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전후의 시작과 진보진영의 전쟁책임 문제 — ‘정치와 문학’ 논쟁을 중심으로 —
최종길 한국일본사상사학회 2020 일본사상 Vol.0 No.39
문학은 혁명운동에 복무해야만 한다는 일본공산당의 정치우선주의적 문예정책에 반대한 좌익진영의 작가들은 작가동맹의 해체와 그로인한 전향의 내적 원인으로 일본공산당운동의 오류를 지적하고 있다. 따라서 ‘정치와 문학’ 논쟁은 전향의 문제 즉 공산당의 잘못된 문예정책 때문에 작가동맹이 해체되었고 그 결과 문학자들이 전쟁에 협력하게 되었다는 인식을 포함하게 되었다. 전후의 출발점에 선 『근대문학』 동인들은 전전의 운동체험에 기초하여 계급에 대한 충성과 당파성에 의거한 활동을 지양(aufheben)하고 실존적 주체로 전후 민주주의 혁명에 복무하는 문학자의 길을 열고자 하였다. 그리고 그들은 어두운 자기체험을 극복할 수 있는 길을 실존적 자기인식에 선 문학에서 찾았다. 그들은 이러한 문학이야말로 전후의 민주주의적 과제를 달성할 수 있는 길이며 이렇게 했을 때 또 다시 전향하지 않고, 패배하지 않고, 자신의 길을 마지막까지 갈 수 있다고 판단하였다. The writers of the left wing, who opposed the Japanese Communist Party’s political-first literary policy that says literature should serve in the revolutionary movement, point to the fallacy of the Japanese Communist movement as an internal cause of the dissolution of the NAPL and the consequent movement. Thus, the “political and literary” debate has come to include the perception that the writers’ alliance was dissolved because of the problems of the front, namely the wrong literary policy of the Communist Party, resulting in the writers’ cooperation in the war. Standing at the starting point of the postwar era, the “modern literature” drivers tried to avoid activities based on “loyalty and partisanship to the classes” and open the way for writers to serve in the post-war democratic revolution as existential subjects. And they found a way to overcome the dark self-experience in literature, which stood in existential self-awareness. They judged that literature was the only way to achieve post-war democratic challenges, and that it would lead their way to the end without turning again, without being defeated, without losing.
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Nifedipine이 인체 치은섬유모세포의 세포활성에 미치는 효과
최종길,김재현,신형식,Choi, Jong-Gil,Kim, Jai-Hun,Shin, Hyung-Shik 대한치주과학회 1993 Journal of Periodontal & Implant Science Vol.23 No.3
Gingiva is remarkly sensitive to certain drugs. Especially, long term use of phentoin, dihydropyrydine (including nifedipine), cyclosporin and other drugs can be lead to pathologic changes in gingival tissue, especially in terms of proliferation of epithelium and connective tissue. Recent study in terms of proliferation of epithelium and connective tissue. Recent study is focused on the inhibition of drug-induced gingival hyperplasia by using medicaments. The purpose of this study was to investigate on the pharmacological effects of nifedipine, retinoic acid and glycyrrhetini acid to the activity in human gingival fibroblast. Human gingival fibroblasts were cultured from the healthy gingiva of orthodontic patients. Gingival fibroblasts were trypsinized and cultured in growth medium added $5{\mu}g/ml$ of nifedipine, $10^{+7}M$ of retinoic acid and glycyrrhetinic acid. The passage number of cultured fibroblasts were between fifth and eighth. The cell morphology was examined by inverted microscope and the cell acitivity was measured by the MTT assay. Nifedipine at the concentration of $5{\mu}g/ml$ was revealed significantly effective to increase the cell activity and lipopolysaccharide was cofactor to increase cell activity in the presence of nifedipine. However, retinoic acid was significantly effective on the globular change of cell morphology and loss of cell process regardless of the presence of nifedipine and LPS. Cell activity was significantly decreased by the glycyrrhetinic acid at the concentration of $10^-M$ regardless of the presence of nifedipine and LPS. These results suggested that the increased cell activity by nifedipine might be modulated by retinoic acid and glycyrrhetinic acid. Further study is needed to clarify on their toxicological effects during cellular modulation and mRNA expression change.
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1927년을 전후한 조선과 일본의 정치적 연관성 - 조선에서 치안유지법이 확대 적용된 배경을 중심으로 -
최종길 일본사학회 2010 일본역사연구 Vol.31 No.-
This article attempts to reorganize the causes and background of the Public Peace of Maintenance Law which magnified and applied since 1927 in Chosun and Japan, making the law the most severe and cruel. This idea was reconstructed under the political circumstances and political contexts of Korea, Japan and China on the basis of a critical mind to reorganize East-Asia. The part of the national leaders of independence movement developed socialism broken away nationalism, which was embodied in the formation of Chosun Communist Party. In the meantime the Socialist Movement founded on Bolshevism became active in Japan since Russian Revolution was broken out. Therefore, Greater Japan Federation of Labour and Friendly Association made clear of the characteristic of class consciousness and changed the name to the Greater Japan Federation of Labour, which formed a political party, the Japanese Communist party, as an illegal advanced revolutional party. The several independence movements by the socialists at home and abroad in Chosun after 3․1 Resistance Movement implanted the crisis awareness to Japanese rulers. Saito Makoto, the governor general of Chosun, ordered not to forgive and give a strict punishment to the people who are disturbing the reconciliation of Japan and Chosun through blaming and reproaching the government's rule. The Problem of Park Youl intensified the crisis awareness in Japan because this accident was regarded the assassination of Crown Prince by an Chosun. Furthermore some of Japanese believed that this plot might provoke the overthrow Japanese colonial government system in Chosun. This trouble, in addition, worsened the domestic economic depression and overlapped with the problem of Enforce Discipline. In consequence, the Wakatsuki and Kenseikai Cabinet retired from the government and Tanaka Cabinet was formed instead. It was necessary for Tanaca Cabinet, organized in April of 1927, to intensify the ruling system to confine the socialists' movement at home. The domestic socialists were inclined to associate with international solidarity with Russian and Chinese Socialists. The Tanaca Cabinet camouflaged the plot of 3․15 and carried out the alteration of Maintenance Law by an Emergency Imperial Command. I suggest that these political circumstances enforced directly the Administration of Justice to magnify and apply the Public Peace Maintenance Law since 1927 in Chosun.
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최종길 한국일본사상사학회 2012 일본사상 Vol.0 No.22
本論文は転向問題を国家を先験的なものとして受け入れ、国家あっての国民とする自意識にもとづいた同化過程として把握する試みを行ったものである。転向に関する先行研究は転向と関わる個々人の経験に対する批判から始めながら、転向を倫理的な基準によって論ずる日本共産党の態度を批判している。また、これらの研究が扱っている時期はいわゆる15年戦争期に集中しており、日本社会における新しい認識地平の拡大を試みる成果を出している。にもかかわらず、これら研究には近代国民国家の視点から次のような二つの問題を指摘できる。まず、これらの研究はおもに1931年の満州事変から45年の敗戦までの時期に限定して転向を論じているため、戦争の主体を日本とアメリカに固定してしまう問題を産み出した。その論理的な帰結が植民地支配責任に関する認識不足として現れた。次に、これらの研究は転向問題を明治維新以降の近代国民国家建設の総体的な結果として捕らえる視線がなかった。これによって、天皇制支配体制を内面的な価値として受け入れることが強要された時代、特に、38年以降において国民自らが自意識をもって国家に同化されていた転向過程を上手く描くことができなかった。
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