신라 지증왕계의 등장과불교 공인의 정치사회적 배경

박미선 한국사학회 2022 史學硏究 Vol.- No.146

This thesis focused on the accession and activities of King Jijeung as the political and social background that allowed King Beopheung to recognize Buddhism. According to <Stone monument of Naengsu-ri>, King Jijeung was referred to as King Galmun until four years after his accession, so it was understood that succession to the throne would not have been smooth. However, after King Soji’s death, there was no son to inherit the throne, so his closest relative, King Jijeung, took the throne, and he was able to succeed to the throne as the son of ‘King Nulji’s daughter’. After the treatment of the princess during the reign of King Nulji, Buddhism was accepted into the royal family, and King Jijeung’s mother was the daughter of King Nulji, who experienced the royal worship of Buddhism. It was possible that King Jijeung was also friendly to Buddhism under the influence of such a mother. Furthermore, King Jijeung welcomed the Queen of the Moryang-bu Park clan, and the Moryang-bu Park clan was a pro-Buddhist force. Their son, King Beopheung, was influenced by these parents and insisted on the official recognition of Buddhism. King Jijeung’s pro-Buddhist tendencies also influenced the abolition of burial of the living with the dead. In addition, King Jijeung inherited the Singung established during the reign of King Soji, and the Singung was the subject of ancestral rites to the founder of Silla, Hyukgeose. Since King Jijeung was married to the Park clan, he was able to solidify his bond with the queen through the Singung rites and gain the legitimacy of succession to the throne. By unifying the ancestral rites centering on the royal family through the Singung, ideological unity could be achieved, and King Beopheung proposed Buddhism as a new ideology of unification of Silla. On the other hand, clashes with Goguryeo were frequent until the time of King Soji, but not at all during the reigns of King Jijeung and Beopheung. This was the result of King Jijeung’s improved relationship with Goguryeo, and it is believed that the king’s pro-Buddhist tendencies had an effect. This would have contributed to changing the perception of Goguryeo and Buddhism in Silla society. With this change of perception, King Beopheung was able to claim the recognition of Buddhism. King Beopheung’s public recognition of Buddhism and the new period of the Middle Ages began with the accession of King Jijeung, who had a pro-Buddhist tendency. In view of this continuity, it is possible to establish lineage of King Jijeung.

5세기 내물왕계 왕실의 계보 재검토-지증왕의 즉위배경과 관련하여-

윤진석 한국사학사학회 2022 韓國史學史學報 Vol.- No.46

It is necessary to analyze several issues to figure out the genealogy of the Silla royal family during the Maripgan period and the background behind the enthronement of King Jijeung including relations between King Jijeung and King Soji, whether King Galmun of Paho was Bokho or Misaheun, marital relations between King Jabi and King Soji, relations between King Galmun of Gibo and Naesuk Lee Beol-chan, and causal relations between the Sageumgap Event and King Jijeung's ascent to power. According to Samguksagi, King Jijeung and King Soji are second cousins of Jaejong relations. According to the royal history in Samgukyusa, they are an uncle and his nephew in a five-chon relation. Most of previous studies reported that they were an uncle and his nephew since King Jijeung was 24 years older than King Soji. They are, however, second cousins in the same generation of the royal family. The age gap of 24 years between them is due to the fact that King Soji was born between King Jabi that married a daughter of Misaheun in his middle forties. King Jabi and Lady Josaeng were brother and sister born in the 410s. Lady Josaeng gave birth to King Jijeung at the age of 20 or so in 437. King Jabi had King Soji in 461 in his middle or late forties. These facts offer an explanation about the age gap between the two kings. Samguksagi wrote that King Jijeung was an uncle of King Soji instead of his second cousin probably because King Soji was in the direct line of King Nulji that was the late king before King Jijeung. Samgukyusa records the history of King Jabi and his royal family, stating "The queen was a daughter of King Galmun of Paho or Mijilhee Gakgan or □□ Gakgan." Many previous studies understood that "King Galmun of Paho = Mijihee Gakgan = Miheun Gakgan" based on these records, having different opinions on whether he is Bokho or Misaheun. The opinion arguing that he was Misaheun led to a conclusion that he was King Galmun, having huge impacts on researches on King Galmun and the Bu system. However, Paho is Bokho, and Mijilhee is Misaheun. These two different lines of transmission derive from King Jabi that married a daughter of Bokho at a proper age for marriage and remarried a daughter of Misaheun in his middle or late forties. Since no Misaheun became King Galmun, previous studies that reviewed King Glamun and the Bu system based on the idea that Misaheun was King Galmun need to have a reconsideration. The queen of King Soji was Seonhye, a daughter of Naesuk Lee Beol-chan in the Enthronement of Soji Maripgan in Samguksagi and a daughter of King Galmun of Gibo in the History of the Royal Family in Samgukyusa. Many previous studies raised a possibility that Naesuk and Gibo were the same person. In addition, many interpreted that King Jijeung, a son of Gibo(Seupbo), was a brother of Lady Seonhye, a daughter of Naesuk and that King Jijeung eliminated King Soji to seize power after Lady Seonhye was sentenced to death after the Sageumgap event. Based on the dates of birth and the time of activities between King Jijeung, a son of Gibo, and Mulryeok and Geochilbu, a son and grandson of Naesuk, however, it is apparent to say that Gibo and Naesuk had an age gap of a generation or more between them. Moreover, there is a credibility issue in the transmission that Lady Seonhye was sentenced to death after the Sageumgap event in Dongsagangmok. It will be reasonable to understand that she had nothing to do with the event.

<일반논문> 6세기 초 신라 갈문왕의 지위변화

양자량 ( Yang Ja Ryang ) 덕성여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2018 인문과학연구 Vol.26 No.-

본 논문에서는 문헌사료와 금석문을 통해 6세기 초 신라의 지증왕·법흥왕대 왕권과 그에 따른 갈문왕의 지위 변화에 대해 살펴보았다. 6세기 초 금석문을 통해 갈문왕은 귀족회의에서 주요 국정 현안을 결정하는 중요한 역할을 하는 등 정치적 영향력을 가지고 있었다. 마침내 소지왕 말기 왕권이 약화되자 지도로 갈문왕은 강대한 세력의 지지에 힘입어 비정상적인 방법으로 즉위한다. 그러나 갈문왕은 왕위계승권이 없었기 때문에 그 명분은 취약했을 것이다. 자신의 약한 명분과 약해진 왕권을 살리기 위해 지증왕은 즉위 이후 왕권의 안정과 강화를 위한 개혁을 실시하게 된다. 530년대는 6부체제가 해체되고, 법흥왕대 집권화된 지배체제가 완성되어 가는 시기였다. 이는 왕권이 성장되었음을 보여준다. 한편 법흥왕은 갈문왕으로서 왕위에 오른 지증왕의 전례를 견제하고자 갈문왕의 지위를 약화시키고자 하였다. 갈문왕의 지위가 격하됨에 따라 그 역할을 대신 한 것이 바로 법흥왕 18년(531) 설치된 상대 등이다. 법흥왕은 자신의 정치적 파트너로 갈문왕이 아닌 상대등을 설치하여 갈문왕은 더 이상 정치적으로 영향력을 가질 수 없는 유명무실한 위치, 왕족에게 주는 명예직화로 전락하게 되었다. 이를 정리하면 지증왕 이전에는 6부체제의 아래에서 왕권이 약했기 때문에 혈연관계에 있던 갈문왕을 동반자로 여겼다면, 지증왕 이후 스스로 왕권을 강력하게하기 위한 개혁을 통해 혈연관계로 있던 갈문왕이 아닌 관료화된 상대등을 동반자로서 두었던 것이다. In this research paper, the literature historical material and geomsuckmun(金石文) are examined to look the change of galmunwang’s status in the early 6th century caused by the royal authority of both King Jijeung and King Beopheung. Through the geomsuckmun in the early 6th century, the galmunwang had political influence that played an important role in determining main issues of government at a council of novel. Finally, as the royal authority weakened in the late King SoJi, Jidoro Galmunwang came to the throne in the abnormal way with support of strong powers. However, since galmunwang did not have the right of succession, his justification might be weak. It will have to be understood in such a situation not to call the Maripgan(麻立干) on the nangsuribi in 503. In this way, to overcome own weak justification and royal authority, King Jijeung carried out reformations of the strengthen and stability of royal authority after his enthronement. A 530’s was a period completed a centralized system in the King Beopheung era, dissolving Yukbu(六部) system. On the one hand, King Beopheung tried to weaken galmunwang's authority to prevent the King Jijeung’s precedent that took the throne as galmunwang. As the galmunwang’s status was weakened, it was the Sangdaedeung (上大等) to substitute for its role. King Beopheung established the sangdaedeung as his political partner instead of galmunwang. And then, the galmunwang degenerated as a honorary position, which is just given to royal families, and this position was also regarded as a nominal position that no longer has political influences. In short, before King Jijeung, the royal authority under the yukbu system was weak, so the king regarded galmunwang as his partner who was based on the blood-relationship. On the other hand, after King Jijeung, the king engaged not galmunwang but the bureaucratized sangdaedeung through reformations for strengthen royal authority by himself.

近親婚을 통해 본 奈勿王 직계의 권력 장악과 智證王 계보 전승

박주선 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2019 한국문화 Vol.0 No.85

Due to the son-in-law’s right of throne succession, Kim of Silla was included in the top tier in the Yisageum period(尼師今期) and King Naemul(奈勿王)’s direct descendants monopolized the throne in the Maripgan period(麻立干期). The direct descendants of King Naemul made the opposite use of it through incestuous marriages to prevent the succession of the throne to other household figures. In addition, as the king’s younger brother became the father of the queen because of the incestuous marriages, they could even take the position of Galmunwang(葛文王). It caused the change in the qualification of Galmunwang, and in middle ancient period(中古期), there was a character who became Galmunwang in the status of only a king's younger brother. As such, King Naemul's direct descendants actively utilized the incestuous marriages in the process of grabbing the power. It has been difficult to explain the differences in a coherently by identifying the genealogy of King Jijeung(智證王) in Samguk-sagi and Samguk-yusa only as his fathers’ genealogy. Examining his ancestors’ incestuous marriages, we can find that his mother’s genealogy remained in the record of Samguk-sagi. So, each of these two records represents both maternal and paternal genealogy, which together lead the reconstruction of complex blood ties caused by incestuous marriages. In addition, coexistence of various genealogies, which characteristic of Silla’s genealogy awareness, could be seen through Yichadon(異次頓) and King Munmu(文武王). This study found that King Soji(炤智王) designated his closest relative Jidoro(King Jijeung’s name before enthrone) as Galmunwang, and Jidoro succeeded to King Soji in order to keep on gripping power and monopolizing the throne by King Naemul’s descendants in the direct line.

6세기 초 신라 갈문왕의 지위변화

양자량 덕성여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2018 인문과학연구 Vol.26 No.-

In this research paper, the literature historical material and geomsuckmun(金石文)are examined to look the change of galmunwang’s status in the early 6th centurycaused by the royal authority of both King Jijeung and King Beopheung. Throughthe geomsuckmun in the early 6th century, the galmunwang had political influencethat played an important role in determining main issues of government at a councilof novel. Finally, as the royal authority weakened in the late King SoJi, JidoroGalmunwang came to the throne in the abnormal way with support of strong powers. However, since galmunwang did not have the right of succession, his justificationmight be weak. It will have to be understood in such a situation not to call theMaripgan(麻立干) on the nangsuribi in 503. In this way, to overcome own weakjustification and royal authority, King Jijeung carried out reformations of the strengthenand stability of royal authority after his enthronement. A 530’s was a period completed a centralized system in the King Beopheungera, dissolving Yukbu(六部) system. On the one hand, King Beopheung tried to weakengalmunwang's authority to prevent the King Jijeung’s precedent that took the throneas galmunwang. As the galmunwang’s status was weakened, it was the Sangdaedeung(上大等) to substitute for its role. King Beopheung established the sangdaedeung ashis political partner instead of galmunwang. And then, the galmunwang degeneratedas a honorary position, which is just given to royal families, and this position wasalso regarded as a nominal position that no longer has political influences. In short,before King Jijeung, the royal authority under the yukbu system was weak, so the kingregarded galmunwang as his partner who was based on the blood-relationship. On theother hand, after King Jijeung, the king engaged not galmunwang but the bureaucratizedsangdaedeung through reformations for strengthen royal authority by himself. 본 논문에서는 문헌사료와 금석문을 통해 6세기 초 신라의 지증왕․법흥왕대 왕권과 그에 따른 갈문왕의 지위 변화에 대해 살펴보았다. 6세기 초 금석문을 통해 갈문왕은 귀족회의에서 주요 국정 현안을 결정하는 중요한 역할을 하는 등 정치적 영향력을 가지고 있었다. 마침내 소지왕 말기 왕권이 약화되자 지도로 갈문왕은 강대한 세력의 지지에 힘입어 비정상적인 방법으로 즉위한다. 그러나 갈문왕은 왕위계승권이 없었기 때문에 그 명분은 취약했을 것이다. 자신의 약한 명분과 약해진 왕권을살리기 위해 지증왕은 즉위 이후 왕권의 안정과 강화를 위한 개혁을 실시하게 된다. 530년대는 6부체제가 해체되고, 법흥왕대 집권화된 지배체제가 완성되어 가는 시기였다. 이는 왕권이 성장되었음을 보여준다. 한편 법흥왕은 갈문왕으로서 왕위에오른 지증왕의 전례를 견제하고자 갈문왕의 지위를 약화시키고자 하였다. 갈문왕의지위가 격하됨에 따라 그 역할을 대신 한 것이 바로 법흥왕 18년(531) 설치된 상대등이다. 법흥왕은 자신의 정치적 파트너로 갈문왕이 아닌 상대등을 설치하여 갈문왕은 더 이상 정치적으로 영향력을 가질 수 없는 유명무실한 위치, 왕족에게 주는 명예직화로 전락하게 되었다. 이를 정리하면 지증왕 이전에는 6부체제의 아래에서 왕권이 약했기 때문에 혈연관계에 있던 갈문왕을 동반자로 여겼다면, 지증왕 이후 스스로 왕권을 강력하게하기 위한 개혁을 통해 혈연관계로 있던 갈문왕이 아닌 관료화된 상대등을 동반자로서 두었던 것이다.

新羅 智證王의 卽位와 智證王系의 成立

嚴成鎔(Eom Sung Yong) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2016 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.46

삼국사기 찬자는 지증왕이 ‘전왕의 무자’라는 비상적인 상황에서 즉위를 하였으나, 정변이나 군신들의 추대 형식을 빌리지 않았던 것으로 인식한 것 같다. 이런 인식은 후계자 없이 전왕이 훙거한 비상시에 지증왕의 즉위가 예정되어 있었던 사실에서 연유된 것으로 보인다. 지증왕의 비상시 즉위는 그의 갈문왕 취임, 갈문왕의 성격 변질등과 밀접한 관련이 있었다. 즉위 전 지증왕은 강력한 세력을 형성하였고, 이를 바탕으로 그의 갈문왕 취임이 가능했고 또한 갈문왕에게 제한적으로나마 왕위계승권이 주어지도록 했다. 지증왕에게는 즉위 전에 맞이한 先妃와 즉위 후에 맞이한 後妃가 있었다. 사서에 지증왕비로 나와 있는 연제부인은 후비였고, 그 소생들이 중고기의 왕실을 독점하였다. 반면에 지증왕의 증손으로 『삼국사기』에 나와 있는 김후직과 新羅敬順王殿碑에 지증왕의 子로 나오는 眞宗은 先妃系의 인물로 이해된다. 법흥왕 형제와 진지왕 형제의 혼인 양상은 박씨족을 왕비족에서 탈락시켜 왕과 왕비 모두를 지증왕계에서 독점하려는 노력이 일찍부터 지속적으로 경주되어 왔음을 보여 준다. 이는 독존적 왕족의식의 생성과 강화과정으로서 왕권강화를 위한 노력이라 할 것이다. King Jijeung(智證王) succeeded to the throne under an eccentric background because the former king‘s descendants did not have any relationship with the throne. Kim Busik(金富軾), a writer and complier of Sam-kuk-sa-ki(三國史記), nevertheless, recognized that the accession of King Jijeung to the throne was not from a political coup or the endorsement from subjects. This seemed to be based on predetermination of the next king. The planned accession to the throne was strongly linked to the accession of Jijeung’s Galmunwang(葛文王) status and change of its property. Jidoro(至都盧), later King Jijeung, could wear a crown building royal power through political conflicts. In addition, he endowed the right of succession to Galmunwang status with a little limitation. Through this process, Jidoro could become a king of Silla. Jijeung had two queens; one before the accession and the other after it. Yeonje(延帝夫人) was the second wife, and her offspring dominated the royal. The offspring of the first wife were Kim Hujik(金后稷)-a great-grandchild of Jijeung-appeared in Sam-kuk-sa-ki and Jinjong(眞宗)– a son of Jijeung- from SillaGyeongsunwangjeonbi(新羅敬順王殿碑). The marriage between Ipjong-Galmunwang(立宗葛文王) and brothers of King Jinji(眞智王) clearly revealed the purpose of control over the royal power. This meant both a fail of clan of Park to be a queen and an earlier constant effort to this. Thus, the effort also intended to strengthen the royal authority as an aspect of an exclusive attitude and process of it.

신라 至都盧葛文王의 ‘攝政’

윤진석(Youn Jin-seok) 한국고대사학회 2009 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.55

〈냉수리비〉의 발견 이후 지증왕의 집권과정에 대한 수많은 검토가 있었다. 그 결과 500년 11월에 지도로가 자신이 즉위할 목적으로 정변 등의 수단을 동원하여 소지왕을 몰아내고 집권하였으나, 비상적인 집권이라는 한계 때문에 눌지왕계 등의 저지를 받아 정식으로 즉위하기까지는 3년의 시간이 소요되었다는 견해가 많은 동의를 얻게 되었다. 그러나 사료상 눌지왕계로 지칭할 만한 인물이 보이지 않고, 지도로가 당시 64세라는 점은 이 집권이 당초 즉위를 예정하지 않았다는 것을 시사한다. 지도로의 조부는 눌지왕의 아우인 복호, 즉 파호갈문왕으로 비정할 수 있으며, 더불어 ‘사탁부 갈문왕’은 복호가 눌지왕으로부터 사탁부를 사여받고 갈문왕으로 책봉된 것에서 비롯되어 습보를 거쳐 지도로에게 세습되었을 것으로 추정된다. 〈냉수리비〉의 발견 이후 갈문왕에게 왕위계승권이 있다는 견해가 제기되었다. 그러나 여타의 왕들과는 달리 지도로는 집권 후 3년 뒤에야 즉위했다는 점에서 ‘사탁부 갈문왕’은 원칙상 ‘탁부 마립간’이 될 자격이 없었다는 추론이 가능하다. 이렇게 보면, 503년 10월 지도로의 집권은 국왕의 유고로 인해 마땅한 왕위계승자를 정하기 어려운 비상상황에서 국정을 대행할 이로 추대되어 집권하였을 가능성이 높으며, 소지왕은 제3자에 의해 갑작스럽게 돌아갔거나, 실정으로 인하여 폐위되었을 가능성이 높다. 지도로가 3년 동안 갈문왕으로서 국정운영을 주도한 것에 대해 종래 ‘공위시대’, ‘대행체제’ 등의 표현이 있었다. 그러나 이 표현들은 당시에 쓰던 용어가 아니라는 점에서 이를 무엇이라 불러야 할지 논의될 필요가 있다. 이에 대해 글쓴이는 진덕왕이 돌아간 후 시도되었다가 좌절된 ‘상대등 중심의 攝政’에 주목하였다. 이러한 정치운영방식은 소지왕이 돌아간 후 갈문왕인 지도로가 국정운영을 주도한 것과 동일한 것으로 볼 수 있는 바, 글쓴이는 〈냉수리비〉에 나타난 갈문왕 중심의 정치운영 및 지도로갈문왕의 지위를 ‘섭정’이라 부를 것을 제안한다. Since the discovery of 〈Naengsuri-bi(冷水里碑-Naengsuri's Fundamental Monument)〉, there had been numerous examinations about the process of coming into power in King Jijeung. As a result, with the aim that Jidoro himself ascends the throne in November of the year in 500, he mobilized a means such as a politicalchange, and grasped political power by expelling King Soji. However, The opinion came to be much agreed, about which 3 years were taken up to formally ascending the throne through being supported by King Nulji due to limitation called the emergent coming into power. However, in light of historical records, a point that there is not seen a figure enough to be designated as King Nulji's camp and that Jidoro is 64 years old at that time implies that this coming into power didn't aim to ascend the throne in the beginning. Jidoro’s grandfather is deduced as King Nulji’s brother Bokho who later became Paho Galmunwang. It is presumable that 'Satakbu Galmunwang(沙喙部葛文王)' originated from when King Nulji personally gave Satakbu to Bokho and proclaimed him as Galmunwang. It had later been transmitted from Seupbo Galmunwang to Jidoro. Since the discovery of 〈Naengsuri-bi〉, the opinion had been raised about which there is the right to the throne in Galmunwang. However, unlike other kings, in a point itself that 3 years had been taken until Jidoro ascended the throne since grasping political power, the inference is available that 'Satakbu Galmunwang' had no qualification in principle of being likely to become 'Takbu Maripgan(喙部麻立干).' Jidoro’s ascension which occurred in October of the year of 503 was developed under a state of national emergency. King Soji was likely to be suddenly killed by a third party or dethroned due to maladministration cases.Because of the King’s sudden death, it was difficult to choose a proper successor to the throne. Jidoro was selected as an acting king under the circumstances. Regarding that Jidoro had operated the national administration as Galmunwang for 3 years, there had been conventional expressions such as ‘Interregnum(空位時代)’ and ‘acting system.’However, in a sense that these expressions are not terminology, which had been used at that time, there is necessity of being discussed about what this will be called. In terms of this, the writer paid attention to Seopjeong(攝政-regent) centering on Sangdaedeung(上大等),' which was attempted and then frustrated after King Jindeok passed away. This politically-operating form can be seen to be the same as what Jidoro, who is Galmunwang, took the initiative of executing the national administration, after King Soji were dead. Accordingly, the writer suggests that it is called Seopjeong(攝政-regent) as the political operation centering on Galmunwang and the position of Jidoro Galmunwang, which were shown in 〈Naengsuri-bi〉.

신라 지증왕대 喪服法과 一夫一妻制

서영교(Seo, Young-Kyo) 효원사학회 2018 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.53

고구려와 백제의 왕실에는 일부다처제의 혼인풍속이었다. 그러나 신라왕실에는 일부일처제의 혼속을 준수하였다. 이러한 차이는 고구려와 백제가 신라에 비해 강고한 왕실혈연집단의 지배를 받지 않았던 것에서 비롯된 것으로 여겨진다. 고구려와 백제에는 왕가와 통혼권을 가진 다수의 귀족세력집단이 존재했지만 신라는 그렇지 않았다. 『북사』신라전에 “國王이 돌아가면 신라인들이 1년 상복을 입었다.” 라고 하는 규정이 보인다. 이는 504년 지증왕의 상복법 제정반포가 남긴 흔적으로 보인다. 또한 『북사』를 보면 신라에는 고구려나 백제에 없는 妻子喪 규정이 있다. 신라에서는 妻가 존중받았고, 그녀가 낳은 아들도 그러했다. 妻는 1인의 正妻이며, 아들은 그녀가 낳은 嫡子이다. 喪制와 숭배를 영속시키기 위해 아들을 생산하는 婚制는 긴밀하게 결합되어 있다. 내물왕 이전 시기에 重婚이 존재했으며, 왕자의 신분은 어머니의 신분에 의해 규정되는 出生의 문제이지 婚姻의 순서 문제는 아니었다. 그러다가 417년 눌지왕이 즉위하면서 왕위가 한 가문에 고정되고 변화가 생겨났다. 눌지와 형제(卜好․未斯欣) 집안 사이의 족내혼이 시작되었다. 눌지왕에서 지증왕대에 이르는 통치시기 동안 왕실가족 여자가 낳은 아들이 왕위를 계승했다. 이러한 족내혼 구조에서 신분과 결합된 일부일처제의 혼속이 탄생한 것으로 보인다. 하나의 왕실 구성원들의 힘이 신라사회에서 확고한 우위를 확보하기 시작한 눌지왕대 이후 지속적으로 행해진 족내혼이 일부일처제의婚俗 생성에 지대한 영향을 주었고, 지증왕의 상복법 제정에 그것이 반영되어 반포되면서 신라사회에 확대되었던 것으로 보인다. 상복법제정으로 아버지의 喪에 적자들만이 喪主 역할을 할 수 있었다. 첩의 자식들은 상례에서 배제되었던 만큼 대를 이을 자격도 가질 수 없었다. 제사를 상속받은 자는 거기에 딸린 지위와 재산도 상속받는다. 이는 진골귀족들의 수를 제한하는 장치가 되었다. 지증왕의 상복법 반포는 왕실에 갇혀있던 死王에 대한 숭배의 문을 신라사회를 향해 열게 했고, 왕실의 일부일처제 혼속을 저변으로 확대시켰던 것으로 보인다. 나아가 일부일처제 혼속의 토대 위에 골품제가 세워지는 계기로 작용했다. Goguryeo and Baekje were part of polygamy. Monogamy was observed in Silla"s royal chambers. The difference is believed to have resulted from the fact that Goguryeo and Baekje were not ruled by the royal family, which were stronger than Silla. There were many aristocratic groups in Goguryeo and Baekje, but Silla was not, and marriages were held inside the royal family. According to Chinese records, Silla people wore a year of mourning when the King died. It was forced upon the Silla people by the king and was left by King Jijeung"s Funeral Law in April 504. There are no regulations on wives and children in the funeral laws of Goguryeo or Baekje. It exists only in Silla. In Silla, the wife was respected, and so was her birth son. There is a close association between a funeral system and a marriage system. Both that produces the son to perpetuate worship. Before King Naemul and King Silseong, where the throne was replaced by three blood families, monogamy was not present. Polygamy existed, and the prince"s status was not a matter of order. It was defined by his mother"s status. Then, in 417, King Nulji was crowned king, and the throne was fixed to Naemul royal family. The marriage of close relatives between Nulji and brothers royal family began. The son of a woman with three royal family blood flow was succeeded to the throne during the hundred year. In this structure, the marriage of monogamy, combined with status, appears to have been created.

신라 지증왕의 정국 운영과 「포항냉수리신라비」 : 5세기 말~6세기 초 신라의 대내외 정세 변화를 중심으로

임평섭 동국대학교 WISE(와이즈)캠퍼스 신라문화연구소 2021 新羅文化 Vol.58 No.-

In the article, I examined a relation adjustment of Silla toward Goguryeo in the 5th~the early 6th century, looking into the content of the Pohang Naengsu-ri Silla monument. In particular, the key subject of the paper is a conflict. The first approach is an issue about how the sentence “Two previous king’s judgement” could be interpreted. “前世二王敎” has been understood as one of the important evidence to settle the dispute. It seems to have been similar kinds of conflicts in other regions of Silla. The second question is associated with the involvement of people living in the royal capital (王京) in the conflict that occurred in a local region. The monument of Jinima village is the only established case in the period, even though there have been different conflicts in other areas. I analyzed that the conflict in Jinima village would be directly connected to the interests of the royal capital. I took account of the comprehensive situations surrounding the monument. I attempted to analyze how the relations between Goguryeo and Silla was changed in the century. Maripgan's period, continuing interruption and assault of Goguryeo had a big influence on Silla. At the same time, King Soji and King Jijeung promoted to pioneer a new route toward the Eastern sea. Due to the route, the regional people could acquire economic benefits that were responsible for the conflict in Neangsu-ri. Establishing Naengsu-ri Silla monument implies a symbolic behavior that reflects King Jijeung's endeavor to control political struggles immediately after his enthronement.

지증왕대 喪服法과 律令

홍승우 역사교육학회 2020 역사교육논집 Vol.74 No.-

The mourning clothing law of Silla Dynasty which was enacted and enforced in 504 was a part of the Yul-Ryeong(Law system). Previous studies mainly focused on understanding the characteristics of the relatives reflected on grade of mourning clothes. Or they simply thought it was a Confucian ritual. So they couldn't understood the law itself. This paper attempts to reveal the Silla’s law itself through comparative studies with the laws of ancient China and Japan. As a result, the following conclusions were drawn. The content of mourning clothing law of Silla was several grades of mourning clothes devided by the length of time a person wears at funerals. And the highest grade among them was wearing mourning clothes for one year at the funeral of the King, parents, wife and son. When referring to ancient Japanese law, the type of mourning clothes would not had been included. And when looking at the last will of King Munmu in 681, it was found that the mourning clothing law was not limited to classifying the grade of mourning clothes at family funerals, and that it also contained provision about the government officials should have shortened the mourning period and returned to official duties at King’s funeral. And it was also used as the criterion for deciding how much vacation to give for government officials. In conclusion, the mourning clothing law of Silla was just not designed to provide for regulations on mourning clothes and kinship relations, but was intened to establish a system of state governance. Therefor the form and nature of the Silla’s Yul-Ryeong can be clearly seen through this law.