$CoCl_2$로 유도된 C6 신경교세포의 사멸에 대한 억간산(抑肝散)의 보호 효과

조문영,신용진,하예진,우찬,김태정,유주연,최용석,최정훈,신선호,Cho, Mun-Young,Shin, Yong-Jeen,Ha, Ye-Jin,Woo, Chan,Kim, Ta-Jung,You, Ju-Yeon,Choi, Yong-Seok,Choi, Jung-Hoon,Shin, Sun-Ho 대한한방내과학회 2013 大韓韓方內科學會誌 Vol.34 No.2

Objectives : In this study, we made an effort to investigate the protective mechanism of Ukgan-san (UGS) extracts on hypoxia-induced C6 glial cell death. Methods : The cell viability was assessed by 3-[4,5-dimethylthiazol-2-yl]-2,5-diphenyl tetrazolium bromide (MMT) assay and cell morphological changes were analysed with microscope after staining with crystal violet (CV). Reactive oxygen species (ROS) formation was assessed by flow cytometer after staining with 2'7'-dichlorofluorescein diacetate (DCF-DA). We also analyzed expression of hypoxia-inducible factor-1 alpha (HIF-$1{\alpha}$) and p53, processing of procaspase-3 and procyclic acidic repetitive protein (PARP) by western blot method. Results : We estimated the elevated cell viability by UGS extract on $CoCl_2$-induced C6 glial cells. UGS attenuated $CoCl_2$-induced ROS formation in C6 glial cells and also showed a protective activity compared to antioxidants and exhibited abrogation of LDH-released by $CoCl_2$. UGS suppressed the typical apoptotic cell death markers, caspase-3 and PARP activation. UGS inhibited $CoCl_2$-induced HIF-1${\alpha}$ expression which is known as a major regulator for hypoxia-induced cell death, and suppressed p53 expression. Conclusions : These results suggest that UGS extract contains protective constituents for hypoxia-induced C6 glial cell death.

대수층 오염원 층에 대하여 선택적 계면활성제용액의 도입에 따른 가스폭기 공정의 효율 증대

조문영(Moonyoung Cho),김헌기(Heonki Kim),오민수(Minsu Oh) 대한환경공학회 2021 대한환경공학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2021 No.11

"결함 있는" 인민: 중국 동북 노동자 밀집지역에서 기층간부들의 "사구자치"(社區自治)가 갖는 딜레마

조문영 ( Mun Young Cho ) 현대중국학회 2011 現代中國硏究 Vol.13 No.1

계획경제시기 도시 공간을 구성하는 핵심 역할을 했던 단위가 붕괴하자 중국 정부는 소위 기층성 군중자치조직으로 지역 내에서 단위의 보조 역할을 수행했던 주민위원회를 ``사구 주민위원회``로, 그 관할구역을 ``사구``로 재편하면서 ``사구자치``(社區自治)를 강조하기 시작했다. 본 연구는 중국 동북부 하얼빈의 슬럼화된 노동자 집단 거주지에서 기층 사구간부들의 일상을 통해 사구자치가 갖는 딜레마를 고찰한다. 사구자치란 부분적으로 공동체의 자발성 및 전문성을 권장함과 동시에 정부의 짐을 줄이려는 새로운 기획을 포함했으나, 연구자의 조사지에서 이 과업을 맡게 된 기층간부들은 역설적이게도 정부의 ``공익성 강위``(公益性崗位) 제도를 통해 들어온 중년의 저학력(특히 여성) 노동자들이었다. 본 연구는 정부라는 직장에 재고용됨으로써 ``사회주의`` 중국에서 ``인민``이 가졌던 권리를 환기시켰던 이들 기층간부들이 사구자치를 수행하는 과정에서 ``결함 있는`` 인민으로 스스로를 자리매김하는 과정을 인류학 민족지(ethnography)를 통해 보여준다. 연구자는 누가, 즉 어떠한 역사성을 가진 집단이 사구건설을 둘러싸고 경합을 벌이는가에 주목함으로써 사구건설에 관한 논의가 ``규제``와 ``자치``라는, ``국가-사회관계`` 모델에 바탕한 이분법적 공방에서 벗어날 필요가 있음을 강조한다. Amidst China`s economic reform, the reformulation of urban space from the work-unit to community has become an urgent issue for the Chinese state. This move has generated widespread debates on "community self-governance", including how community cadres can be transformed from the government`s mere messengers to the active partners with the government. Based on ethnographic research in a run-down workers` village in Harbin, this article examines the processes in which community cadres are forced to fashion themselves as voluntary, self-motivating citizens. Despite new governmental emphasis on the professionalization of community service, most community cadres in the peripheral neighborhood have managed to win their jobs through the policy of "the public post", which privileges urban laid-off workers. Although this policy seems to prove that the Chinese state has not abandoned "the people" in the People`s Republic of China, governmental protection has accompanied the re-configuration of "the people" as the historical tension embedded in the concept runs through the management of community. Historical gender/family problematics within "the people", combined with increasing suspicions about the people`s capacities, have led the state to "protect" mostly female, uneducated cadres in highly hierarchical ways while exploiting their liminal position in the state apparatus. These cadres ironically attach themselves to the old Maoist doctrine of self-reliance to prove that they are voluntary, self-motivating citizens.

EU탄소국경조정제도의 효과적 실행을 위한 다자주의적 접근에 관한 연구: CLRTAP와 미국 1930년 이후 통상 정책을 중심으로

조문영(Moon Yung Cho),정서용(Suh-Yong Chung) 한국환경정책학회 2024 한국환경정책학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2024 No.2

NI-9215를 이용한 전기적 신호분석방법에 관한 연구

조문영(Moon-Young Cho) 산업기술교육훈련학회 2011 산업기술연구논문지 (JITR) Vol.16 No.2

This paper is purposed to develop hardware and monitoring program to select NI-9215 of NI comp., which can be used in developing electrical equipment, to analyze and detect the 1∼1000㎃ and 1∼100A current signals. In this paper, The hardware which can interface with current sensors(CTL-24-S28-10Z and CTL-24-TE), is developed by NI-9215 of NI comp. The NI-9215 for use with NI USB chassis includes four simultaneously sampled analog input channels and successive approximation register(SAR) 16-bit analog-to-digital converters.(ADCs) The NI-9215 contains a channel-to-earth ground doubleisolation barrier for safety and noise immunity, and high common-mode voltage range. The monitoring program which can interface with NI-9215, is developed by SignalExpress of LabVIEW. The monitoring program are developed to analyze well at the same time on electrical signals such as RMS value, instantaneous value of current, THD, FFT signals etc, and to measure abnormal signals on the electrical wires. Verification experiment was conducted to evaluate usefulness and availability of the schemes in this paper.

신세대 농민공의 자원봉사 활동을 통해 본 국가 주도 윤리적 시민권의 성격과 함의

조문영 ( Mun Young Cho ) 현대중국학회 2014 現代中國硏究 Vol.16 No.1

본 연구는 중국 남부 이민도시 선전에서 활발히 전개되고 있는 자원봉사의 일상적 연행에 관한 문화기술지(ethnography) 작업으로서, ‘신세대농민공’으로 범주화된 저학력, 저소득 외지 청년들이 사회적 돌봄의 대상이자 주체로 초대받는 과정을 고찰하고 있다. 연구자는 이 과정이 윤리적시민권의 형성, 즉 자기와 타자에 대한 도덕적 책무를 지닌 자발적 시민주체를 만드는 작업이란 점에 주목했다. 선전 외곽 폭스콘 공장지대에 자리 잡은 커뮤니티 센터에서 진행하는 자원봉사 활동은 ‘농민공’ 정체성을 감성적 언어들을 바탕으로 선별적으로 재구성하는데, 이는 기존의 사회적, 정치적 시민권 논의가 제기한 각종 권리 요구를 비가시적으로 만든다는 점에서 외지 청년들의 사회적 고통을 심화시키는 측면이 있다. 그러나 이청년들이 정부가 기획한 통치의 문법을 그대로 따르면서도 자원봉사라는 장을 사회적 관계를 생산하는 공간으로 전유해내는 방식은 또 다른 시사점을 제공한다. 주어진 장을 통해 잠재된 재능을 발휘하고 인적 네트워크를 넓히면서 공공의 성원됨(membership)을 경험하는 과정은 외지 청년들을 ‘농민공’, ‘(공장) 노동자’ 범주로만 한정시키지 말고 이들이 삶의 다양한 차원에서 수행하는 물질적, 비물질적 노동을 포괄적으로 주시할 것을 제안한다. 결국 이때의 자원봉사란 ‘신세대 농민공’이라는 범주 아래 사회적으로 허용될만한 다름을 마름질하는 통치 기제이자, 동시에 정부의 계몽 의지가 예기치 않게 열어젖힌 삶정치적 생산의 자리인 것이다. This article is an ethnography of volunteering activities in Shenzhen, in which migrant youth commonly called “new generation of migrant workers” ( xinshengdai nongmingong) are invited as both recipients and providers of social care. Such invitation pertains to the formation of ethical citizenship, that is, a pedagogic mode of cultivating a care for others as well as a care of the self as the new citizens’ ethic. Fieldwork in Shenzhen’s Foxconn town, where social workers interpellate migrant youth as “volunteers,” has brought to my attention both violences and new possibilities. By mobilizing sentiments, volunteering selectively reconstruct what people commonly imagine about nongmingong. It also makes the right-based claim, which has appeared in the discussions of social, political citizenship, invisible, thus exacerbating social suffering of migrant youth. Nevertheless, it is important to note that these youth appropriate the site in order to produce social relationships. They demonstrate hidden capacities, extend social networks, and pursue membership, that is, being full and equal citizens of society where they actively participate in its making. Such performances lead us to give attention to both material and immaterial labor of migrant youth, instead of identifying them solely in terms of “factory workers” or “ nongmingong.” In all, volunteering functions not only as a mechanism of trimming socially admissible differences but also as an unexpected site of biopolitical production, in which potential talents, capacities, and desires of migrant youth erupt “thanks to” state-led mobilization.

‘보편’중국의 부상과 인류학의 국가중심성 비판

조문영 ( Cho Mun Young ) 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 2019 중국사회과학논총 Vol.1 No.1

중국을 ‘비서구’ 위치에 두면서 ‘서구’식 개념화를 비판해 온 인류학 접근이 ‘서구’를 극복하면서 ‘보편’의 지위를 도모하는 최근의 중국을 어떻게 이해하고 분석할 수 있는가? 본 논문은 ‘보편’ 중국이라는 쟁점에 한국의 중국 인류학이 어떻게 화답할 수 있는가를 탐색하는 시론적 성격을 갖는다. 국가를 상위의 실체로 가정하면서 구심적 힘의 행사를 정당화 하는 ‘국가중심성(state centrality)’이 서구의 인식론적 우위를 자명한 것으로 만든 현대화 기획의 결과이자 조건임을 환기시키면서, 본 연구는 서구가 스스로를 ‘보편’으로 정립하기 위해 거쳐 온 작업과 ‘보편’ 중국 기획의 관계를 규명할 출발점으로 인류학자들의 국가중심성 비판을 검토한다. 그간 한국 인류학자들의 중국 연구는 ‘국가- 사회 관계’ 패러다임에 역동성과 다양성을 부여하면서 ‘하나의 중국’이라는 이데올로기에 균열을 내고, 국민국가의 경계를 고착화 하지 않는 이주와 마주침(encounter)에 주목하면서 정치적 상상의 지평을 확대해왔다. 하지만, 중국이 서구 자본주의와 민족주의 역사에 독점되지 않는 방향으로 국가 개념 자체를 바꿔내고자 한다면 기존 국가 개념의 자명성을 낯설게 보는 작업은 얼마나 유효한가? 서구의 인식론적 우위에 균열을 내는 해체론적 작업은 단순히 신흥 강대국이 아니라 “또 다른 보편”이 되고자 하는 중국의 과업을 분석하는데 여전히 곤경을 유발한다. 이러한 곤경은 ‘보편’ 중국이 새롭게 창안하는 개념들을 직접 문제 삼는 대신 서구의 중국 인식 비판에 초점을 맞춘 영미 유학파 출신 중국 인류학의 접근을 재고하고, 서구의 ‘보편’을 문제화 하면서도 이론의 가공지로서 그 영원한 우위를 암묵적으로 가정해온 성찰적 인류학을 재성찰할 기회를 제공한다. Since the late twentieth century, anthropology, an inherent field of the West’s geography of imagination, has based its primary mission in resisting the epistemological dominance of Western powers. China remained as a part of “non-West” in the discipline’s discursive field. In recent times, however, what we witness is China’s attempt to refuse the West world order and position its status as “universal.” Like Michel-Rolph Trouillot calls “North Atlantic universals,” that is, “words that project the North Atlantic experience on a universal scale that they themselves have helped to create,” Chinese universals do not simply describe the world but offer visions of the world. They are prescriptive inasmuch as they suggest what is desirable or not. In this article, I examine anthropological critiques of state centrality in order to problematize “Chinese universality” in its analogous relationship to “Western universality.” State centrality, that is, the production of “the state” as an overarching entity, is deeply intertwined with managerial projects of modernization, which have naturalized the imaginary production of the West. As I introduced, many scholars who engage in the anthropology of the state have shedded light on state centrality as a “precarious achievement” (James Ferguson and Akhil Gupta), arguing that the seeming centrality of the state is recognized and produced through a series of state practices and processes. Like capitalism, the seeming systematicity of the state results from “the historically specific, nondeterministic encounters that create it” (Lieba Faier and Lisa Rofel). I have reviewed two dimensions in which South Korean anthropologists who study China have contributed to the critiques of state centrality. One is the paradigm of state-society relations. Long-term fieldwork in villages, migrant enclaves or multi-sites between rural and urban, which is rarely found in other disciplines and frequently frustrated in the People’s Republic of China, has helped anthropologists to unveil the dynamics embedded in the relationship between state and society and, furthermore, explore the precarious and patchy nature of state centrality. Given those dynamics, it is not a priori but an event that must be examined to unconsciously identify “China” with “the Chinese state,” “the Chinese government” or “the Communist Party.” However, the binary state-society framework is subject to a reductionist trap, even though one underlines complexities between “state” and “society” as well as within each category. Anthropological attention to migration and encounter has also contributed to unfolding state centrality instead of taking it as a taken-for-granted fact. Many anthropologists have refused to accept the nation-state and its boundaries as a given in their analysis. With an ethnographic eye to cross-border encounters, they have examined how state processes and practices are made and remade through unequal relationship involving various groups of natives and migrants. Those encounters are made in multiple sites such as the Sino-Korean border, Huaqiao associations or schools, multinational corporations, migrant enclaves in China and South Korea, and so forth. However, are such anthropologists’ efforts to denaturalize Eurocentric conceptualizations valid indeed if China attempts to change the concept of “the state” in a way that it is not monopolized by West-centered histories of capitalism and nationalism? China increasingly seeks “Chinese universality” against “Western universality” as well as “a new superpower” against American hegemony. Anthropological critiques of state centrality, which center on disrupting Western epistemology, are limited in investigating the former. From nostalgic futurity of a “Greater China” to the revival of the ancient notion of “All under Heaven” (tianxia) and the tribute (chaogong) system, recent China scholarship pursues a unique and historically sedimented path for universalism, in which China is “much more than just another culture” (Frank N. Pieke). I demonstrate that such predicament, not simply indicative of a failure, offers a reflexive moment for anthropology in two ways. First, it newly problematizes the academic trajectory of South Korean anthropologists of China, inquiring what it means for them to center on Western critiques against Western epistemology, not China scholarship in their own country, as their primary interlocutor. Mostly trained in North Atlantic regions and influenced by “reflexive” turn in the discipline of anthropology, these anthropologists are well-versed in provincializing “Western universality”: however, most of them are not sufficiently prepared for analyzing historically layered concepts that Chinese scholars newly introduced or invoked in order to re-position their nation as a birthplace of “theory.” Second, and more importantly, anthropologists’ predicament offers an opportunity to critically rethink a reflexive turn in anthropology. In the discipline of anthropology, “reflexivity” commonly refers to ethnographers’ awareness of their relationship to the field of study. Since the late 1970s, many anthropologists have reflected on both fieldwork and ethnographic writing, questioning how they are saturated with the colonial baggage of their discipline, as well as with the problematic representation of otherness. Reflexive anthropology has thus paid serious attention to the power relations of knowledge production while indicating the inherent asymmetry between “the West as the producer of theory” and “the non-West as the supplier of data.” However, anthropologists’ difficulty in situating “Chinese universality” in their theoretical framework leads us to question if “reflexivity” in anthropology is nothing but an Eurocentric action of tolerance as a governing technology. Borrowing from Wendy Brown’s conceptualization of “tolerance,” I emphasize that the action of tolerance inevitably affords some access to superiority while marking subjects of tolerance as inferior or marginal. In all, the emergence of “Chinese universality” suggests that even reflexive anthropology is not immune from a tendency to presuppose the permanent superiority of “the West as the producer of theory.”

‘민(民)’이라는 판도라의 상자 : 백영서 지음, 『중국현대사를 만든 세 가지 사건: 1919·1949·1989』(창비, 2021)을 읽고

조문영(Mun Young Cho) 서울대학교 아시아연구소 2021 아시아리뷰 Vol.11 No.2

지하수폭기공정에서 계면활성제 및 저가알코올 수용액 도입효과 연구: 거품형성특성에 따른 공기포화도 변화

조문영(Moonyoung Cho),오민수(Minsu Oh),김동진(Dongjin Kim),김헌기(Heonki Kim) 대한환경공학회 2020 대한환경공학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2020 No.11

안전의 열망과 기여의 의지: 경기도 청년기본소득 수령자들의 서사

조문영 ( Munyoung Cho ),조민서 ( Minseo Cho ),김지현 ( Jihyeon Kim ) 한국문화인류학회 2021 韓國文化人類學 Vol.54 No.1

재산이나 노동 여부와 상관없이 모두에게 소득을 지급하자는 기본소득 의제는 최근 들어 철학적 논변에서 정책과 실험으로 빠르게 이동 중이다. 이념상의 기본소득과 현실에서 작동중인 기본소득의 차이가 현저하고, 후자의 효과를 입증하는 과정이 노동윤리와 같은 기존의 통념을 재생산할 위험이 있다면, 기본소득에 관한 경험적 연구는 어떻게 진행되어야 하는가? 이러한 문제의식에서 본 연구는 경기도 청년기본소득을 수령한 청년들의 삶의 경험과 지향을 살피고, 이 삶 속에서 이들이 경험한 기본소득의 의미를 탐색한다. 다양한 배경의 청년 수령자들과 인터뷰를 수행하면서, 우리는 두 가지 질문을 제기했다. 첫째, ‘현재’의 경기도 청년기본소득을 경험한 청년들은 ‘미래’에 기본소득이 충분하고 정기적으로 지급된다면 어떤 삶을 살고 싶다고 상상하는가? 둘째, 기존의 기본소득 운동이 새롭게 재구성하고자 했던 ‘일’과 ‘보장’의 의미는 기본소득이 이제까지 부재했던 시공간을 살아온 청년들의 서사와 어떻게 수렴하거나 충돌하는가? 연구참여자들이 서사화한 경기도 청년기본소득 수령 경험은 ‘기본소득’에 대한 관심과 기본소득이 전면화된 세계에 대한 상상을 촉발하기에는 미흡했다. 특정 연령에 해당하는 개인에게 보편적이고 무조건적으로 지급되는 청년기본소득은 ‘집합적인 보장’이라는 점에서 연구참여자들에게 새로운 경험이었지만, 이 일회적인 경험은 안전에 대한 열망을 개별적인 노력을 통해 충족할 수밖에 없는 환경에서 진행되었다. 이념형 기본소득 지지자들이 구축한 사회상과 현실기본소득 수령자들이 떠올린 사회상의 괴리는 컸다. 기본소득 운동은 ‘일’과 ‘노동’의 의미를 자율적 활동을 중심으로 재구성할 것을 제안하나, 청년들에게 ‘일’과 등치되는 임금노동은 소득과 사회적 인정의 유력한 원천이었다. 또한, 기본소득 운동은 공유부의 평등한 배당을 강조하나, 청년들은 모종의 답례를 해야 할 ‘증여’로 기본소득을 인식했다. 우리가 청년들과의 인터뷰에서 발견한 안전의 열망과 기여의 의지가, 기본소득을 포함하여 ‘지금, 여기’의 집합적 보장을 기획하고 고민하는 이들에게 진지하게 고려할 주제가 되길 바란다. Universal Basic Income (UBI), an idea of providing income without a means test or work requirement, is no longer limited to a philosophical discussion but emerging as a policy, which accompanies pilot experiments and political debates. Given the enormous gap between an ideal basic income and an actually existing basic income, and the pitfall of a study on the latter’s effect in reproducing the conventional work ethics, what alternatives should empirical research on basic income make use of? In this line, we focus on the narratives of recipients of Gyeonggi Youth Basic Income (GYBI), the newly-launched policy in Gyeonggi Province, South Korea, as they perceive and interpret GYBI in dialogues with their life experiences. Based on in- depth interviews with young recipients of various backgrounds, our research raises two questions. First, how do their experiences of GYBI prompt young recipients to envision their lives in the future when UBI would be realized with a sufficient and periodic payment? Second, how do the narratives of young recipients, who have never experienced “basic income” in their lifetime, resonate with or collide with those of UBI activists who attempt to redefine the meaning of “work” and “security”? Our research shows that youth experiences of GYBI do not necessarily lead them to imagine their life in a moment when UBI would be full- fledged. To begin, while inspired by the universal and unconditional payment of GYBI, young recipients still try to fulfill their aspiration of security individually through earned income or financial investment. Next, whereas UBI thinkers and activists suggest that “work” should be unmoored from its bondage with wage labor, most recipients consider it as a primary source of income and social recognition. Finally, whereas UBI activism gives critical attention to the equal dividend of the commonwealth, most interviewees tend to perceive basic income as a gift-debt that must be returned. The aspiration for security and the will to contribute, which we unveil in GYBI recipients’ narratives, await further discussion among those who attempt to reconstruct collective security here and now.