논문 : 하나님은 왜 그리스도의 죽음을 통해 인류를 구원하기를 원하셨는가? 토마스 아퀴나스의 구원론: 신학대전 제 3부를 중심으로

손은실 ( Eun Sil Son ) 한국중세철학회 2007 중세철학 Vol.0 No.13

하나님이 그리스도의 죽음을 통해 인류를 죄로부터 구원하신다는 것은 성서에 계시된 그리스도교 신앙의 핵심적인 내용에 속한다. 하지만 이 신앙 조항(articulus fidei)은 인간 이성의 눈에는 여러 가지 어려운 문제를 제기하는 것으로 보인다. “하나님은 다른 방법으로도 동일한 결과를 얻을 수 있을 것으로 보이는데, 왜 자신의 죽음을 통해 인류를 구원하기 위해 사람이 되셨는가?” “어떻게 성부가 자신의 사랑하는 아들을 죽음으로 내몰거나 혹은 그것을 허용할 수 있었는가?” “도대체 어떤 정의에 의해 가장 의로운 자를 죄인을 위한 죽음으로 내몰 수 있는가?” 이 질문들은 그리스도의 육화(肉化)의 신비를 이성을 통해 이해하려는 시도에서 획기적인 저작으로 간주되는 안셀무스의 왜 하나님-인간 (Cur Deus Homo, 1098)에 나온다. 안셀무스는 이 문제들에 답하면서 ‘하나님-인간’이신 그리스도의 죽음에 의한 인류 죄의 보속(補贖, satisfactio)은 신의 정의와 양립 가능한 인간 구원의 길이었음 을 보여준다. Cur Deus Homo가 나온 지 수십 년 후에 아벨라르두스는 무고한 희생자를 통한 보속은 부정의한 것이 아니냐는 문제를 날카롭게 제기하였다. 그는 자신의 로마서 주석 (1133-1140)에서 하나님의 아들을 죽이는 것은 인간이 저지른 원죄보다 더 큰 범죄로서 하나님의 분노를 받아 마땅하기 때문에, 그리스도의 죽음을 인간을 죄로부터 구속(救贖)하기 위한 속전(pretium)으로 이해하는 것은 부적절하다고 말한다. 그 대신, 그는 그리스도의 수난을 통한 인간의 구원을 그리스도의 최상의 사랑의 드러남으로 이해한다. 이 두 신학자의 입장을 모두 잘 알고 있었던 토마스 아퀴나스(1224 / 1225-1274)는 전자처럼 그리스도의 십자가를 전자처럼 신의 정의의 요구를 중심으로 생각하는가? 아니면, 후자처럼 신의 사랑의 표현이라는 점을 강조하는가? 아니면, 두 입장을 동시에 수용하는가? 또한, 방금 위에서 언급된 보속문제가 함축하고 있는 난제들에 대해서 그는 어떤 해답을 제시하는가? 이상의 질문들에 대답하기 위해서 본고에서 우리는 토마스가 그리스도의 구원의 사역에 대한 자신의 체계적이고 최종적인 입장을 전개하는 신학대전 Ⅲ부, 문제 1-59, 즉, 그리스도론에 할애된 문제들을 중심적으로 분석한다. 이 분석을 통해 우리는 토마스가 정의, 사랑 두 속성 가운데 어느 하나를 배타적으로 강조하지 않고, 그리스도의 십자가상의 죽음을 통한 구원 사역에서 이 두 속성이 공존한다는 것과 그 공존 방식을 탁월한 균형 감각을 가지고 규정함을 밝힌다. The doctrine that God saves the humanity from the sin through the death of Christ belongs to the biblical revelation. But this articulus fidei seems to raise several difficult problems with regard to the reason. “Why did God become a man to save the humanity through his death, while he could apparently have obtained the same results resorting to other means?” “How could the Father drive his beloved Son to death or allow such an event to happen?” “By what sort of justice can one condemn the most righteous to the death for the sinners?” These questions are found in Anselm`s Cur Deus Homo (1098), which is deemed epoch-making work in an attempt to understand the mystery of incarnation by the reason. Anselm showed in this book that the satisfaction of sin through the death of Christ, God-man, was the way of human salvation compatible with the divine justice. Several decades after the publication of Cur Deus Homo, Abelard asked if it is not unjust to satisfy the sin by an innocent victim? He says that it is difficult to construe the death of Christ as the ransom for the redemption of the humanity from the sin, because the killing of the son of God constitute a greater crime deserving the wrath of God than the original sin itself. Instead, he considers the salvation of the humanity through the passion of Christ as the manifestation of his supreme love. Does Thomas Aquinas, who was well acquainted with the positions of these two theologians, think the cross of the Christ, as the former, focusing on the divine demand for the justice? If not, does he insist on the manifestation of divine love as the latter? Or does he adopt both positions? What are his answers to the difficult problems mentioned above? To answer these questions, we studied the questions 1-59 of Summa Theologiae Ⅲ, which are devoted to Christology and where Thomas developed his last and definite doctrines about the Christ`s works of salvation. Through our analyses of these questions, we showed that Thomas did not emphasize exclusively one of these two divine attributes, but asserted the coexistence of these two attributes and determined with an excellent balance how they coexist.

하나님은 왜 그리스도의 죽음을 통해 인류를 구원하기를 원하셨는가? 토마스 아퀴나스의 구원론: 『신학대전』 제 3부를 중심으로

손은실 한국중세철학회 2007 중세철학 Vol.0 No.13

The doctrine that God saves the humanity from the sin through the death of Christ belongs to the biblical revelation. But this articulus fidei seems to raise several difficult problems with regard to the reason. “Why did God become a man to save the humanity through his death, while he could apparently have obtained the same results resorting to other means?” “How could the Father drive his beloved Son to death or allow such an event to happen?” “By what sort of justice can one condemn the most righteous to the death for the sinners?” These questions are found in Anselm’s Cur Deus Homo (1098), which is deemed epoch-making work in an attempt to understand the mystery of incarnation by the reason. Anselm showed in this book that the satisfaction of sin through the death of Christ, God-man, was the way of human salvation compatible with the divine justice. Several decades after the publication of Cur Deus Homo, Abelard asked if it is not unjust to satisfy the sin by an innocent victim? He says that it is difficult to construe the death of Christ as the ransom for the redemption of the humanity from the sin, because the killing of the son of God constitute a greater crime deserving the wrath of God than the original sin itself. Instead, he considers the salvation of the humanity through the passion of Christ as the manifestation of his supreme love. Does Thomas Aquinas, who was well acquainted with the positions of these two theologians, think the cross of the Christ, as the former, focusing on the divine demand for the justice? If not, does he insist on the manifestation of divine love as the latter? Or does he adopt both positions? What are his answers to the difficult problems mentioned above? To answer these questions, we studied the questions 1-59 of Summa Theologiae III, which are devoted to Christology and where Thomas developed his last and definite doctrines about the Christ’s works of salvation. Through our analyses of these questions, we showed that Thomas did not emphasize exclusively one of these two divine attributes, but asserted the coexistence of these two attributes and determined with an excellent balance how they coexist. 하나님이 그리스도의 죽음을 통해 인류를 죄로부터 구원하신다는 것은 성서에 계시된 그리스도교 신앙의 핵심적인 내용에 속한다. 하지만 이 신앙 조항(articulus fidei)은 인간 이성의 눈에는 여러 가지 어려운 문제를 제기하는 것으로 보인다. “하나님은 다른 방법으로도 동일한 결과를 얻을 수 있을 것으로 보이는데, 왜 자신의 죽음을 통해 인류를 구원하기 위해 사람이 되셨는가?” “어떻게 성부가 자신의 사랑하는 아들을 죽음으로 내몰거나 혹은 그것을 허용할 수 있었는가?” “도대체 어떤 정의에 의해 가장 의로운 자를 죄인을 위한 죽음으로 내몰 수 있는가?” 이 질문들은 그리스도의 육화(肉化)의 신비를 이성을 통해 이해하려는 시도에서 획기적인 저작으로 간주되는 안셀무스의 왜 하나님-인간(Cur Deus Homo,1098)에 나온다. 안셀무스는 이 문제들에 답하면서 ‘하나님-인간’이신 그리스도의 죽음에 의한 인류 죄의 보속(補贖, satisfactio)은 신의 정의와 양립 가능한 인간 구원의 길이었음을 보여준다. Cur Deus Homo가 나온 지 수십 년 후에 아벨라르두스는 무고한 희생자를 통한 보속은 부정의한 것이 아니냐는 문제를 날카롭게 제기하였다. 그는 자신의 로마서 주석 (1133-1140)에서 하나님의 아들을 죽이는 것은 인간이 저지른 원죄보다 더 큰 범죄로서 하나님의 분노를 받아 마땅하기 때문에, 그리스도의 죽음을 인간을 죄로부터 구속(救贖)하기 위한 속전(pretium)으로 이해하는 것은 부적절하다고 말한다. 그 대신, 그는 그리스도의 수난을 통한 인간의 구원을 그리스도의 최상의 사랑의 드러남으로 이해한다. 이 두 신학자의 입장을 모두 잘 알고 있었던 토마스 아퀴나스(1224/1225-1274)는 전자처럼 그리스도의 십자가를 전자처럼 신의 정의의 요구를 중심으로 생각하는가? 아니면, 후자처럼 신의 사랑의 표현이라는 점을 강조하는가? 아니면, 두 입장을 동시에 수용하는가? 또한, 방금 위에서 언급된 보속문제가 함축하고 있는 난제들에 대해서 그는 어떤 해답을 제시하는가?이상의 질문들에 대답하기 위해서 본고에서 우리는 토마스가 그리스도의 구원의 사역에 대한 자신의 체계적이고 최종적인 입장을 전개하는 신학대전 III부, 문제 1-59, 즉, 그리스도론에 할애된 문제들을 중심적으로 분석한다. 이 분석을 통해 우리는 토마스가 정의, 사랑 두 속성 가운데 어느 하나를 배타적으로 강조하지 않고, 그리스도의 십자가상의 죽음을 통한 구원 사역에서 이 두 속성이 공존한다는 것과 그 공존 방식을 탁월한 균형 감각을 가지고 규정함을 밝힌다.

현대적 수난사화로서의 아이웨이웨이(Ai Weiwei)의 <S.A.C.R.E.D.>(2013)에 관한 연구

김행지 한국미술이론학회 2014 미술이론과 현장 Vol.0 No.17

This paper investigates the biblical and political implications of Ai Weiwei's work entitled <S.A.C.R.E.D.>, which was shown at the 55th Venice Biennale in Venice, Italy, 2013. With the biblical Passion images and metaphor of Christ, Ai is finely depicted as Christ and martyr while having suffered during his detention by Chinese authorities for 81 days. Tracing back to such biblical theme as suffering, death, and resurrection of Christ, Ai has played in six large boxes called Supper, Accusers, Cleansing, Ritual, Entropy, Doubt, into which the viewer can peek to see him eating meal, asleep in bed, taking a shower, on toilet with two uniformed guards. The title is reminiscent of religious artifacts by the Italian Old Masters in the church of Sant'Antonin, which represent the invisible holiness. The installation in individual boxes in the church should be interpreted in the context of Christ's Passion such as Agony in the Garden of Gethsemane, Last Supper, Arrest, Mocking, Crucifixion, Deposition, and Lamentation implied in the Stations of the Cross and the Temptations of St Anthony, to whom the church is dedicated. Through the religious images, the viewer can assume Ai's propaganda to the concrete figures of Christ and the Saint to create his own self- portrait. Conceived with the wooden-stool sculpture <Bang> in the German pavilion and with <Straight>, his massive accumulation of crushed rebars from the children's schools collapsed in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake at the Zuecca Project Space, Ai in <S.A.C.R.E.D.> can be interpreted as having made a dialogue between the martyr and the dissent artist. <S.A.C.R.E.D.>, Ai's first work made in response to his own trauma and memories during his detention, has surprisingly positioned him as Christ, a saint, and a martyr, although he denied it. This study aims to explore Ai's use of the biblical iconography as metaphor, which reinforces his own torture, claustrophobia, enclosure, surveillance, and humiliation, especially in relation to his detention.

‘연대’의 그리스도론적 의미

박종구(Park, Jong-Gu),최현순(Choi, Hyeon Soon) 광주가톨릭대학교 신학연구소 2017 神學展望 Vol.- No.196

본고에서는 한스 우르스 폰 발타사르의 Mysterium Paschale에서 육화와 수난, 그리고 죽은 이들에게 가심에 대한 성찰에 함축되어 있는 연대의 신학적 개념을 고찰하였다. 기존의 구원론적 연대 개념이 사회적 혹은 심리적 차원으로 축소되었다고 비판하는 발타사르는 ‘놀라운 교환’(admirabile commercium) 개념에 근거하여 존재론적 연대 개념을 강조한다. 육화로부터 부활에 이르는 전체 그리스도 사건을 하나의 하느님 구원드라마로 보면서, 특히 육화, 십자가, 성토요일 사건이 모두 그리스도 편에서 인간의 존재 조건 및 상황과 연대하심에 의해 관철되고 있음을 보여주었다. 육화는 ‘함께-있음’, 수난과 십자가는 ‘함께-고통받음’, 나아가 ‘죄를 함께-경험함’으로 이해한다. 십자가 죽음은 예수가 자신의 것으로 삼은 죄에 대한 하느님의 참되고 엄중한 심판으로서, 인간에게 의로움, 하느님 자녀됨의 존재 조건을 선사한다. 여기에서 인간의 자유가 침해되지 않는다는 면에서 이 죽음은 대속적 죽음이다. 죽은 이들에게 가심은 그 심판의 결과이므로 그리스도는 죽은 이들과 ‘함께-있음’ 뿐 아니라 죽은 이들의 상태, 곧 ‘둘째 죽음’을 온전히 겪는다. 특히 그리스도는 죽은 이들이 처한 온전히 수동적 상태, 능동적힘을 완전히 빼앗긴 사람들(דפאימ)의 상태에 놓인다. 여기에서 연대는 ‘다른 이들과 같아지고-함께-있음’이다. 그러므로 예수의 육화와 수난, 죽은 이들에게 가심은, 인간의 자유는 침해하지 않으면서 인간의 모든 존재 조건을 취함으로써 인간과 ‘함께-있음’, ‘함께-고통받음’, ‘함께-겪어냄’, 그리고 ‘같아지고-함께-있음’으로 이해되는 연대에 의해 관통된다. 또한 이 연대는 내재적 삼위일체 안에 그 가능성의 조건을 갖는 케노시스에 의해 이루어지는데, 육화에서 수난, 십자가 죽음에서 실현되는 이 케노시스는 죽은 이들에게 가심에서 그 절정에 도달한다. 연대는 케노시스와 함께 인간에 대한 하느님 구원드라마의 방법이자 모태이다. This study aims to understand the christological meaning of solidarity in Mysterium Paschale of Hans Urs von Balthasar, specifically in his understandings about the incarnation, death on the cross, and going to the dead. Criticizing some reduced concepts of solidarity to the social or physiological dimension, and accepting the concept ‘admirable commercium’ of the Church Fathers, Balthasar emphasizes its ontological dimension. Considering all the events of Christ from the Incarnation to the Resurrection as the drama of salvation of God(Theo-Drama), Balthasar notes that God’s solidarity with the ontological conditions and the circumstances of human nature penetrates all the events of Christ. Incarnation is solidarity as ‘being-with’ humans, passion and death on the Cross as ‘co-suffering, com-passio’ with humans and ‘co-experience of sin’. Because Christ took the sin of humans, the wrath of God was poured over him. Therefore the Cross must be understood as authentic and a severe judgment of God, and the suffering of Christ as genuine. And the Death of Jesus is a vicarious substitution, because the free will of humans is not violated. Christ’s going to the dead means that the Christ as being dead is in the same condition with the dead that is ‘entirely passive’ condition of ‘דפאימ’, the powerless ones, and he experiences a ‘second death, poena damni’. Here solidarity means ‘being solitary like, and with others’. Therefore all the events of Christ, incarnation, passion, and going to Hades, are led by solidarity: ‘being with’, ‘co-suffering, com-passio’, ‘co-experience of sin and second death’, ‘being solitary like, and with’. This solidarity is possible in virtue of kenosis. The precondition of kenosis is in the immanent Trinity, is realized in the incarnation and passion, and reaches its culmination in going to the dead. Together with the kenosis, solidarity forms the millieu and method of salvation of humans.

피에트로 메타스타지오의 오라토리오 「우리 주 예수 그리스도의 수난」 연구Ⅱ. 음악

이남재 이화여자대학교 음악연구소 2010 이화음악논집 Vol.14 No.2

The six musical settings of Mestastasio’s La passione di Gesù Cristo Signor Nostro embody the stylistic changes during the eighteenth century. They contain traditional elements such as ouverture/introduction, duo, and chorus as well as progressive elements such as recitative and aria. The main interest of the present study is focused on the latter. The changing process in recitative can be discernable in the number of accompanied recitatives in each setting, which range from none (Caldara) to more than half of all the recitatives. The stylistic change in aria, on the other hand, can be the most easily observed not in the general trend but in the recognition of the specific ways of transformation in each aria. One of the most famous aria texts from Metastasio’s pen, Apostle John’s aria “Dovunque il guardo giro” is, therefore, selected for the present analysis. The range of aria forms is from Caldara’s five-part da capo with trombone obbligato, Jommelli’s da capo al segno, and Naumann’s dal segno to three-part arias by Mysliveček, Salieri, and Paisiello. Despite the three-part scheme, there is a significant difference in each composer’s treatment: Salieri set it in regular three-part ABA' form; Mysliveček did not employ initial ritornello; Paisiello changed the tempo starting from B section. By analysing stylistic changes in Metastasian oratorios, we tried to obtain a more balanced historical viewpoint on eighteenth-century music. The historical relationship between the transformation of da capo aria form and the establishment of the sonata form will be the topic of a subsequent paper.

피에트로 메타스타지오의 오라토리오 「우리 주 예수 그리스도의 수난」 : 연구 I. 대본과 작곡가들

이남재 이화여자대학교 음악연구소 2010 이화음악논집 Vol.14 No.1

From Rome, Pietro Metastasio sent his oratorio libretto La Passione di Gesu` Cristo Signor Nostro to Vienna for Emperor Karl VI of the Holy Roman Empire before his arrival as a Caesarean poet. Since its first performance during the Lent of 1730 with Vizekapellmeister Antonio Caldara's music, this libretto had been composed by many prominent composers of Catholic Europe during the second half of the eighteenth century. Unlike Bach's Passions, however, Metastasio's oratorios are not widely known to us. Such an unbalance is a product of the instrumentally-oriented German musical thought which has been prospered since the beginning of the nineteenth century. This study is an attempt to rectify such a distortion through careful examination of the reality of the Catholic oratorio tradition during the eighteenth century. First of all, the libretto itself is examined. Following the established pattern of the period, this oratorio consists of two parts. The first part contains eight scenes while the second has seven. Each part concludes with a final chorus as tradition dictates. The initial recitative of each part, however, shows extreme contrast: the first one is a despairing soliloquy of Peter; the other is a conglomeration of all four protagonists together. The cause of such a difference can be inferred from the fact that the first one is expected to be anteceded by a sinfonia or an instrumental introduction. There is a duet, the only ensemble number, just before the final chorus of the first part. After examining the libretto, there follows brief vitae of the composers who set the music to this libretto after Caldara. These composers's works have been published and recorded except Lucchesi whose work is not published but recorded. The music of these composers will be dealt with in a subsequent paper. It is expected that the examination of the stylistic transmutation from Caldara's typical late baroque setting to Paisiello's fully classical setting reveals the process of establishing the characteristic features of the classical style itself.

피에트로 메타스타지오의 오라토리오 「우리 주 예수 그리스도의 수난」연구 1. 대본과 작곡가들

이남재 ( Nam Jai Lee ) 이화여자대학교 음악연구소 2010 이화음악논집 Vol.14 No.1

From Rome, Pietro Metastasio sent his oratorio libretto La Passione di Gesu Cristo Signor Nostro to Vienna for Emperor Karl VI of the Holy Roman Empire before his arrival as a Caesarean poet. Since its first performance during the Lent of 1730 with Vizekapellmeister Antonio Caldara`s music, this libretto had been composed by many prominent composers of Catholic Europe during the second half of the eighteenth century. Unlike Bach`s Passions, however, Metastasio`s oratorios are not widely known to us. Such an unbalance is a product of the instrumentally-oriented German musical thought which has been prospered since the beginning of the nineteenth century. This study is an attempt to rectify such a distortion through careful examination of the reality of the Catholic oratorio tradition during the eighteenth century. First of all, the libretto itself is examined. Following the established pattern of the period, this oratorio consists of two parts. The first part contains eight scenes while the second has seven. Each part concludes with a final chorus as tradition dictates. The initial recitative of each part, however, shows extreme contrast: the first one is a despairing soliloquy of Peter; the other is a conglomeration of all four protagonists together. The cause of such a difference can be inferred from the fact that the first one is expected to be anteceded by a sinfonia or an instrumental introduction. There is a duet, the only ensemble number, just before the final chorus of the first part. After examining the libretto, there follows brief vitae of the composers who set the music to this libretto after Caldara. These composers`s works have been published and recorded except Lucchesi whose work is not published but recorded. The music of these composers will be dealt with in a subsequent paper. It is expected that the examination of the stylistic transmutation from Caldara`s typical late baroque setting to Paisiello`s fully classical setting reveals the process of establishing the characteristic features of the classical style itself.

에밀 놀데의 <그리스도의 생애> 연구

김경미 서양미술사학회 2009 서양미술사학회논문집 Vol.30 No.-

Nolde wurde streng religiös erzogen und wuchs in enger Verbundenheit mit der Natur auf. Die innersten und wesentlichen Impulse seiner Kunst kommen sowohl aus dieser norddeutschen Herkunft als auch der stark religiösen Prägung seiner Jugend. Im Jahre 1909 entstanden seine ersten Bilder mit biblischer Thematik: <Abendmahl>, <Verspottung> und <Pfingsten>, in einer persönlichen Umbruchsphase, als er sich auf dem Weg vom optisch äußerlichen Reiz zum empfundenen inneren Wert befand. Der Glaube Noldes war fern von der dogmatischen Kirche. Noldes Frömmigkeit nährt sich aus den Quellen von Phantasie und Ekstase, die im Zusammenhang mit seiner norddeutschen Herkunft zu sehen sind und außerhalb von Wissen und Verstand liegen. Sie geben Noldes religiösen Bildern dämonische, heidnische, naturverwachsene Züge. Nolde folgte einem unwiderstehlichen Verlangen nach Darstellung von tiefer Geistigkeit, Religion und Innigkeit. Bei der Schöpfung seiner biblischen Bilder geriet er in einen annähernd ekstatischen Zustand, in dem er sich den tiefsten Geheimnissen der christlichen Religion nahe fühlte. Ohne viel Wissen und Überlegung hat er aus Instinkt einen ekstatisch-visionären Christus geschaffen. Der Noldesche Christus und seine Apostel stellte er als norddeutsche Bauern oder Fischer dar, mit primitiven und urwesenhaften Zügen. Wie Hartlaub schrieb, ist für Nolde “das Wildeste” und “das Plumpste” dem “Göttlichsten” gleichwertig. Diese ungewöhnliche Verbindung ist aus traditioneller Sicht sehr widersprüchlich und fast schon blasphemisch. Aus diesem Grund fand er nie die Anerkennung der Kirche und an dieser Darstellungsweise manifestierte sich auch die Kritik an seiner Kunst von den verschiedenen Seiten. Das 1912 entstandene neunteilige Altarbild <Leben Christi> war ein zentrales Werk auf der Ausstellung ≪Entartete Kunst≫ in München von 1937. Nicht nur wegen der deutlich jüdischen Züge von Noldes Figuren, sondern vor allem wegen der expressiven Verzerrungen wurde er zum Angriffsziel der Nazis. In seiner Kunst fanden sie vieles wieder, woran sie die Entartung der gesamten expressionistischen Kunst beispielhaft belegen konnten. Nolde selbst hatte ein ambivalentes Verhältnis zum Judentum. Diese Haltung und auch seine ebenso ambivalente Haltung den Nazis gegenüber, wird ein Aspekt bleiben, der bei der Betrachtung seiner Kunst immer berücksichtigt werden muss und als sein Dilemma bleibt. Es ist schwierig, den theologischen Stellenwert seiner religiösen Bilder zu definieren. Die religiösen Bilder Noldes entstanden ohne kirchliche Aufträge, nur aus seiner eigenen innerlichen Gotteserfahrung, geprägt von seiner Gotteserfahrung aus der Kindheit und Jugend. Deswegen liegt in seinen Bildern immer auch ein persönliches Glaubensbekenntnis. Es ist keine Kunst, die der Kirche dient oder auf die Kirche schielt. Die Bilder haben einen eigenen Wert, geprägt von einer individuellen Religiosität, die eine theologische Interpretation schwierig macht. Noldes Bilder fanden in seiner Zeit keine kirchliche Anerkennung oder Unterstützung. Aber der Theologe Paul Tillich bewertet Noldes religiöse Bilder positiv sowohl als in ihrem geistigen als auch ihrem religiösen Ausdruck. Tillich bewertet die Ausdrucksform höher als den religiösen Inhalt. Die starke Ausdrucksweise ist, nach seiner Meinung, effektiver, um das innere religiöse Gefühl auszudrücken. Die religiösen Bilder Noldes repräsentieren für Tillich die höchste Stufe des religiösen Stils. Obwohl sein Verhältnis zum Judentum und seine verschlossene, aber doch aufbrausende Persönlichkeit seiner Kunst schaden, sollte die Kraft seiner religiösen Bilder nicht unterschätzt werden. Seine religiösen Bilder waren revolutionär ohne die Tradition zu zerstören. Wie Robert Rosenblum gesagt hat, lebt die romantische Bewegung des 19. Jahrhunderts fort und erneuert sich im 20. Jahrhundert. In dieser Tradition sind Noldes religiöse Bilder einzuordnen. S... Nolde wurde streng religiös erzogen und wuchs in enger Verbundenheit mit der Natur auf. Die innersten und wesentlichen Impulse seiner Kunst kommen sowohl aus dieser norddeutschen Herkunft als auch der stark religiösen Prägung seiner Jugend. Im Jahre 1909 entstanden seine ersten Bilder mit biblischer Thematik: <Abendmahl>, <Verspottung> und <Pfingsten>, in einer persönlichen Umbruchsphase, als er sich auf dem Weg vom optisch äußerlichen Reiz zum empfundenen inneren Wert befand. Der Glaube Noldes war fern von der dogmatischen Kirche. Noldes Frömmigkeit nährt sich aus den Quellen von Phantasie und Ekstase, die im Zusammenhang mit seiner norddeutschen Herkunft zu sehen sind und außerhalb von Wissen und Verstand liegen. Sie geben Noldes religiösen Bildern dämonische, heidnische, naturverwachsene Züge. Nolde folgte einem unwiderstehlichen Verlangen nach Darstellung von tiefer Geistigkeit, Religion und Innigkeit. Bei der Schöpfung seiner biblischen Bilder geriet er in einen annähernd ekstatischen Zustand, in dem er sich den tiefsten Geheimnissen der christlichen Religion nahe fühlte. Ohne viel Wissen und Überlegung hat er aus Instinkt einen ekstatisch-visionären Christus geschaffen. Der Noldesche Christus und seine Apostel stellte er als norddeutsche Bauern oder Fischer dar, mit primitiven und urwesenhaften Zügen. Wie Hartlaub schrieb, ist für Nolde “das Wildeste” und “das Plumpste” dem “Göttlichsten” gleichwertig. Diese ungewöhnliche Verbindung ist aus traditioneller Sicht sehr widersprüchlich und fast schon blasphemisch. Aus diesem Grund fand er nie die Anerkennung der Kirche und an dieser Darstellungsweise manifestierte sich auch die Kritik an seiner Kunst von den verschiedenen Seiten. Das 1912 entstandene neunteilige Altarbild <Leben Christi> war ein zentrales Werk auf der Ausstellung ≪Entartete Kunst≫ in München von 1937. Nicht nur wegen der deutlich jüdischen Züge von Noldes Figuren, sondern vor allem wegen der expressiven Verzerrungen wurde er zum Angriffsziel der Nazis. In seiner Kunst fanden sie vieles wieder, woran sie die Entartung der gesamten expressionistischen Kunst beispielhaft belegen konnten. Nolde selbst hatte ein ambivalentes Verhältnis zum Judentum. Diese Haltung und auch seine ebenso ambivalente Haltung den Nazis gegenüber, wird ein Aspekt bleiben, der bei der Betrachtung seiner Kunst immer berücksichtigt werden muss und als sein Dilemma bleibt. Es ist schwierig, den theologischen Stellenwert seiner religiösen Bilder zu definieren. Die religiösen Bilder Noldes entstanden ohne kirchliche Aufträge, nur aus seiner eigenen innerlichen Gotteserfahrung, geprägt von seiner Gotteserfahrung aus der Kindheit und Jugend. Deswegen liegt in seinen Bildern immer auch ein persönliches Glaubensbekenntnis. Es ist keine Kunst, die der Kirche dient oder auf die Kirche schielt. Die Bilder haben einen eigenen Wert, geprägt von einer individuellen Religiosität, die eine theologische Interpretation schwierig macht. Noldes Bilder fanden in seiner Zeit keine kirchliche Anerkennung oder Unterstützung. Aber der Theologe Paul Tillich bewertet Noldes religiöse Bilder positiv sowohl als in ihrem geistigen als auch ihrem religiösen Ausdruck. Tillich bewertet die Ausdrucksform höher als den religiösen Inhalt. Die starke Ausdrucksweise ist, nach seiner Meinung, effektiver, um das innere religiöse Gefühl auszudrücken. Die religiösen Bilder Noldes repräsentieren für Tillich die höchste Stufe des religiösen Stils. Obwohl sein Verhältnis zum Judentum und seine verschlossene, aber doch aufbrausende Persönlichkeit seiner Kunst schaden, sollte die Kraft seiner religiösen Bilder nicht unterschätzt werden. Seine religiösen Bilder waren revolutionär ohne die Tradition zu zerstören. Wie Robert Rosenblum gesagt hat, lebt die romantische Bewegung des 19. Jahrhunderts fort und erneuert sich im 20. Jahrhundert. In dieser Tradition sind Noldes religiöse Bilder einzuordnen. Sein visio...

동아시아에 전래된 서양화법의 원류와 양상

한정희(韓正熙) 미술사연구회 2015 미술사연구 Vol.- No.29

Catholic and Western art reached East Asia with the expansion of trade by Spanish and Portuguese merchants and the activities of Jesuit missionaries in the region. Western art first reached Japan, during the late Muromachi period(1338~1573). Oil paintings and copperplate prints brought into the country by Westerners were copied using Japanese materials and painting techniques, or reproduced in the form of woodblock prints. Records indicate that a considerable number of works produced using such new techniques were sold overseas or sent abroad as gifts from Japan and China. In Japan, in particular, works featuring Western motifs were mounted on folding screens and sent as gifts to influential figures overseas; several examples survive today. Works featuring Christian motifs, popular among Westerners, were also sometimes produced and attracted the attention of Westerners thanks to their exotic nature. Previously, little was known about the subject matter of these items once they arrived overseas, but the recent revelation of a number of works has attracted new attention. The aim of this study is to use these works as a basis for tracing the roots of motifs and expression in Western-influenced works, and to re-examine their origins. Jacob Niwa(1579~1638)’s painting of Jesus Christ holding a globe, symbolizing his status as ruler of the universe, was based on a copperplate print by Marten de Vos(1531~1603). This motif, known “Salvator Mundi,”(“savior of the world”) is frequently found in 14th and 15th-century works. Christ’s right hand, bestowing blessings, symbolizes God’s mercy, while the orb in his left hand represents the Earth and the cross above it stands for victory over all creation. The 14th~15th century prayer book Book of Hours has been cited as the source of La Passion du Christ, a book of engravings by Anton Wierix based on paintings by de Vos. This is a reference to the abundant flower and animal images used decoratively around the pictures themselves; such images were taken from contemporary illustrated guides to flora and fauna and are characterized by their elaborate accuracy and realism. Similar images are found in numerous copperplate prints produced by the Wierix publishing house in the 16th and 17th centuries. One example of a Chinese folding screen is the coromandel lacquer piece in the collection of the Fundação Oriente Museu in Lisbon, Portugal. This work features multiple motifs from the life of Christ, while showing a combination of Western and Chinese-style techniques. Thought to have been produced in Macau, it is valuable for its rarity: few examples of Western motifs rendered in lacquer through a combination of Eastern and Western techniques survive. Meanwhile, a large folding screen in the collection of the Museo Soumaya in Mexico City depicts the great flood from the story of Noah. The lack of other works depicting this event using such diverse means of expression makes this a remarkable screen. It appears to have been produced as a gift to be sent overseas. The screen shows both Chinese and Japanese stylistic elements, prompting the assumption that it was initially produced in China, then sent abroad, before entering Japan, being repaired, then sold abroad once again. Such examples are interesting in that they illustrate the way in which screens produced in China or Japan found their way abroad, and display a mixture of Eastern and Western artistic techniques.

소피아 구바이둘리나(Sofia Gubaidulin 1931- )첼로 작품의 성경적 주제

안성은 The Pianissimo 음악예술학회 2012 음악예술연구 Vol.2 No.1

The Passion of the Christ and the Seven Words from the Cross written in the Four Gospels of the Bible refer to his passionate suffering and to the seven last sayings before his death on the cross. Such musical work as Matthew Passion BWV 244, Johannes Passion BWV 245of Johann Sebastian Bach (1685∼1750) and The Seven Last Words of Christ on the Cross op. 51 Hob III:50-56 of Franz Joseph Haydn (1732-1809) can be combined with an independent technique of musical composition and be made, like work St. Luke Passion of Krzysztof Penderecki (1933- ), as being in continuous with the type of western modern music. Work in Croce, Seven Words for cello and bayan, which having been inspired by work The Seven Last Words of Heinrich Shütz (1585 -1672), Sofia Gubaidulina (1931- ) as one of representative women composers composed in accordance with her religious faith and musical type, serves to suggest a new biblical motif for 21th century cello music in explicit association with certain biblical themes. The present thesis aims to spell out the meaning of musical work with biblical motives by means of discussing within the overall structure of work an approach to the creation and composition of work, and the demonstration of biblical themes and their effects from the perspective of composers' composition intention and their theological stances as well as from the viewpoint of instrumental players.