1886년 일본망명자 김옥균 유폐의 전말과 그 원인

김성혜(Kim, Sung-hyae) 고려대학교 아세아문제연구소 2015 亞細亞硏究 Vol.58 No.3

갑신정변에 실패한 김옥균 등이 일본으로 망명한 이후, 조선정부는 이들을 역적으로 간주하고 김옥균의 본국 송환을 위해 노력해 나갔다. 이러한 조선정부와 달리, 일본정부는 국사범을 보호해 일본의 인도적 행동을 드러내고 조선과의 협상카드로 김옥균을 이용하고자 했다. 따라서 번번이 일본국내법과 만국공법, 그리고 조일간 범죄인인도조약의 부재를 이유로 조선정부의 김옥균 송환 요구를 거절했다. 그렇지만 일본정부의 김옥균 비호 방침은 오사카사건 관련자들의 김옥균에 대한 회유 모색이 발각되고 조선정부가 장은규와 지운영을 파견해 김옥균을 암살하려 하면서 변화되었다. 이로 인해 김옥균의 일본체류가 일본국내 치안을 불안하게 만들고 외교 분쟁의 빌미를 제공한다는 사실이 표면화 되었기 때문이었다. 그러자 일본정부는 김옥균문제를 해결할 방안을 강구했는데, 공교롭게도 이때 스스로를 지키고자 한 김옥균의 행동이 일본정부를 더욱 자극했다. 일본정부는 1885년까지 망명 국사범의 보호라는 명분과 대조선 정책에서의 활용이라는 실리를 모두 얻고자 김옥균의 일본체류를 묵인했다. 그렇지만 점차 조?청 양국의 반복적인 송환 요구와 일본내 반정부세력과의 연계, 암살자들의 도일 등으로 김옥균을 내치외교의 걸림돌로 판단하게 되었다. 결국 일본정부는 김옥균의 공식적인 신변보호 요청을 계기로 추방을 결정해 오가사라와에 유폐시켰다고 하겠다. The Korean government had constantly promoted the repatriation of political asylum in Japan like Kim Ok-kyun(金玉均) who led a failed coup and fled to Japan. At that time, the Korean government recognized Kim was a threat to the regime and made the feelings of the people disturb. However, the Japanese government opposed the Korean government for they permitted Kim’s residence in Japan. By the way, the Japanese government’s policy had changed because of the discovery of the Osaka plot(大阪事件) with Kim Ok-kyun and an assassin dispatched by the Korean government. The Japanese government had to prevent a coup by the opposition with Kim Ok-kyun or the assassins would kill Kim in Japan. Therefore, the Japanese government had decided on Kim’s deportation from Japan because of the obstacles in diplomacy and sedition. Then Kim had consulted his personal problems with an Englishman belonging to the judiciary of Japan and moved to a hostel of France concession in Yokohama, leaving Tokyo. Kim then sued Ji un-yeong(池運永) in court. In addition, Kim asked for personal protection and asylum in Russia from the Speyer of Russian consul in Japan. However, Kim Ok-kyun’s formal request for personal protection antagonized the Japanese government and made his expulsion one of force. As a result, Kim Ok-kyun was confined to Ogasawara(小笠原) Island.

1930년대 김광주의 상해 체험과 아나키즘 인식

김명섭 ( Myung Seob Kim ) 단국사학회 2016 史學志 Vol.52 No.-

본 논문은 소설가 김광주의 회고를 통해 1930년대의 상해 한인사회에 대해 살펴보았다. 김광주는 1929년 상해로 이주한 이래 중일전쟁이 일어난 1937년 피신까지 약 10년 동안 상해 한인사회의 다양한 인물들을 만나고 항일운동과 함께 문화 활동을 펼쳤다. 이를 통해 1930년대 상해에서의 김광주는 영화계의 젊은 신진 감독을 비롯해 연극계의 다양한 문화예술가들과 교유하였음을 알 수 있다. ``일제의 지배가 싫은 젊은 세대``인 자유로운 문화예술가들과의 교류와 ``보헤미안극사`` 활동을 통해 그는 시, 꽁트, 연극, 영화 등에서 다양한 체험을 하게 되었다. 물론 그 바탕에는 1930년대 상해 한인 민족운동을 이끌고 있던 김구·안창호·김두봉 등 지도자들 후원이 컸다. 더욱이 남화연맹에서 활동한 아나키스트들과의 교류는 그의 항일 민족정서와 함께 자유정신을 키우는데 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 특히 해방이후 상해체험을 회상하는 그의 작품의 대부분이 나라를 위해 싸우다 죽거나 방랑생활을 하다 귀국하지 못한 동지들에 대한 그리움이 한 축을 이루고 있다는 점에서, 상해체험이 그의 작품 활동에 미친 영향은 매우 컸다. This paper discussed the Korean community in China Shanghai in the 1930s by the novelist Kim Gwang-ju`s recalls. Kim Gwang-ju is a refuge for about 10 years until the 1937 war took place while since moved to Shanghai in 1929 to meet the various figures of the Korean community in Shanghai unfolded cultural activities with the anti-Japanese movement. Even though his shanghai settlement and time of refuge records are seem to inaccurate, but it is a relatively considered as a objective and analytic memoir of his experience. Through this we can know that Kim Gwang-ju associated with the young director of movies, including the various cultural artists of theatrical world in 1930s Shanghai. Through the interchange with "the young generation of unconstrained cultural artists who do not want the Japanese domination" and the activity of "Bohemian Theater Company", he had various experience in poem, conte, play and movie. Of course, theses are based on the great support of leaders such as Kim-Gu, Ahn-Changho and Kim Du-bong who led the Korean Independent Movement in Shanghai. Furthermore, the interchange with anarchists who were active in the ``Namhwa-Federation`` has had a big impact to raise his nationalistic emotion and the spirit of freedom. From the perspective of the Korean modern national movement, the research of Kim Gwang-ju`s life first, additional research materials for his family, especially elder brother Kim Dong-joo is very necessary. Kim Dong-joo is a secret help sponsor of activities of the Anti-Japanese independence fighters in Manchuria, as well as a important person who connected with an agents of a Provisional Government. His life was believed to be the future of course, also we need to study in depth the role and position of the personal hospital. Secondly, it is necessary to examine the local shelter, etc. Activity of Kim Gwang-ju activities in Shanghai. In other words, while Kim Gwang-ju live a long time is needed for local excavations and historical research, such as the Activity where many literary works written by the school and toughness. This is expected to find signs of shanghai, including Kim Gwang-ju Korean culture, artists in the 1930s who exchanges with him.

김억의 번역론 연구 : 근대문학의 장(場)과 번역자의 과제

김진희(Kim Jin-hee) 한국시학회 2010 한국시학연구 Vol.- No.28

In the beginning of the Korean modern literature since 1910's, Kim Eok played a crucial role as a translator for foreign literature and theory. During the acceptance of foreign literature, Kim realized the importance of translation and he is considered an intellectual who, as opposed to other contemporary translators, performed a bulk of translations from various countries. He was in the lead of balancing content and form, reforming he literary circles of translation in which there was abundance of arbitrary interpretations and content-concentrated translations. However, Kim Eok's translated works have been devalued by reason of erroneous and liberal translation of original works and inapt understanding. Researchers generally examine original and translated texts in tandem, after which they point out problems of the translations and attribute them to the translators' lack of capacity. The study of this paper presupposes that in-depth understanding of translated texts can be carried out only when the theory and practice of translation go in parallel. It argues that the negative evaluation for Kim's translations can be reconsidered through the study of theory. Kim argued for 'creative liberal translation,' and this paper investigates the formation and characteristics of this standpoint. This paper particularly looks into how symbolism, which Kim embraced, influenced Kim's view on translation. The acceptance of symbolism and the theory of translation are discussed in regard to the theory of translation maintained by Bejamin, a German literary critic who lived around the same time, in his book The Task of the Translator. The paper also examines Kim Eok's theory of translation in the sense that the act of translating foreign languages expands and deepens a mother tongue, which provides an opportunity to form and develop the self-identity. Kim's viewpoint on translation, which searches for the nature of poems, found modern poetic language for the Korean poetry, which was possible due to his exploration into language that represents this nature. Translating the western poems in the initial stage of modern literature implies admission and conveyance of heterogeneous culture, beyond simple written text, and creation of new culture. Kim Eok's translated works shows the creativity of cultural translation that is generated at the intersection of internal and external cultures. The literary world after 1920's, via translations, could realize the identity of modern literature by means of dialogue with others, i.e. dialogue between tradition and the West. Furthermore, it could have a foundation in creation of new culture. Along these lines of modern literature, Kim Eok's theory of translation presented ‘creative liberal translation’ and ‘creative translation’ as the task and direction for those who do the translation, including himself. It was an aspect of cultural action that Kim's theory evidently showed through translation.

무용 상해 및 재발 예방을 위한 Kim's Body conditioning Program

김양근(Yang Keun Kim) 한국무용과학회 2009 한국무용과학회지 Vol.18 No.-

본 연구의 목적은 상해 경험이 있는 무용수가 Kim's body conditioning program 후 무용동작 수행 시 무용수의 신체 움직임 느낌을 통해 프로그램의 효과를 규명하고자 하였다. 본 연구의 목적에 따라 연구대상자들은 2007년 ADF(America Dance Festival)에 참석한 무용수들 중 Kim's body conditioning program 수업에 참석한 60명 중 6주간 수업에 결석하지 않은 31명을 대상으로 설문조사를 실시하였다. 연구 대상자들의 평균 연령은 22.06(±1.590)이며, 무용경력은 3년 미만이 54.8%로, 3년 이상이 38.7%이다. 조사 설문 내용은 무용전문가 3명과 의학전문가 1명, 설문조사 전문가 1명 등 5명으로 구성되어 설문조사 문항을 위해 협의, 의논하여 문항들을 선택하였으며, 자료 분석 방법으로는 기술통계의 빈도분석과 X2 분석 방법이 사용되었으며, 분석결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 전체적인 움직임에 대해 Kim's body conditioning program 수행 후 무용동작 수행 시 보다 편안함을 느낄 수 있으며, 원활하게 움직일 수 있다는 것으로 응답하였다. 둘째, 무용의 기본 동작에 대해 기본 브러쉬(brush) 동작, 그랑 바뜨망(grands battements) 동작, 데벨로뻬 (develope) 동작, 쁠리에 (plie) 동작, 아라베스크(arabesque) 동작에서 움직임 수행 시 편안함을 느꼈으며, 관련된 근육들에 움직임에서 원활하게 움직일 수 있었다고 응답하였다. 셋째, 무용수들의 Kim's body conditioning program 평가에서 이 프로그램은 전체적인 근력 및 하지의 유연성을 강화할 수 있다고 응답하였으며, 무용 동작 수행 시 움직임에 도움을 줄 수 있는 것으로 무용수들에게 도움이 된다고 응답하였다. 또한 이 프로그램이 무용수들뿐만 아니라 비전공자들에게도 필요한 프로그램이 될 수 있다고 응답하였다. 그러나 무용 표현 기술적인 측면에서는 높은 동의를 얻지 못했다. 이와 같은 결론을 통해 Kim's body conditioning program이 상해를 가진 무용수들에게 재활의 프로그램 중 하나로 제시될 수 있다. The purpose of this study was investigating about previously injured dancers' execution of movements and comfortableness after Kim's body conditioning program. 31 participants joined the six weeks of ADF of the year 2007 after undergoing Kim's body conditioning program. Contents of research were examined by three dance expertise, one medical doctor, and one research expertise. Frequency of descriptive statistics and X2 were used to analyze the collected data. The results were as follows. First, the 31 participants answered they were comfortable executing their movements and greater control over their muscle movements after Kim" body conditioning program. Second, they responded that they could comfortably execute their basic movements then previous to participating in Kim's body conditioning program and move their muscles more readily. Third, after undergoing Kim's body conditioning program, the participants answered Kim's body conditioning program can improve muscular power, become more flexibleness and help execution of movements. In addition, Kim's body conditioning program can help people who are not dance major. Kim's body conditioning program, however, cannot improve executing difficult dance movements. In conclusion, Kim's body conditioning program could be a rehabilitation program for previously injured dancers.

Considering Kim’s Dual Identity in the Post-colonial Discourse

Kim Hoyeol 한국외국어대학교 영미연구소 2015 영미연구 Vol.34 No.-

It is becoming significant for individuals to find their own individual identities, as the today’s ongoing globalization has become much more complicated. A similar situation occurred when the British Empire influenced the world politically, economically, and culturally in the nineteenth century. In order to grasp human intrinsic identities, my thesis aims to use postcolonial theories to examine characters’ identities in a nineteenth-century British novel, Kipling’s Kim (1901). In Kipling’s Kim, I examine Kim, an Irish boy who experiences racial identity confusion by living in British India. Kim’s identity is ambiguous as his background is complicated: his parents are Irish, Kim was born in India, he was educated in a British school, and he participated in the Great Game. It would prove inadequate to try to see Kim’s identity based on binary oppositions, as Kim’s identity is neither British nor native Indian. Aside from simply being a person named Kim, Kim’s identity consists of being someone who has cultural hybridity. Through the main character of Kim, Kipling suggests that a Brit who understands the local Indian culture and society, as Kim does, would govern India with ease. Overall, Kipling’s Kim elaborates on why or how India should be governed by Britain and also seems to justify the British rule of India. In Kim, Kipling creates the main character of Kim, who has cultural hybridity and whose process of personal growth throughout the novel depicts Kipling’s ideas on how to govern India easily. In order to justify British rule in India, Kipling also depicts how British-Indian society was developed by Britain, also through the character of Kim. Looking into characters’ identities throughout nineteenth-century British novels helps modern readers who live in this complicated world to grasp human intrinsic identities.

김수장의 김천택 시조 수용에 대하여

김선기(Kim, Sun-kee) 한국언어문학회 2012 한국언어문학 Vol.83 No.-

Cheontaek Kim and Sujang Kim were in a senior-junior relationship, walking the same path during a similar period in the Korean sijo (three-verse Korean poem) literature history. Cheontaek Kim published ‘Cheong-Gu-Young-Ean’by compiling his sijos and passed-down sijos in 1728. From his own works, he carefully selected and included 30 sijos that intensively show his life. Sujang Kim carefully selected already existing sijos and his own sijos, and published a collection of sijos called ‘Hae-Dong-Ga-Yo’ over two times. In ‘Hae-Bak’ in 1755, he assigned a certain number of works of each artist to be included, however, in 1767 in ‘Hae-Ju’, he did not put limits on the number of works to include. Sujang Kim exhibited his desire to exceed the achievements of Cheontaek Kim by publishing ‘Hae-Ju’. As a result of deleting unnecessary partsfrom Cheontaek Kim’s works in ‘Cheong-Gu-Young-Ean’ and publishing such works in ‘Hae-Ju’, 16 sijos were exchanged to new sijos, and Sujang Kim did not hesitate on criticizing Cheontaek Kim’s sijos. In addition, Sujang Kim showed confidence by including 117 of his own sijosin ‘Hae-Ju’, which is a significantly higher number than the 57 sijos of Cheontaek Kim. In addition, by drastically revising Cheontaek Kim’s sijos when accepting the works, he expected to lower Cheontaek Kim’s status while enhancing hi sown. Sujang Kim’s insight in selecting sijos shown when selecting Choentaek Kim’s sijos receive a positive response from compilers, as shown by the frequency of citation in future poet compilations. However, including a significantly higher number of one’s own works in a book published by oneself while arbitrarily fixing another’s works fitting to one’s own taste will not be able to evade the criticism that such act was an excessive overstep of one’s authority.

김홍도 생애의 재구성

홍선표(洪善杓),Kim, Nayeon(번역자) 한국미술연구소 2012 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.34

Despite few official records about the court painter Kim Hongdo(金弘道, 1745-1806), there has been much biographical research on the artist. Yet, there remain some parts of his lineage that require revision. This study presents the first comprehensive research on Kim Hongdo that reconstruct Kim’s life based on newly discovered historical texts, thereby bringing the artist to light as a literati-style court painter, a newly created type of artist during the Joseon period. Kim Hongdo was born to a family of the military official class that used to be wealthy. He seems to have learned painting from the literati painters Kang Sehwang and Sim Sajeong in his teen years, and was recommended by the prominent artist Kim Hiseong to become a court painter at the Royal Bureau of Painting. Kim Hongdo was not a mere court painter performing to the duties of an artisan from a miscellaneous department of the court. Rather, he obtained prominence as a literati-style court painter for bringing the foremost literary theory to his concept of painting: that art’s creativeness is about being naturally inspired from heaven. Kim Hongdo incorporated his theory of art into the arts for cultivation: poetry, calligraphy, painting, and music. He also integrated the concept of delivering both the spirit and likeness of forms in his painting. With these talents Kim was able to become the special artist working solely for the king, and also gained an unparalleled reputation among scholar officials and those of the middle class who were the privileged leaders of art culture. However, owing to the fact that Kim Hongdo had to live as a low official for over ten years in his 30s, 40s and early 50s, his excessive desires for appreciating art as well as his drinking habits brought about poverty and sickness in his later years. Starved and sick at sixty-one years old, Kim Hongdo moved to where his former student and junior court painter Pak Yuseong was a local painter official in Jeolla province in 1805. Kim seems to have passed away one year later.

「가락국기」를 통해본 가야 건국주체세력 출자에 관한 연구

김명옥(Kim Myungok) 한국문화융합학회 2021 문화와 융합 Vol.43 No.8

이 글은 가야계 건국주체 세력 출자에 관해서 살핀 글이다. 금관가야 건국신화인 ｢가락국기｣는 난생신화이고, 고령 대가야 건국신화는 감응신화인데, 다 동이족계 신화이다. 두 설화는 건국주체 출자를 ‘하늘’이라고 했다. 그런데 삼국사기 ｢김유신열전｣에 김유신의 조상을 “헌원의 후예요. 소호금천 씨의 후손”이라고 밝히고, ｢문무왕릉비문｣에는 “하늘에 제사를 지내는 투후의 후손”이라고 했으며 ｢대당고김씨부인묘명｣에는 소호금천 씨가 세조世祖이며, 중시조는 일제日磾라고 했다. 이러한 자료들에 따르면 가야 건국세력들의 세조는 소호금천 씨이며 중시조는 김일제이다. 소호금천 씨는 중국 산동지역에 있는 대문구문화의 주인공인데, 새를 토템으로 삼은 동이족이다. 소호금천 씨는루공토기를 제작하고, 편두를 했으며, 새를 숭배했다. 새는 태양을 상징한다. 소호금천 씨의 문화와 가야계의 문화는 매우 유사한데, 낙동강 유역에서 새 모양의 토기가 출토되고, 망자 넋을 하늘로 인도하기 위해 큰 새의 깃털을 사용하는 장례풍습, 편두 흔적, 낙동강 유역에서 출토된 루공토기 등에서 문화의 상관성이 확인된다. 김일제는 가야계 중시조로, 전국시대 동호(고조선)의 일부가 흉노에 흡수되었다가 한漢나라에 포로가 되었는데, 그의 후손들은 왕망이 세운 신新나라 조정에서 활약하다 후한이 들어서면서 요동까지 와서 은거했다. 이때 고조선유민과 융합되었고, 그 세력의 일부는 남하해서 가야를 건국했고 일부는 신라의 김 씨 왕족이 되었다. 다만 가야계 신라인들이 원시조와 중시조만을 언급하고 수로왕에 관해서는 언급하지 않는 점은 정치적 상황으로 파악했다. 이러한 역사는 천손사상을 내포한 난생신화가 고조선 이후, 은나라 및 진나라, 서국, 부여, 고구려, 신라, 가야의 건국신화로 계승된 점에서도 확인된다. 따라서 가야계의 건국세력의 원시조는 소호금천 씨, 중시조는 김일제이며, 김일제의 후손세력과 고조선의 유민이 결합한 세력을 건국세력으로 파악했다. This paper examined the power generation of founding subjects of Gaya region. The “Record of the State of Gaya” is the founding myth of Geumgwan Gaya and the myth of human birth from egg. The founding myth of Goryeong Great Gaya is the worshiping myth. Both of myths are from Eastern babarians world. In two myths, the founding subjects came from the ‘heaven.’ However, the “Biography of Kim Yu-shin” in the “History of Three Kingdoms” describes that the ancestors of Kim Yu-shin were the ‘“descendants of Heonwon and of Soho Geumcheon”. The “King Munmu Stele Inscription” says, “the ancestors of Kim Yu-shin were the descendants of Tuhu performing the religious rites for the heaven”. The “Epitaph of Daedanggo Mrs. Kim Tomb” shows that Soho Geumcheon was the founding leader and the ancestor flourishing the clan was Ilje( ). In accordance with the records above, the founding leader of the founding power was Soho Geumcheon and the ancestor flourishing the kingdom again was Kim Ilje. Soho Geumcheon is the subject of Dawenkou culture in Shandong, China, which was Eastern Barbarians worshiping a bird as totem. Soho Geumcheon made Longquan earthenware, shaped a head by pressing it and worshipped bird. The bird symbolizes the sun. The culture of Soho Geumcheon is very similar to that of Gaya world. The bird-shaped earthenwares have been found along the Nakdonggang riverside. The funeral custom using a feather of a big bird for guiding the deceased to the heaven, shaping a head by pressing and Longquan earthenware found along the Nakdonggang riverside verified the cultural correlation between Soho Geumcheon and Gaya. Kim Ilje is the ancestor flourishing Gaya world again. A part of Dongho(Gojoseon) during the age of civil wars was occupied by the Huns and he was captured by the Han. His descendants served in the royal court during the Xin dynasty established by Wang Mang and retired to Liaodong as the Later Han was established. At that period, they were united with migrants of Gojoseon. Some of them went south and built Gaya. A part of them became the royal family of Silla, the Kims. However, it is understood that Silla people included in Gaya world talked about the ancestors who founded the country and flourished the country again but didn’t mention about King Suro because of the political circumstances. The history above was confirmed by the fact that the myth of human birth from egg containing the belief on the descendants of the heaven was continued to the founding myths of Eun dynasty, Jin Dynasty, Seo dynasty, Buyeo, Goguryeo, Silla and Gaya since Gojoseon. Accordingly, the original founding father of Gaya world was Soho Geumcheon and the ancestor flourishing Gaya again was Kim Ilje. It was understood that the power combining the descendants of Kim Ilju with the migrants of Gojoseon was the founding power.

고종 11년(1874) 『濯纓先生年譜』간행의 의미

김영두(Kim Youngdoo) 한국사학회 2017 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.127

이 논문은 고종 11년(1874) 탁영 김일손의 생애를 기록한 연보가 간행된 경위의 검토, 연보의 내용 검토를 통한 진위 판별, 연보의 간행이 가지는 사회적·사상적 의미의 탐구를 목적으로 한다. 성종 때 사관으로 활동하였던 김일손은 세조 때의 일을 자신의 사초에 기록하였고, 연산군 때 그의 기록으로 무오사화가 촉발되었다. 김일손은 처형되었고 그가 남긴 수많은 시와 문장들은 흩어지고 말았다. 그러나 그는 중종반정 이후 복권되었고 조선 후기에 충신으로서 추숭되었다. 그런데 고종 11년(1874)에 김일손의 조카인 김대유가 편집하였다는 『탁영선생연보』의 원고가 발견되었다. 연보는 김일손에 대한 귀중한 기록으로 평가받으며 여러 지역 후손들의 협력 아래 그해 서울에서 목판본으로 간행되었다. 하지만 얼마 지나지 않아 청도에서 다른 판본의 연보가 간행되었는데, 청도판 연보는 서울판 연보에서 연보를 보존해 온 가계에 대한 설명이 삭제된 채 간행되었다. 한편, 연보의 내용을 실록과 대조하여 보면 김일손의 관직 이력이나 교유 관계에 대한 설명에서 차이나는 부분이 적지 않다. 특히 『연산군일기』에 실린 김일손 심문 기록과 연보에서 설명하는 그의 교유 인물사이에는 차이가 뚜렷하다. 연보의 기록에는 김일손과 생육신의 교유가 강조되어 있는데, 생육신 개념이 18세기에 형성된 것이라는 점을 고려한다면 연보는 그 내용에 서술되어 있는 것처럼 16세기에 편찬된 것이라고 볼 수 없다. 연보의 편찬 시기는 18세기 이전으로 소급될 수 없다고 보인다. 연보의 간행 경위와 내용에 대한 검토 위에서 판단해 보면, 연보는 조선 후기 김일손의 후손으로 자처하는 사람들이 자신들의 종계의 정통성을 주장하기 위한 근거로 만든 자료라고 생각된다. 그들은 자신들이 연보를 전해 받은 김대유의 동생 김대장의 장남 김갱의 후손이라고 주장하였다. 실제로 고종 39년(1902) 장례원은 연보를 근거로 당시까지 김일손의 종손으로 알려진 청도의 가계 대신 이 가계를 김일손의 종통으로 인정하였다. 조선 후기에 들어와 부계 중심의 가문 의식이 확립되었고, 아울러 사회경제적 변동으로 말미암아 실력과 부를 갖춘 신흥 세력이 등장하였다. 이들은 사회적 제약을 벗어나기 위해 갖가지 수단을 동원하여 신분 상승을 도모하였다. 이를 위해 직접적인 가계 기록인 족보 외에도 다양한 자료를 조작하거나 창출하였을 것으로 생각된다. 이러한 자료에 대한 사료비판은 이 시기 역사 연구를 위한 가장 기초적인 작업일 것이다. 하지만 아직까지 조선후기 자료에 대한 사료 비판의 필요와 중요성에 대한 인식은 불철저한 면이 있다. 이 논문이 이러한 문제를 환기하는 하나의 계기가 되기를 바란다. This paper studies the chronology of Tagyeong Kim Il-son’s life to examine the details of its publication in 1874, the authenticity of the chronology through a content analysis, and the social and ideological significance of its publication. Kim Il-son was a “Sagwan (historical compiler)” during King Seongjog’s reign who recorded the events that occurred during the reign of King Sejo. His records provided a reason for Muosahwa (the Literati Purge in 1498), during which he was executed. However, he was reinstated after the Jungjong Banjeong (King Jungjong’s restoration) and posthumously honored as a loyal subject in the late Joseon period. A manuscript of Tagkyeong Seonsaeng Yeonbo (the Chronology of Master Tagyeong’s Life), compiled by his nephew Kim Dae-yu, was discovered in 1874. Regarded as a valuable record of Kim Il-son, it was published that same year in Seoul under the collaboration of Kim’s descendents in various regions. Soon afterwards, another version of the chronology was published in Cheongdo. The Cheongdo version eliminated the explanation of the family line which preserved the chronology. Kim Il-son’s career history and friendship relations recorded in the chronology are quite different from the records of the Annals of Joseon Dynasty. Especially, there are notable differences between Yeonsangun Ilgi(Life of Yeonsangun) and the chronology regarding Kim’s friendship relations. His companionship with saengyuksin (six loyal subjects) is emphasized in the chronology. However, the term saengyuksin was created in the 18th century. Therefore, the chronology cannot have been compiled in the 16th century as claimed. It is highly likely that the chronology was created in the late Joseon period by the people who claimed to be the descendents of Kim Il-son to assert their legitimacy as the main line of descent. They claimed that they were the descendents of Kim Gaeng, the first son of Kim Dae-jang, the adpoted son of Kim Il-son. In reality, Jangryewon (Bureau of Ceremony) acknowledged them as the main descendent of Kim Il-son based on the hronology in 1902. Before the publication, the family in Cheongdo was known as Kim Il-son’s main descendent. In the late Joseon period, a family consciousness based on the paternal line was established. Besides, a new group of emerging powers appeared due to the socio-economic changes. They attempted to raise their social status by all means in order to be rid of their social constraints. It is assumed that they fabricated various documents including their genealogies. Critical assessment of the authenticity of historical documents would be the most basic task for the historical research of that period. However, the awareness of the necessity and importance of source criticism regarding the historical records of the late Joseon period is still quite low. The paper will serve as a momentum to call attention to this problem.

1920년대 통영지역 청년운동과 ‘김기정 징토운동’

김상환(Kim, Sang-Hwan) 부산경남사학회 2014 역사와 경계 Vol.91 No.-

본 논문은 3.1운동 이후 통영청년단을 비롯한 청년운동의 발전과정을 살펴보고, 그 과정에서 나타난 ‘김기정 징토운동’이 통영지역에서 항일운동으로까지 전화되어가는 과정을 검토해보았다. 1919년 7월 창립된 통영청년단은 지역사회운동과 항일운동의 중심이었다. 통영청년단의 멤버들은 다수의 다른 청년단체에 복수의 멤버십으로 가담하기도 했으며, 시대의 조류와 중앙의 청년단체들의 변화에 부응하면서 발전해 갔다. 즉 1925년에는 통영지역에도 ‘정의단’, ‘거화동맹’, ‘안우회’, ‘사과실탄티’ 같은 사상단체도 만들어 지고, 청년조직들도 청년동맹으로 변화되어 가기도 했던 것이다. 김기정 사건에서도 이들은 함께 ‘민정회’를 출범시켜 한시적인 임무수행을 위해 ‘특별위원회’의 위상을 부여하였다. 각 청년조직들이 이렇게 별도의 조직을 만들어가면서 개별단체들이 한계를 극복해 나갔다. 김기정 징토운동은 경상남도 도 평의회에서의 김기정의 발언이 단초가 되었고, 통영 사상단체의 효시인 ‘정의단’에서 활동한 김원석의 징토문 살포로 촉발되었다. 게다가 경찰 출신자들의 모임이자 친일 단체인 ‘삼구회’라는 친일조직에 대한 통영민들의 반감으로 항일의식은 더욱 고취되었다. 김원석의 전격구속에 이은 3월 25일의 보고대회가 진행되어 김기정에 대한 징토운동운동이 확산되어가는 시점에 김기정이 관선 도 평의원으로 재임 된다든지, 5월 9일 앞의 보고대회 집행위원 11인을 추가 구속함으로써 사건은 증폭되었다. 3월 15일부터 시작된 이 운동은 동년 5월 15일까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 도합 33인이 구속되고 김기정이 공직에서 사퇴함으로 마무리 되었다. 이 운동을 주도한 것은 ‘통영청년단’을 비롯한 지역의 청년조직이었다. 이 운동이 두 달 동안 지속되어 목적을 달성할 수 있었던 것은 전적으로 통영지역민의 일치단결된 항일의식과 민족반역자에 대한 분노였다. 통영지역의 김기정 징토운동은 지역을 넘어 전국으로, 해외로까지 알려져 일제의 식민지 지배정책 가운데 내선일체에 대한 허구를 공격하고, 부일협력자에 대한 경종을 울려주었다. This thesis examines Tongyeong Youth Union as well as the youth’s movement after the 3·1 Independence Movement. Also, the thesis has identified the process in which the ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ has evolved into an anti-Japanese movement. The Tongyeong Youth Union which was established in July 1919, was the center of the regional society movement and the anti-Japanese movement. The members of Tongyeong Youth Union participated simultaneously in other numerous youth associations and continued developing after adapting to and fulfilling the changes which the central youth organizations underwent with the tides of the times. In other words, an organization advocating a particular system of ideology emerged in Tongyeong 1925, such as ‘Jeongeuidan’, ‘Geohwa-alliance’, ‘Ahnwoohwae’, ‘Sagwasiltanti’ and other organizations. Moreover, youth organizations transformed into youth alliances. Also in the ‘Ki-jeong Kim Incident’, the youths established the ‘Minjeonghwae’ and for carrying out temporary duties, they also appointed the status of special commission. Each and every youth organization established these separate organizations, which supported independent organizations to overcome limits. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was triggered by Won-seok Kim (an individual who had participated in the ‘Jeongeuidan (the first ideology organization in Tongyeong))’s Punish-Movement and also by Ki-jeong Kim’s remark during the Gyeongsangnam-do provincial council. Furthermore, the pro-Japanese organization ‘Samgoohwae’, consisting of personnel with backgrounds as policemen and in pro-Japanese organization, had forced the people of Tongyeong to foster a sense of rebellion towards the Japanese during this organization’s development. Following the imprisonment of Won-seok Kim, a briefing conference had been held on the 25th of March when ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ was expanding. This period marked a point when Ki-jeong Kim was to be repositioned for office by the government as a provincial councillor, and marked the amplification of the incidence when 11 more member of the executive committee (briefing conference) were imprisoned on the 9th of May. This movement, which started on the 15th of March, resulted in 33 total individuals being imprisoned until the 15th of May and ended with Ki-jeong Kim’s resignation from public office. Those who led this movement were nonetheless, the Tongyeong Youth Union and the region’s youth organizations. The reasons as to how this movement continued for two months were down to the unanimity of Tongyeong residents’ anti-Japanese sentiment and the rage felt towards traitors. The ‘Punish-Movement Ki-jeong Kim’ of the Tongyeong region spread across the nation to overseas, which attached the fabrication of the ‘Naeseon Ilche (‘Korea and Japan are One’ policy) which was part of Japan’s policy of domination. Lastly, it sounded the alarm for those who acted for the Japanese domination over Korea; traitors.