重要なイシューの一つであった。鳩山は勿論で、2010年6月に就任した菅直人首相も永住外国人に対する地方参政権の付与に積極的な思考を持っている.この研究は民主党の在日外国人政策を地方参政権問題に焦点を合わせてその形成過程から今までの全体的な流れについて考察したものである。鳩山を中心とした民主党が地方参政権の法制化に積極的に取り組んできた政治的な理由は何であり、これを推進するためにどのような道程を歩んで来たのかを究明した。そして地方参政権を取り囲んだ民主党内部の葛藤、自民党を中心にした他の政党及び地方自治体、言論そして世論の反応も考察した。1980年代に在日外国人に対する法的処遇が多く改善されたし、日本社会に‘国民’と違った‘住民’意識が芽生えた。1990年代に現われた永住外国人の地方参政権付与に対する地方自治体の賛成意見書採択は日本社会の変化を象徴するものであった。地方参政権を取り囲んだ最近の反応を確認し、永住外国人に対する日本政界及び社会の認識と立場の変化を過去と比較し、その変化の意味を問った。今まで永住外国人の地方参政権と関連して韓国と日本で多くの研究成果がある。しかし民主党に焦点を合わせて地方参政権付与の政治的な背景と過程に対して体系的に調べた研究は不十分な状況である。したがって韓日関係という政治的な側面と日本政治外交史という学術的な側面で見た時、本研究はそれなりに意義があると言える. Since Yukio Hatoyama of the Democratic Party of Japan formed coalition government on September 2009, until now, enactment of local suffrage for foreign residents in Japan is one of the important issues of Japanese politics. In addition to Hatoyama, a prime minister, Naoto Kan who took office on June 2010 has a positive thinking to award the local suffrage to foreign residents. The study has investigated the overall flow of policy of Democratic party on foreign residents from its formation until now, focusing on the issue of local suffrage. I investigated the political reason why Democratic party in and round Hatoyama aggressively tried to enact the local suffrage and what they did to in order to push forward the enactment. I also investigated the internal conflict in the Democratic party about local suffrage and other parties including the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan, local governments, the media and there action of public opinions. In the 1980s, the legal treatment of foreigners in Japan improved much and it is acknowledged that not 'people' but 'residents' consciousness has been formed in Japanese society. In the 1990s, approval of local governments to award the local suffrage to foreign residents reflected change of Japanese society. I can compare changes of view on foreign residents from Japanese political society and public society by reviewing past and recent reactions on local suffrage. Until now, many previous studies related to local suffrage of foreign residents in Japan were carried out in Korea and Japan. But there is shortage of systematic studies on the political background and process focusing on Democratic party. Thus, I think this study is meaningful in terms of the political relations with Japan and Korea and academic area of Japanese political diplomatic history.

1930년대 일제의 지배정책 변화와 친일정치운동의 ‘제도적’ 편입과정

이태훈 한국근현대사학회 2011 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.58 No.-

In the early 1930’s, Japanese Imperialism began to change the direction of colonial ruling policy, following the Manchurian Incident, the secondary revision of the local administrative system, and the rural development movement. While “cultural rule” in the 1920’s was the strategy through which to integrate Choseon society by means of suffrage and autonomous rights, the new ruling strategy aimed to incorporate the political desires of the upper class of Choseon society into the Japanese colonial system by giving the local advisory organizations “a measure of practical suffrage,” such as budget voting rights. With the expansion of Japanese colonization over the Asian continent. Japan extended its direct and in-depth rule over Choseon society. The conversion of the colonial ruling policy of Japanese Imperialism verified that it was impossible to allow Choseon to have autonomous rights or suffrage, which had been considered as a possible policy in the 1920’s. On the other hand, as the colonial ruling policy was evolving, the pro-Japanese political movement began to decline since the movements in the 1920’s, which had aimed at securing the suffrage of the Choseon people, including autonomous rights and suffrage by making them loyal subjects of the Japanese Empire. The decline was because the upper class of Choseon society, which had been the political and social bases of the movement, withdrew from the organization as they paid more attention to the expanded ruling organizations, such as local councils, in order to secure their substantial benefit. It was ironic that the pro-Japanese political movement, which had been active in the 1920’s as a result of the prominence of the ethnic movement, lost its momentum in the 1930’s when Japanese colonial rule had intensified. However, this was an unavoidable outcome that depended on the structural conditions of the pro-Japanese political movement. The movement by the colonized people to acquire suffrage was a political activity that was essential for the ruling powers to cover up political complaints when the ruling system was in disturbance. However, when the complaints became passive and all resources had to be mobilized, the political movements of the colonized people were useless. It was also a spontaneous outcome in such a circumstance that the upper class of Choseon society, which was sensitive to the trends of the colonial ruling policy, had more interest in obtaining visible, immediate benefits than in the movement to acquire suffrage that struggled to be realized. The power of the pro-Japanese political movement was the political power that existed in between the colonial ruling power, which utilized suffrage and autonomy as the mechanism to politically embrace the colonized people, and the desire of the upper class of Choseon society to strengthen their position as the dominant group by acquiring suffrage. Hence, the power of the pro-Japanese political movement lost its place as a political power when the mechanism for political control disappeared. It was eventually incorporated with colonial power as a government-fabricated organization for propaganda after the Sino-Japanese War. The process by which the power of the pro-Japanese political movement declined politically and was incorporated with the colonial system in the 1930’s demonstrated how the contradicting characteristics of the colonial ruling logic of Japanese Imperialism were realized. Japanese Imperialism tried to completely absorb Choseon society through the colonial ruling principle of “assimilation,” making it different from the colonial rule of Western countries. However, the “assimilation” appeared to suggest “national integration” and triggered the realistic problem that Japanese Imperialism was never able to accept the political equalization between the Empire and the colony. Eventually, pro-Japanese political movement, which sought the literal ruling goals of Japanese Impe...

연방헌법 수정조항 제19조의 제정 -전국여성당, 전미여성참정권협회 그리고 윌슨의 역할을 중심으로-

박현숙 ( Hyun Sook Park ) 한국서양사학회 2012 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.113

Woman`s suffrage movement which had started in the early 19th century drew its final curtain as the Nineteenth Amendment was passed both in the House and the Senate and was finally ratified in 1920. It had been an arduous and long struggle and two woman`s organizations, National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) and Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage/National Woman`s Party (NWP) played a critical role in achieving this goal. For this reason two organizations and their work had been studied. However, in the 1980s two articles appeared to shed new lights on Wilson`s role in passing the amendment and contended different view points on his role. As I reviewed these articles and other more specialized studies on the two organizations I arrived at a conclusion that Wilson`s role could not only be overlooked but should be reviewed from a different perspective. Moreover, the amendment was the unintentionally cooperated work of these three, two organizations and Wilson. To confirm my conclusion I studied the work of Congressional Union in the first chapter, the work of the National American Woman Suffrage Association in the second chapter and finally Wilson`s role and how they elaborately helped each other in passing the amendment unconsciously as well as unintentionally in the third chapter. Reviewing their works, I reached a conclusion that each other`s work in a way benefited the counter organization and even pushed Wilson to reconsider his viewpoint on woman`s suffrage. For example, declaration of refusal to participate in the war effort by National Woman`s Party elevated the image of NAWSA which pronounced to devote in war work. Their patriotic service actually earned the goodwill of the public and gained leverage over politicians. On the other hand, picketing of NWP forced Wilson and the public to reexamine the issues of woman`s suffrage and democracy in extended perspective and made room for NAWSA to compromise with Wilson and to maintain intimate relationship. NAWSA`s elaborate and cooperative work and NWP`s aggressive tactics operated in a way for Wilson to actively participate in passing the Nineteenth Amendment. (Sogang University / hsppp@hanmail.net <mailto:hsppp@hanmail.net>)

在外國民 參政權의 法的 保護에 관한 考察 : 개정 공직선거법을 중심으로

권영호(Kwon Young-Ho),송서순(Song Seo-Soon) 한국비교공법학회 2009 공법학연구 Vol.10 No.3

재외국민 참정권의 법적 보호에 관한 근본적인 문제점은 법률과 제도의 미비였다. 그 동안 우리나라는 국토가 분단된 현실, 선거의 공정성 확보문제, 선거기술상의 문제, 내국인과의 형평성의 문제 등을 이유로 재외국민이 누려야할 헌법상 참정권을 법률로 제한하였다. 이에 헌법재판소는 위헌 결정을 통하여 재외국민 참정권 보장을 위한 제도의 개선을 요구하였고, 재외국민들의 숙원이었던 참정권이 이번 정치관계 법률들의 개정을 통해 본격적인 시행을 앞두게 되었다. 물론 입법 과정에서 중요한 쟁점과 관련한 치열한 논쟁이 있었으나 여ㆍ야간 합의함으로써 재외국민들의 누려야 할 당연한 권리인 참정권행사의 기회가 제공되었다는 점은 매우 고무적이다. 본 논문은 이번에 개정한 정치관계 법률(공직선거법, 국민투표법, 주민투표법)내용들을 살펴봄으로써 헌법재판소 결정의 취지와 부합한지 여부와 미비점은 무엇인지 향후 개선 할 점은 없는 지 등을 파악하여 재외국민 참정권의 현실적 보호방안을 강구하고자 한다. Unpreparedness of institution was the most fundamental problem of legal protection of overseas koreans suffrage. Korean government has limited overseas koreans suffrage ,which should be guaranteed by constitutional law, using under law. The reasons were Korea's circumstances as a divided country, securing the election's fairness, problems in the election system and equality with the domestic koreans. Therefore the Constitutional Court of Korea ruled that it is unconstitutional and urges improvement of institution for securing overseas koreans suffrage. Finally, through amendment of the Political Relationship of law (Act on Election for public office, National Referendum law, the Residents Referendum Act), the suffrage which has been the long-cherished hope of overseas koreans will take effect in earnest. Even though there was a heated discussion related to the main issue between the ruling party and the opposition party in the process of lawmaking, it is really encouraging that, by the two parties wise mutual agreement, the government finally comes to give a chance for overseas koreans to enjoy their suffrage which is a deserved right for all koreans. This study is aimed for seeking actual protection measures of overseas koreans suffrage by grasping whether the revised Political Relationship of law's main points (extent of suffrage, election procedures, fair election campaigns and securing measures of fairness) correspond with the rule of the Constitutional Court of Korea, whether there's any defectiveness and whether they need any improvement.

민주주의와 성별정치학

이남희(Lee, Nam-hee) 한국역사연구회 2013 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.87

In 19th century Britain, Radicals believed that Democracy should be equipped with an electoral system based on universal suffrage, and a representative government supported by the majority of people through elections. The expansions of franchise for male citizens continued through the Reform Acts of 1832, 1867 and 1884, though the Chartist Movement(1838~1848) led by the working class bitterly failed. However, regardless of one"s class or any qualifications as a voter, women had been totally excluded from the national elections such as the Parliamentary Franchise until the end of World War I. It was justified by the theory of separate spheres between the Man and the Woman. The franchise was a gender-based notion from the beginning in modern Britain. Among various variables that called for disqualifications in terms of the franchise, the gender barrier persisted longer than any other factors. When votes were granted to men of 21 and above, and women of 30 and above, in 1918, the right to vote was still denied to young women. Unlike men of the same age, young women were considered politically and intellectually incompetent. In 1928, men and women of 21 and above finally got the equal right. Thereafter, fierce arguments against women"s suffrage disappeared as they no longer had any convincing logic. By using the term of gender, we can reexamine the effects of distinguishing women from men through humankind"s history. The development of the modern state was based on the unequal distribution of power among genders as well as classes or races. But the ideal concept of "maleness" is far from fulfilling for most men in reality. The debates for and against women"s suffrage show us inconsistent features of British society"s political topography. There were some Liberal M.P.s who introduced Women"s Suffrage bills or supported Women"s Cause since John Stuart Mill"s Bill in 1867. Nevertheless, Liberal Party constantly hesitated to adopt women"s suffrage as a party platform. On the other hand, though Conservatives were accused of male chauvinism, women volunteers in Conservative Party played key roles after 1890s. Women could support Liberals or Conservatives or Labour candidates for any reasons. A few women even went so far as to refute Women"s Suffrage. As voters, women did or do not act as a unified group. Butonce women are categorized as "Woman" and excluded from citizenship because of that, just like women of the nineteenth century Britain, they might begin to recognize themselves as a gender and start to ally in the name of Woman again.

일본 재외선거제도와 그 시사점에 대한 연구

손형섭 한국공법학회 2011 공법연구 Vol.39 No.3

대한민국의 현행 공직선거법에서 재외국민의 선거를 인정하는 태도는 헌법적인 제반 원리를 구현에 있어 몇 가지 한계를 가지고 있다. 지역구 국회의원선거에서 해외 거주 재외국민에게 투표권을 부여하지 않고 국회의원선거에서 보궐선거나 재선거에서도 투표권을 부여하지 않고 있어 합리적인 이유가 없는 차별로서 헌법에 반하여 선거권을 침해할 수 있다. 일본도 1998년 개정 전의 일본 구 공직선거법 제42조 제1항, 제2항은 선거인명부에 등록되어 있지 않은 자 및 선거인명부에 등록될 수 없는 사람은 투표할 수 없는 것으로 정하고 있었다. 이러한 일본 구 공직선거법에 대해서 재외국민의 투표권 부여에 관하여 거주요건을 두는 것이 위헌이라는 일본 내 주장이 있었다. 일본 정부도 일찍이 1984. 4. 27. 재외국민 선거제도의 창설에 관한 ‘공직선거법의 일부를 개정하는 법률안’을 국회에 제출하였으나 폐안되었다. 결국, 1996년 10월 일본의 재외국민 중 일부가 일본 정부를 상대로 국가배상 소송을 제기한다. 1심 동경 지방재판소와 2심 동경 고등재판소는 “항소인의 위법확인은 단지 재외일본인이라는 이유로 공직선거법 규정의 일부 위법확인을 구하는 소송이라 해석해야 하므로, 이와 같은 소송은 구체적 분쟁을 벗어나 추상적, 일반적으로 법령 등의 위헌 또는 위법성 등에 관한 판단을 구하는 으로 법률상의 쟁송에 해당하지 않는다고 판시했다. 그러나 2005년 9월 14일 일본 최고재판소는 “재외국민에게 투표할 기회를 주지 않은 것에 필수불가결한 사유가 있었다고 할 수 없으며 평등권 위반이다.”, “본 판결 선고 후 처음으로 시행되는 중의원 의원의 총선거 또는 참의원 의원의 통상선거 시점에서 중의원 소선거구선출의원의 선거 및 참의원 선거구선출의원의 선거에 대해서 재외국민에게 투표하는 것을 인정하지 않는 것에 대해 필수불가결한 사유가 있었다고는 할 수 없으므로, 공직선거법 부칙 제8항 규정은 헌법에 위반한다.”라고 결정하였다. 이 판결을 통하여 현행 일본 공직선거법은 재외국민투표를 비례대표제 선거뿐만 아니라 지역구 의원 선거에서도 널리 인정하게 되었다. 투표방식도 재외공관투표와 우편투표 등을 선택할 수 있게 되었다. 재외국민에게 투표권을 불완전하게 인정하는 공직선거법은 헌법에 반하며 재외국민의 정치적인 권리를 박탁 또는 제한하는 것이 된다. 이것은 선거정책의 문제가 아니라 헌법상의 기본권인 선거권의 보장문제로 다루어져야 한다. 대한민국에는 재일교포뿐만 아니라 글로벌 사회의 발전으로 외국에서 장기 체재하는 재외국민이 늘고 있다. 앞으로는 재내, 재외의 국민 모두에게 실질적인 투표권을 실현케 하는 다각적인 방안이 모색되어야 할 것이다. Korea’s Election law has several adverse issues regarding its overseas citizens. It is unconstitutional that current National Assemblyman vacancy and recall elections in the Overseas Absentee voting. Korea’s Election laws and system are generally similar to that of Japan, sans expatriate the overseas absentee voting. Therefore, a related and relevant renovation plan would be well advised to observe and assimilate Japan’s election protocol evolution’s legal discourse and litigation. Before 1998, Japan’s Election Law [Article 42] excluding expatriate the overseas absentee voting was the subject of considerable criticism. In April 1984, legislation was proposed to amend related Election Law, pro-expat, but not enacted. October, 1999, a number of expats filed suit for related state compensation. Resultant Tokyo District Court decisions specified that expat absentee suffrage extant is solely at the discretion of the National Diet. By 1999, the National Diet amended related Election Law to grant expat the overseas absentee suffrage. And, November 2000, the Tokyo High Court determined that because “appellants demand the judgement of abstract law and regulation unconstitutionality or illegality regarding exclusively expatriate Japanese, it is not a general public lawsuit. Therefore, the legal decision given does not correspond to the litigation.”But, Finally, September, 2005, Supreme Court of japan decided that “① Expatriate national election suffrage cannot be based solely on the grounds of compelling interest. ② Japan’s former election law did not recognize expatriate suffrage. There cannot be “compulsory cause.” ③ Expatriate suffrage exclusion in the next election of the House of Representatives or the House is not of “compulsory interest.” Accordingly, Election Law Annex 8 violates the Constitution. Via these litigations and resultant current Japan election law, Japan now recognizes expatriate suffrage, as well as proportional electoral district representation in National Diet elections. In addition Japan recognizes voting by mail and embassy ballot. Korea has many expat citizens residing long-term in foreign countries i.e. Korean-Japanese. In August 1952, The Republic of Korea conducted gender-equality candidate elections. In the future, consideration should necessarily be applied to election suffrage expanding beyond domestic to expatriate the overseas absentee voting in a local election district.

참정권 교육 관점에서 바라본 사회과 교육과정: 2015개정 교육과정과 2022개정 교육과정 비교 분석

배화순,박은아,성경희 한국사회과교육연구학회 2023 사회과교육 Vol.62 No.2

In order to contribute to the revitalization of suffrage education in school education, this study analyzed the 2022 revised social studies curriculum using a qualitative content analysis method. Specifically, we examined the changes in the 2022 revised curriculum after the revision of the Political Relations Act, compared to the 2015 revised curriculum. As a result of the analysis, some implications related to suffrage education were found. Firstly, there is a concern about the gap in suffrage education in the 5th~6th graders in elementary school. Therefore, it is necessary to review the distribution of achievement standards for the 3rd~4th graders and the 5th~6th graders in the next curriculum. Secondly, achievement standards that focus on the role of media from the perspective of suffrage education can be found in 「Society」 in elementary school and 「Politics」 in high school. However, they could not be found in 「Society」 in middle school and 「Integrated Society 1, 2」 in high school. Thirdly, it was found that the achievement standards related to the content category of ‘daily life and political participation' were insufficient except for the elementary school level, but efforts were made to discover the significance of political participation in life. Fourthly, by emphasizing learning that considers the real political context, a change in perspective was observed, focusing on the role of elections and political parties in the political process, the role of citizens as voters, and the necessity of civic participation while emphasizing students' suffrage. However, it was not found achievement standards that directly reflected change of the Public Official Election Act, Political Parties Act, and other related laws in 「Integrated Society 1, 2」 , 「Politics」 , and 「Law and Society」 at the high school level.

참여권 확보를 위한 아동투표권에 대한 소고

정익중 ( Chung Ick Joong ) 한국어린이재단 2016 동광 Vol.111 No.-

본 연구는 우리나라는 물론 전 세계적으로 가장 취약한 아동권리인 참여권을 증진하기 위한 목적으로 아동투표권을 도입하기 위한 필요성이나 실현방안을 살 펴본 것이다. 민주주의의 역사는 투표권을 소외계층에게 확대하는 과정이었다. 과거에는 투표권이 제한되었던 흑인, 여성 등이 참정권 운동을 통해 투표권을 행사할 수 있게 되고 국민의 동등한 일원으로서 인정받게 되었다. 그러나 오늘 날에도 선거권은 연령을 기준으로 제한되고 있다. 아동도 투표권을 가졌다면 지 금처럼 이등국민이 아니라 완전한 국민으로 인정받았을 것이다. 아동에게 투표권을 확대하는 방안에는 투표연령을 하향하는 것, 생래적 권리로서 신생아를 포함 한 모든 국민이 투표할 수 있도록 하는 것, 데미니 투표방식으로 아동을 대리하도록 부모에게 투표권을 추가로 부여하는 것 등의 방식이 있으며 우리나라의 상황에 맞게 도입할 수 있을 것이다. 이를 통해 아동이 인간으로 제대로 인정받기 위해서는 타인의 선의와 동정에 의해서가 아니라 자기 스스로 정치권력을 가질 필요가 있다는 것을 보여주고 있다. This study examined need and realization methods for introducing children`s suffrage for the purpose of promoting the right to participate which is the weakest children`s right worldwide. The history of democracy has been the attempts to expand suffrage to the underprivileged. The black and women had been discriminated not to have suffrage. They struggled to gain the right to vote, and finally could be recognized to be equal. However, the right to vote is still confined on the basis of age. If children had suffrage, they would be treated as full citizens, instead of the second-class citizens who they currently are. There are three ways of extending the right to vote to children with: lowering the voting age; making universal voting system as natural rights which allow for all citizens even including newborns; and creating Demeny voting system to give additional votes to parents on behalf of their children, so that new voting scheme could be introduced to suit Korea`s situation. This enables children to receive recognition and dignity as human from his/her own political power itself, not by others` sympathy or good will.