국어 조각구에 관한 분석

이정식(Jeong-Shik Lee),조기현(Gi-Hyun Joh) 한국중원언어학회 2016 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.39

This study aims to examine Ahn’s (2012) dichotomous analysis of (multiple) fragments in Korean based on distinction between syntactic and pragmatic ellipsis and to suggest an alternative unified syntactic deletion analysis which can be implemented with different conception of phrase structure for Korean. Pointing out that Ahn’s claims that Case-marked fragments are derived from full sentential structures by syntactic ellipsis and non-Case-marked fragments are derived directly from pragmatic ellipsis are unrealistic, this study claims that non-Case-marked fragments can be derived by means of syntactic ellipsis. As an alternative to Ahn’s (2012) treatment of some mismatching phenomena between a host clause and a fragment, this study also suggests that a Topic-Focus ordering needs to be implemented in establishing phrase structures for Korean, which is underlyingly realized as a head-initial structure under the universal Spec-head-complement order hypothesis (Kayne 1994), or the SVO hypothesis. It is concluded that this study can contribute to the solution to the problem as well as suggestions for future research on fragments in Korean.

술어반복 선택의문문

이정식 ( Jeong Shik Lee ) 대한언어학회 2010 언어학 Vol.18 No.2

In this paper I introduce a new set of data on predicate-repeated alternative question in Korean, say, V-not-V question, and claim that this construction should not be treated by a bi-clausal analysis applying for a usual alternative question but be dealt with by a simple clause analysis. A variety of word orders observed in this construction reject the bi-clausal approach and further opt for the SVO hypothesis for Korean rather than the usual SOV hypothesis. In particular, I suggest that a kind of operator movement is involved in the construction in question, thereby accounting for island effects as well. The results of this paper lend support for the universal specifier-head-complement order initiated by Kayne (1994) and help eliminate the head-parameter, thereby reducing computational complexity.

동사반복과 극성

이정식(Jeong-Shik Lee) 현대문법학회 2012 현대문법연구 Vol.67 No.-

This paper newly notes that a repeated verbal complex in Korean can have a polarity and observes its distributional properties. In particular, this paper closely examines what kind of structure this complex will have when it displays aspects of negative polarity item (NPI). For this purpose, this paper compares two structures, head-final and head-initial, and advocates the latter, thereby leading to the claim that Korean is underlyingly head-initial.

텍스트언어학의 이론과 응용 : "지혜문"의 의미 해석 문제

이정식 ( Jeong Shik Lee ) 한국텍스트언어학회 2000 텍스트언어학 Vol.9 No.-

관계절 습득 실수 분석

이정식(Jeong-Shik Lee) 한국중원언어학회 2017 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.43

This paper attempts to account for three representative types of errors observed among KSL students on the developmental stage of learning relative clauses of Korean: HIRC (head internal relative clause) errors, reversal errors, and head errors. This study also attempts to explain the three types of errors syntactically. According to a comprehensive review of the literature in this field, it is shown that some HIRC errors provide motivation for the left-headed relative clause in Korean and that head errors suggest the underlyingly head-initial or SVO structure for Korean in support of Kayne’s (1994) universal Spec-head-complement order. Furthermore, it is shown that reversal errors and head errors can be satisfactorily explained with the left-headed relative clause under the head-initial hypothesis. Particularly, the current analysis can flexibly account for the conflicting observations about reversal errors among researchers by applying the canonical sentence strategy and accusative case assignment at different stages of the derivations. Through the discussions, the typical right-headed relative clause or HERC (head external relative clause) in Korean is shown to be formed from the base left-headed relative clause.

관용구 조각구와 우전위 요소

이정식(Jeong-Shik Lee) 현대문법학회 2018 현대문법연구 Vol.99 No.-

Idiomatic Fragments and Right-dislocated Elements. Studies in Modern Grammar 99, 65-83. Kim (2017) recently offered new proposals for the distributions of fragments and right-dislocated elements involving idioms. Under the head-final hypothesis, Kim proposed that rightdislocated elements in gapped right-dislocated constructions are derived by movement under the single clause structure, that right-dislocated elements in gapless right-dislocated constructions are derived by in situ deletion under the bi-clausal structure, and that fragments are also derived by in situ deletion in a separate clause. Careful examination, however, reveals that Kim s proposals are not successful in accounting for the presence and absence of idiomatic interpretations of fragments and right-dislocated elements. Instead, I propose the simple head-initial mono-clausal analysis and argue that this analysis can work better in deriving the fragments and right-dislocated elements and accounting for the idiomatic properties of them.

급성 경막하 혈종에 대한 감압술 후 발생한 반대편의 천막 상, 하 급성 경막외 혈종

이정식 ( Jeong Shik Lee ),좌철수 ( Cheol Su Jwa ),심숙영 ( Sook Young Sim ),김강현 ( Gang Hyun Kim ) 대한외상학회 2010 大韓外傷學會誌 Vol.23 No.2

A postoperative contralateral supra- and infratentorial epidural hematoma after decompressive surgery is an extremely rare event. We describe a 38-year-old male with a contralateral supra- and infratentorial acute epidural hematoma just after decompressive surgery for an acute subdural hematoma. A contralateral skull fracture involving a lambdoidal suture and an intraoperative brain protrusion may be warning signs. The mechanisms, along with relevant literature, are discussed. (J Korean Soc Traumatol 2010;23:188-191)

최근 최소주의의 보편문법과 국어에 대한 시사점

이정식 ( Jeong-shik Lee ) 대한언어학회 2016 언어학 Vol.24 No.2

Due to the change in the concept of Universal Grammar (UG) in the recent minimalist framework (Chomsky 2005), previous Principles and Parameters were excluded from UG. This paper thus addresses the issue of how the effects of the head-parameter in particular can be derived, the one that was responsible for word order difference, i.e., head-initial or head-final, in languages like English and those like Korean, respectively. For this, I argue for the universal Spec-head-complement hypothesis (Kayne 1994). It is claimed that Korean starts with the underlying head-initial structure and ends up displaying the typical head-final properties. This claim is corroborated by the technical and theoretical discussion made available from the perspective of current generative grammar.

국어 미완절 보충

이정식(Jeong-Shik Lee) 한국중원언어학회 2011 언어학연구 Vol.0 No.20

This paper attempts to deal with the incompleteness effects found in Korean by claiming that the incompleteness effects can be removed in terms of tense anchoring achieved by the addition of typical tense-aspectual morphemes/lexemes or various other morphosyntactic means. Based on Huang(2005) and Tsai(2008), I analyze tense-anchoring as a process making an event argument visible in syntax and licensed. This process mainly involves event quantification, event coordination, event subordination, event modification, as well as typical tense-aspectual morphemes/lexemes. Syntactic tense is then linked to semantic tense through this process, and the event variable spelled-out thereof is further subject to tense operator binding. Therefore, complementing incomplete clauses by means of tense anchoring leads to the eradication of the incompleteness effects.

세 유형의 영어 혼합절 구문에 대한 통합 분석

이정식 ( Lee Jeong-shik ),조기현 ( Joh Gi-hyun ) 한국현대영어영문학회 2020 현대영어영문학 Vol.64 No.1

This study aims to suggest a unified analysis of three types of the English amalgam constructions: Andrews amalgams, Horn amalgams, and Transparent free relatives. In these amalgams, two independent clauses appear to share one element, one of them being inserted into another (Kluck 2011), or one of them being grafted to another under the multi-dominance structure (Guimarães 2004). Pointing out some potential problems with these approaches, this study proposes an alternative unified analysis to the effect that those amalgam constructions involve an extended complementation, as illustrated in an Andrews amalgam like John invited [XP [φ x-many people] [you’ll never guess [how many people] to his party]]. The XP complement is an extended domain formed by movement of the content kernal X-many people, thereby satisfying the subcategorization requirement of the matrix clause verb invite and the embedded clause verb guess. Which copy of the chain resulting from the movement of the content kernal is to be spelled out is determined by this subcategorization requirement. In the above example, XP is eventually relabeled as DP through projection of the raised higher copy. It will also be shown that the proposed unified analysis can apply to the other amalgams, Horn amalgam and Transparent free relatives. (Wonkwang University · Kunsan National University)