한국의 문자정책과 한문교육 -한문과 한글의 교섭 양상에 주목하여-

정재철 ( Jae Chul Jung ) 한국한문교육학회 2009 한문교육논집 Vol.33 No.-

King Sejong who had distributed the Korean script(訓民正音) in 1446 ordered his newly appointed civil officials to speak Chinese for all of the famous products and Lee Ik(李翼) suggested the civil officials below the grade of the fifth rank and students in various schools to study Chinese. Like this the knowledge about the meaning and pronunciation of Chinese Characters, and the annotation knowledge about Chinese Vocabulary in the Chinese Sentences were very important for the Chinese centered language life for upper class in Chosun. For example, in 『Hunmongjahoe(訓蒙字會)』 which was compiled by Choi Se-jin(崔世珍), the Korean explanations and pronunciations, and Chinese Annotations for the 3360 Chinese Letters were carried below them. And the Korean character books in the Chosun dynasty adopted the direct translation form to build only the reading and writing ability as a written language so that they can use Korean characters as an assistant measure for the accurate understanding of the original Chinese texts. The First Royal Decree on October 21 in 1894 served a momentum to change the Korean written language life from Chinese to Korean. Since 『The official gazette (官報)』 changed its characters from Chinese to Korean from February 23, 1895, the writing style at the time was mainly to use Hangul with Chinese characters together. The literary style of the text books at schools in the reformation period were used Hyeontoche(懸吐體), which the postpositions and endings were added in the original sentences, Jigyeogeonhaeche(直譯諺解體), which had the word for word translation system based on the direct translation, and Uiyeogeonhaeche(意譯諺解體), which had the students centered free translation style. Hyeontoche and Jigyeogeonhaeche are character words for reading and writing only, Uiyeogeonhaeche can`t reach to the complete phonetics and the pre-knowledge would be needed. Therefore the Sino-Korean education in the reformation period was to achieve Chinese letters and vocabularies used as part for using Hanguel and Chinese characters together. 『The Law about the exclusive use for Korean』 on October 9, 1948 and 『the Basic Law about Hanguel』 on January 27, 2005 were reflected the tendency of Hanguel use only process in all around the society. So the basic direction for linguistics the government promotes is to teach Chinese characters together with Korean based on the complete use of Korean(Hanguel) at the point of the settlement for the Korean exclusive use. In the 7th education policy, we seeked for the instrumnetal chartacteristics of the Sino-Korean studies from Chinese vocabularies which dominates large portion of Korean vocabularies. But, in the revised Sino-Korean department education process we,re seeking it from Chinese sentences from multi-culture of East Asian countries. Because of this, the Chinese character education in the current exclusive Korean use era has been switched to Chinese sentence study that highlights the independence through sentence reading from Chinese word studies that stresses pragmatism through the practical use in every day life.

미국에서의 한국어 교육 현황과 전망 - 재미 동포의 인식 조사를 바탕으로 -

원미진 한국언어문화교육학회 2015 언어와 문화 Vol.11 No.3

This study explores the current state of Korean language education in the United States. It aims to predict the future of Korean language use by future generations of Koreans. For this purpose relevant previous research is reviewed and relevant data is collected using the methodology from a survey conducted on more than 1,000 Korean-Americans. The analysis of the perception reveals that the 91% of participants responded positively about teaching Korean language to their children. This result implies that the majority of Korean-Americans realize that Korean proficiency is essential for family communication and successful career for their children. A significant number of participants from the 2nd and 1.5th generation immigrants whose Korean proficiency is relatively weak showed interest in learning Korean. Moreover, many of them responded that they would like to learn Korean even up to an advanced level. On the basis of the survey, this study proposes the following suggestions. Firstly, the goals and the principles of the Korean language education policy for Korean-Americans should be defined in multi-dimensional ways. Secondly, the expertise of the Korean language teachers needs to be improved. Lastly, the Korean government should consider assisting Korean Schools with professional teachers and appropriate materials in order to improve their educational environment. Therefore, this study contributes to Korean language education by reflecting the need of Korean-Americans to facilitate and reinforce the Korean language education in the US.

The Phonetic Differences Between the Korean Stop Series /p, t, k/ and the English /b, d, g/ Based on the VOT Value

강인선 한국영어학회 2003 영어학 Vol.3 No.3

Kang, Insun. 2003. The Phonetic Differences Between the Korean Stop Series /p, t, k/ and the English /b, d, g/ Based on the VOT Value. Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 3-3, 427-452. Korean is famous for having all voiceless stop sounds. Korean does have voiced stops but they are considered to exist only as the allophones of word initial /p, t, k/. My experiment shows the English word initial stop sounds [b, d, g] and the Korean lax stop series /p, t, k/ in word initial position are similar in the range of voice onset time. If English word initial [b, d, g] sounds are posited as voiced, then Korean word initial /p, t, k/ should be classified as voiced also. Phonetically English /b, d, g/ phonemes and Korean /p, t, k/ phonemes are very similar except the word initial [p, t, k] are devoiced slightly more, but not significant enough to be classified as voiceless than English word initial [b, d, g]. If we posit /b, d, g/ as Korean phonemes, it explains why Korean /p, t, k/ series has the allophones [b, d, g] instead of fortis stops /p’, t’, k’/ in Korean even though /p’, t’, k’/ has less positive VOT value than /p, t, k/. If we posit /b, d, g/ as Korean phonemes, then it does not cause spelling or pronunciation confusion either when Koreans learn English or English speakers learn Korean.

재미 동포의 언어 정체성과 한국어 능력에 대한 세대별 비교 분석 연구

원미진 ( Mijin Won ) 이중언어학회 2015 이중언어학 Vol.60 No.-

The purpose of this study is to investigate and analyze the language use patterns of Korean-Americans by comparing the characteristics of 1st, 1,5th and 2nd generation in the USA. The data revealed that there is significant difference between the perception on the necessity of the language proficiency and the perception on the language identity. Korean Americans perceive the necessity of English proficiency is slightly stronger than the necessity of Koreanproficiency. This result reflects that Korean Americans generally put more importance on the language of their residential country and it is not different from the previous research results on Korean residents in China and the CIS. However, the percentage of Koreans who perceive Korean language as their mother tongue is higher in the US, comparing to China and the CIS. Therefore, Korean Americans show more positive perception on Korean language and culture than English and American culture. Based on the analysis by the immigrant generation variable, the first-generation immigrants show high proficiency in Korean language in all areas, whereas the second-generation immigrants show the opposite results. For the 1.5th generation immigrants, there was no significant difference between their Korean and English language proficiency. The variable of the immigrant generation was the most significant variable to the language use of Korean Americans due to the uniqueness of Korean American society where different generations are still residing closely and where there is still active inflow of first-generation immigrants from Korea to the US. This phenomenon is unlike other Korean residents in China and the CIS and will be a positive evidence of maintaining Korean in the USA. (Yonsei University)

Korean Language and Korean Studies Programs in Malaysia

김금현,류승완 이중언어학회 2001 이중언어학 Vol.19 No.1

The Korean studies program was introduced to Malaysia only in recent time and this program is considered as the further development of the Korean language program. Compare to other languages such as French, German, Japanese and Chinese which are introduced much earlier than Korean, this establishment of Korean studies program could be considered as a high achievement in academic area of study. The Korean language and Korean studies programs play a very important role in both Malaysian universities and society not only to introduce Korean language, culture and people but also to promote mutual understanding between Malaysians and Koreans. However, considering the history and the number of students, these two programs in Malaysia still need to be developed more. Therefore, this paper focuses on the development and prospects of two programs i.e., Korean language and Korean studies in Malaysia. These two programs will be discussed in the following sub-headings:1. Introduction2. Korean Language Program 3. General Points 4. Korean Studies5. Conclusion: The Problems and Prospects of Korean studies

미주지역 한인의 적십자 조직과 민족운동(1910-1945)

조규태 한국민족운동사학회 2021 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.- No.106

이 글은 1910년부터 1945년까지 미주지역에 거주하던 한인들이 조직한 적십자 조직과 이들이 벌인 인도‧정의의 적십자 활동에 관한 글이다. 첫째 3‧1운동 이전 대한인국민회의 구제원 편성과 구제활동, 그리고 대한인국민회 회원의 미국 적십자 가입 및 지원 활동에 대하여 살펴보았다. 둘째 3‧1운동 이후 미주지역 한인의 구제회와 대한민국 대한적십자회의 지회 설립 활동을 고찰하였다. 셋째 1923년 대한적십자회의 국제적십자연맹 가입 실패와 국민대표회의에서의 합의된 대한민국임시정부 개혁안 도출 실패로 인해 대한적십자회 지회가 와해된 이후의 미주지역 한인의 적십자 활동을 살펴보았다. 미주지역의 한인조직인 대한국민회와 이를 계승하여 1910년 조직된 대한인국민회는 북미지방총회와 하와이지방총회, 또는 그 산하 지방회에 구제원을 편성하여 구제‧구호 활동을 하였다. 그리고 미국이 제1차 세계대전에 참전하자, 미주지역의 한인들은 미국의 적십자에 가입하고 그 활동을 지원하였다. 3‧1운동의 발생 직후 하와이에 거주하며 대한부인회 활동을 하던 여성들은 독립운동을 후원하기 위하여 적십자사를 조직하려고 하였다. 그러나 하와이주정부는 국가가 없다는 이유로 이를 승인하지 않았다. 그러자 이들은 대한부인구제회를 조직하였다. 대한부인구제회는 나라 위하여 피 흘리고 죽고 다치고 고생하는 동족을 구제함을 주요 목표로 삼았으나 인류의 구제도 좌시하지 않았다. 그런데 대한부인구제회는 일제의 억압과 착취에서 벗어나 자유와 독립을 얻으려는 것이 적십자정신의 구현이라고 보았기에, 이 회원들은 대한민국임시정부와 독립군과 광복군을 지원하고, 독립운동을 하다 희생당한 사람과 그 가족을 구제하고, 민족의식의 고취와 민족운동 역량의 증진에 힘을 쏟았다. 미국 본토의 몇몇 지역에서는 1919년 3‧1운동기 일제에 의해 벌어진 한인의 참상을 전해 듣고 한인구제회를 조직하였다. 한인구제회의 회원들은 일제의 참상을 알리고 조직을 확대하여 한인 구제활동을 벌였다. 또 다뉴바 등지에서는 대한여자애국단이 조직되어 독립전쟁 발발 시 간호원으로 활동할 준비를 하면서 구제활동을 벌였다. 대한민국이 탄생하고 임시정부가 수립된 직후인 1919년 7~9월 대한민국 대한적십자회가 조직되자, 미주지역의 한인들은 대한적십자회에 가입하고 인도‧정의 활동을 전개하였다. 이들은 대한적십자회에 가입하고 대한인국민회를 기반으로 삼아 대한적십자회 북미지부, 하와이지부, 멕시코지부, 큐바지부 등을 설치하고 의무금과 기부금을 출연하여 대한적십자회 본부의 활동을 후원하였다. 1920년 중반 대한민국 대한적십자회의 국제적십자연맹 가입이 좌절되고, 국민대표회의를 통한 대한민국임시정부의 개혁이 실패로 돌아가자, 미주지역 한인들은 대한적십자회를 통한 활동을 전개하지 않았다. 대신에 이들은 대한인국민회를 통하여 독립운동 후원, 독립운동 참여자와 그 가족 구제, 이재 한인 및 인류의 구제와 같은 적십자 활동을 계속해 나아갔다. This article is about the Red Cross organization organized by Koreans living in the Americas and the Red Cross activities of Humanitarianism and Justice from 1910 to 1945. First, before the March 1st Independence Movement, I examined a staff for relief and relief activities of the Korean National Association, and the membership and support of the American Red Cross. Second, after the March 1st Independence Movement, the Korean relief Societies and the Korean Red Cross Society were considered. Third, I looked at the Red Cross activities of Koreans in the Americas after the Korean Red Cross Society collapsed in 1923 due to its failure to join the International Confederation of Red Cross and the National Assembly's failure to the reformation of Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. The Korean National Association(Daehaninkookminhoe), which was established in 1910 following the succession of the Korea National Association(Daehankookminhoe), a Korean organization in the Americas, appointed a staff for relief and relief efforts in the North American General Assembly, Hawaii General Assembly, or its affiliated local council. And when the United States entered World War I, Koreans in the Americas joined the American Red Cross and supported the American Red Cross activities. In mid-March, when the news of the March 1st Independence Movement was announced in Hawaii, members of Koraen Women Association in Hawaii tried to organize the Korean Red Cross to support the independence movement. However, since they could not be approved by the Hawaiian state government due to the lack of a state, they did Red Cross activities using the name of the Korean Women's Relief Association. The Korean Women's Relief Association aimed to rescue its fellow citizens who were bled, hurted, and suffered for the Korean national movement, but did not neglect the salvation of mankind. However, the Korean Women's Relief Association believed that it was the embodiment of the Red Cross spirit to gain freedom and independence from oppression and exploitation of Japan, so the members devoted themselves to supporting the Provisional Government, the Independence Army and the Liberation Army. In some parts of the U.S. mainland, the Korean Relief Association were organized after hearing about the tragedy of Koreans during the March 1st Independence Movement in 1919. The members of the Korean Relief Association spreaded the tragedy of the Japanese colonial rule and expanded the organization to carry out relief activities for Koreans. In addition, the Korean Women's Patriotic Organization was organized in Danuva. They carried out the relief effort, prepared to serve as a nurse in the event of the independence war. When the Korean Red Cross Society was organized from July to September 1919, shortly after the birth of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, Koreans in the Americas joined the Korean Red Cross. They founded the North American branch, the Hawaii branch, the Mexican branch, and the Cuba branch of the Korean Red Cross based on the Korean National Association. And the members of them supported the activities of the Korean Red Cross headquarters. In the mid-1920s, when the Korean Red Cross failed to join the International Federation of Red Cross, and the reform of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea through the National Assembly failed, Koreans in the Americas did not engage in activities through the Korean Red Cross. Instead, they continued their Red Cross activities through the Korean National Association, such as sponsorship of the independence movement, relief of participants in the independence movement and their families, and relief of the Korean people and mankind.

경기도의 ‘귀환’동포사회와 한국살이:안산시와 시흥시

임영상,림학,JOO DONG WAN 재외한인학회 2020 在外韓人硏究 Vol.50 No.-

2004년 재외동포법 개정과 2007년 실시된 방문취업제도로 중국동포들은 한국에 정착하기 시작했으며, ‘귀환’ 이주가 대세가 되었다. 2019년 현재, 재한 중국동포의 수는 이미 80만명을 넘어섰다. 한국내 고려인동포 수도 8만 명에 이를 것으로 추정된다. 2017년 11월 15일행정자치부가 발표한 「지방자치단체 외국인주민 현황」에 따르면, 경기도의 외국인주민은571,384명(총 1,764,664명 외국인주민의 32.4%)으로 서울시 404,037명(22.9%)보다 10% 이상 많다. 시‧군‧구별로는 경기도 안산시가 1위이고 시흥시는 6위이나, 인구 대비 외국인주민이 10%가 넘는 곳은 경기도에서는 안산시와 시흥시뿐이다. 흔히 소수민족외국인주민집거지(ethnic enclave)는 낙후되고 위험한 게토(ghetto)로 인식되고 있다. 그러나 미국에서도 코리아타운과 같은 아시안 커뮤니티는 오히려 도시재생을 가져오기도 했다. 일본의 오사카 이쿠노에서는 일본의 지역상인과 한인상인들이 지역재생을위한 방안으로 ‘코리아타운’을 만들었고, 그 결과는 오사카의 명소가 된 바 있다. 안산과 시흥의 중국동포사회는, 비록 최근의 일이기는 하지만, 자체 중국동포들만을 위한노력에 머무르지 않고 지역의 다문화공동체를 글로벌공동체로 만들어가는 노력을 기울이고있다는 점에서 새로운 ‘롤 모델’이 될 수 있는 것으로 보인다. 안산의 고려인사회도 희망이 보이고 있다. ‘귀환’ 이주민인 중국동포와 고려인동포는 다른 나라 출신 외국인주민과는 달리한국사회에 또 다른 역할과 기여를 할 수 있다. 인구절벽과 남북협력 시대를 맞아서이다. 한편, 고려인동포사회뿐만 아니라 중국동포사회도 중도입국자녀들의 교육 문제가 현안이되고 있다. 젊은 동포가정은 자녀가 중국에서 태어났건 한국에서 태어났건 중국어를 거의할 수 없는 한국인으로 자라나고 있다. 중국동포 자녀가 압도적인 다수를 이루고 있는 초등학교나 또 중고등학교도 중국어수업 등 중국어를 반드시 공부하게 하는 중국어 특화학교를운영할 수 있는 교육법의 개정이 필요할 것으로 보인다. 이미 필자들은 서울 대동초등학교나 영일초등학교 등 중국동포들이 다수 다니고 있는 학교를 전학년에 중국어로 배우는 중국어 특화학교로의 개편이 필요하다고 주장한 바 있다. 단순히 중도입국 학생들을 위한 특별학급이나 방학 동안의 예비학교보다 전체 학생들이 이중언어를 공부할 수 있는 새로운 교육체제를 갖추어야 한다는 것이다. 글로벌 인재로 키울수 있는 동포자녀의 교육문제에 경기도와 경기도 교육청이 더 함께 협력해야 할 때이다. With the revision of the Overseas Koreans Act of 2004 and the visiting employment system implemented in 2007, Korean Chinese began to settle in Korea and “return” migration became the mainstream. As of 2019, the number of Korean Chinese in Korea has already exceeded 800,000. The number of Korean Russian in Korea is estimated to be 80,000. According to the 「Regional Residents of Local Governments」 announced on November 15, 2017, the number of foreign residents in Gyeonggi-do was 571,384 (32.4% of 1,764,664 foreign residents). It is 10% more than Seoul's 404,037 (22.9%). By city, county, and district, Ansan, Gyeonggi-do ranked first and Siheungi ranked sixth in the number of foreign residents. But only Ansan and Siheung in Gyeonggi-do exceed 10% of the population. Often, ethnic minority settlements (ethnic enclave) are considered obsolete and dangerous ghetto. But even in the United States, Asian communities like Koreatown have brought about urban regeneration. In Osaka Ikuno, Japan, local merchants and Korean merchants created ‘Koreatown’ as a way to revitalize the region, and the result has become a landmark of Osaka. The Korean-Chinese community in Ansan and Siheung will be new ‘roll models’. They are making efforts to make local multicultural communities into global communities. The Korean Russian society in Ansan is showing hope. Unlike the foreign residents from other countries, Korean Chinese and Korean Russian who are ‘returned’ migrants can play another role and contribute to Korean society. Their role is even greater in the age of South Korea's population cliff and the age of cooperation between South and North Korea. On the other hand, the education problem of children who have entered Korea while studying is becoming an issue not only in Korean Russian community but also in Korean Chinese society. We have already insisted that the school, which is attended by a large number of Korean Chinese studnets, such as Seoul Daedong Elementary School and Yeongil Elementary School, needs to be reorganized into a specialized Chinese language school where students learn Chinese in all grades. Rather than just special classes for the students who have entered Korea while studying or preparatory schools during vacations, the whole school needs to have a new bilingual educational system. It is time for Government of Gyeonggi-do and Department of Education in Gyeonggi-do to cooperate together on the educational issues of Korean Chinese and Korean Russian children for their future.

한민족의 마음원형과 교육전통

목영해 ( Young Hai Mok ) 한국교육철학학회(구 교육철학회) 2014 교육철학연구 Vol.36 No.4

한 공동체 구성원이 공통으로 가지는 느낌, 사고, 행동의 양식인 중, 가장 근원적 것이어서 추후 느낌, 사고, 행동의 토대가 되는 양식들을 ``마음원형``이라 한다. 한 공동체의 마음원형은 타문화를 수용하는 틀이 된다. 마음원형은 원시종교와 신화에서 확인되는 바, 한민족의 원시종교로서의 무속과 단군신화에서 추론한 한민족의 마음원형은 ``인간 중심``과 ``가무적 실천중시``이다. 한민족은 타 민족 문화였던 불교와 유교를 수용함에 있어 ``인간 중심``과 ``가무적 실천중시``라는 한민족 마음원형에 입각하여 행하였다. 한민족의 전통적인 교육적 인간상인 화랑과선비 또한 한민족 마음원형이 충분히 반영된 인간상이며, 선비는 이 한민족 마음원형에 근거해 있음으로 인하여디지털 시대의 교육적 인간상으로서 적합성을 갖는다. People who accept other culture try to do it on a base of their own one. When comes to adopting the culture, we could name the base ‘mind archetype’. We are able to find the archetype out on the a primitive religion and myths. The contemporary Koreans takes it for granted that Buddhism and Confucianism are traditional thought and religion of Korean, and the educational tradition of Korean. However, Buddhism and Confucianism in Korean culture are technically, only a religion and a thought which transmitted from the other culture, and Korean have been adopted them within ‘Korean mind archetype’. We can find ‘Korean mind archetype’ out on ‘Musok(巫俗)’ which is Korean shamanism, and the ‘Dangun-shinhwa(檀君神話) which is the myth for Korean founder. ‘Human centered’ is the distinctive characteristic of Korean Musok. Dangun-shinhwa’ shows ‘Human centered thought’ like the Musok. On the Musok and the myth, we can find that the ‘Human centered’ is absolutely one of ‘Korean mind archetype’ ‘Priority of practice’ is another distinctive characteristic of Korean Musok. Dangun-shinhwa’ has a ‘practice prioritized’ thought as well. So ‘the priority of practice’ is sure to be another ‘Korean mind archetype’. Korean Buddhism have been grown upon and within the two kind of Korean mind archetype’, and Korean Confucianism has advanced on and within the Korean mind archetype as well. Person who studied the neo-Confucianism in Korea is called the ‘SunBi(士)’, and the Sunbi is a traditional figure of educated person in Korea. The SunBi was encouraged to cultivate and amuse the Pungru(風流) which refers to esthetically enjoying of drawing, singing, playing musical instrument and dancing. Most of Korean of now think that the SunBi is not appropriate to the modern industrial society, because of ignoring the instrumental value and goods, and overestimating the value of sprit. The educated person in the digital society is required to get features such as a person who knows how to conduct information, a person who has the digital literacy which include relative, critical thinking ability, a ethical person, a person who holds flexible-multi identity. The SunBi is an expert of treating information and knowledge. And he intensively studies disciplines which developed upon inter-relative logics, and he has proficiency on esthetical practice, holds critical mind. The SunBi tries to get and keeps ‘mind nothing(無我)’. Therefore, we can tell that the SunBi is appropriate enough to be the educated person in the digital era. And the Korean mind archetype causes the SunBi to obtain suitability for the new society.

이분법에 갇힌 조선사람

김진환(Kim, Jin Hwan) 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2014 통일인문학 Vol.58 No.-

이 글은 현재 한국인이 통일을 지향하는 과정에서 나와 네가 겪고 있는 ‘고통’의 감소?제거라는 윤리적 의무를 제대로 수행하고 있는지를 국내이주 재일조선인의 한국살이를 통해 돌아보는 글이다. 재일조선인이야말로 일제 식민지배와 남북분단이 초래한 고통을 과거 식민 종주국이었던 일본에서 살아오면서 온몸으로 체험했고, 지금도 상처 받고 있는 조선사람이다. 따라서 국내 이주 재일조선인, 곧 자기 삶의 공간으로 가까이 다가온 재일조선인을 대하는 한국인의 모습은 한국인이 과연 통일을 윤리적 차원에서 사유하고 있는지, ‘제도의 통일’을 넘어서 ‘사람의 통일’을 위해 어느 정도 노력하고 있는지를 평가해주는 좋은 지표가 될 수 있다. 2014년 2월부터 5월까지 국내 이주 재일조선인 12명의 증언을 들어본 결과, 현재 한국인이 그들을 대하는 모습은 윤리적 차원에서 볼 때 좋은 평가를 내릴 수 없다. 한국인은 국내 이주 재일조선인을 ‘진짜 한국사람’ 아니면 ‘가짜 한국사람’이라는 ‘문화적 이분법’과 한국 국민 아니면 일본국민이라는 ‘정치적 이분법’에 동시에 가두고 있다. 앞으로 재일조선인과 한국인의 생활문화가 서로의 차이를 존중하면서 공존하는 단계로 나아가려면 재일조선인의 국내 이주를 수월하게 하는 법적?제도적 정비뿐 아니라 한국인이 국내 이주 재일조선인을 가둬 놓은 ‘이중적 이분법’을 없애기 위한 노력이 계속되어야 한다. This writing is to review the lives of Korean returnees from Japan in their fatherland in order to see if contemporary native Koreans are carrying out their ethical duty of easing and removing ‘pains’ experienced by ‘me’ and ‘you’ in the process of promoting reunification. Koreans in Japan suffered fully the pains caused by the Japanese colonial rule and the division of South and North Koreas while they lived in Japan the former colonial ruler country, and even the pains still continue in their lives. Accordingly, how native Koreans treat Korean returnees from Japan who came close to their realm of life can be a good indicator of whether Koreans think of reunification in the ethical dimension and how much they are making effort for ‘unification of people’ beyond ‘unification of systems.’ According to the results of hearing the testimonies of 12 Korean returnees from Japan during the period from February to May, 2014, native Koreans’ attitude toward them cannot be assessed favorably in the ethical dimension. Native Koreans are trapped in ‘cultural dichotomy’ that they are either ‘true Koreans’ or ‘false Koreans’ and, at the same time, in ‘political dichotomy’ that Korean returnees from Japan are either Koreans or Japanese. In order for Koreans in Japan and native Koreans to co?exist with respecting each other’s difference in the future, efforts should be continued not only for legal and institutional improvements to ease the immigration of Koreans in Japan to their homeland but also for removing ‘dual dichotomy’ through which native Koreans confine Korean returnees from Japan.

Koreans in Sakhalin and Transnationalism

이채문 한국동북아학회 2009 한국동북아논총 Vol.14 No.3

The goal of this paper is to analyze Korean migration to Sakhalin from the perspective of transnationalism. This paper analyzes Korean migration to Sakhalin, which occurred during the years from 1870s to 1945. Research on the Korean diaspora in Sakhalin is important in that these migrants were the predecessors of some Soviet Koreans. This analysis suggests that the Korean migrants in Sakhalin could have constructed their transnational identities using the following practices: religious ritual, language uses, collective remittances, ethnic businesses, immigrant newspapers, and immigrant associations. In particular, the Korean case in Sakhalin indicates that the contextual changes in the sending and receiving countries, for instance, the establishment of a Japanese protectorate over Korea and the Russian Revolution, significantly facilitated the formation of transnational relationships among the Korean immigrants. The Korean migrants in Sakhalin share various characteristics with other international emigrants. Yet, some factors make the Korean migration unique. First of all, the Korean case has nothing to do with the process of recently unfolded globalization, which is regarded as an inevitable impetus to transnationalism in the related literature. Second, deprivation of national sovereignty led to various kinds of transnational activities, phenomena which were not taken seriously by the scholars of transnationalism. Finally, the Korean case reveals how the contextual changes in both the sending and receiving states could have different effects on the transnational practices of the immigrants. Therefore, the Korean migration to Sakhalin, inextricably intertwined with structural changes both in the places of origin and destination, turns out to be very interesting in figuring out the concurrent multi‐stranded transnational relationships formed by international Korean immigrants.