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      • KCI우수등재

        한일회담에서 나타난 일본의 식민지지배 인식

        이원덕(Lee Won-Deog) 한국사연구회 2005 한국사연구 Vol.131 No.-

        The Korea-Japan talks were a negotiation process ostensibly launched to overcome the rift which existed with regards to the two countries perception of past history and to establish a new amicable and cooperation-based relationship. However, fourteen years of negotiations failed to bridge the fundamental gap which existed between the two countries with regards to their perceptions of history. Realistically, the two countries differences over history, with Korea perceiving the 36 years of colonial rule it endured as an unjustified and illegal action on the part of Japan, while the latter perceived its actions as having been both legal and justified, could not have been expected to be bridged solely through diplomatic negotiations. As such, the serious chasm which existed between the two sides with regards to their evaluation of Japans colonial rule over Korea meant that Korea-Japan negotiations were doomed to undergo a prolonged period of severe confrontation and conflict before a relative calm could be established. The solution which both sides reached after their lengthy negotiations was to seek out a compromise that would avoid or only gloss over the issue of clearing up the past. As a result, the two governments released contrasting interpretations of previous history and of the issue of war reparations, interpretations which became the primary focus of each government once the Korea-Japan talks reached the point where an agreement had to be ratified. With regards to the Treaty of Annexation of Korea, the Korean government interpreted the treaty as being null and void as The Treaty of Annexation of Korea was null and void to begin with: meanwhile the Japanese government argued that Although now null and void, the treaty was nevertheless legal and justifiable at the time of its ratification. In addition, the two sides also interpreted Japans agreement to provide Korea with development assistance loans and grants differently, as while the Korean government regarded this as justified compensation for Japans colonial rule, its Japanese counterpart maintained that this was in fact economic aid designed to help rebuild the Korean economy, and was in no way or form related to Koreas demand for war reparations. These contrasting interpretations over the core issues related to the clearing up of past history prove that the Korea-Japan Normalization Treaty of 1965 was a twisted post-war settlement signed between two estranged nations.

      • KCI등재

        한일관계와 역사마찰 : 김영삼 정권의 대일 역사외교를 중심으로

        이원덕 ( Won Deog Lee ) 현대일본학회 2014 日本硏究論叢 Vol.40 No.-

        1965년 한일국교정상화 이래 한일관계에서 역사마찰 문제가 양국의 심각한 외교 쟁점으로 등장하게 된 것은 민주화 이후 성립된 김영삼 정권 시기부터라고 할 수 있다. 역사마찰 문제가 외교쟁점으로 부상하게 된 것은 냉전체제의 종결에 따른 한일관계의 전반적인 이완 현상과 한국의 국력신장과 민주화에 따른 강경한 대일 자세 그리고 일본 국내에 있어서 역사인식 문제의 정치 쟁점화의 상호작용이라는 구조적인 요소에 의해 설명할 수 있다. 역사 관련 쟁점이 부상할 때마다 한국의 대일 역사외교는 민족주의적 대일정서에 의해 강력한 영향을 받을 수밖에 없게 되고 이런 상황에서 대일 정책의 선택지는 매우 좁아질 수밖에 없다. 특히 일본 측의 역사도발로 해석되는 현안이 부각되면 한국의 정치권, 메스미디어, 국민 여론의 트라이앵글은 강경 일변도로 달려가기 일쑤이다. 이러한 분위기 속에서 정책 결정자가 심각하게 고려해야 할 것은 대일 외교에서의 균형 잡힌 사고이다. 실용적인 관점에서 국익과 전략을 고려하면서 동기나 의도 보다는 해당 외교 행위가 초래할 결과까지를 철저하게 계산에 넣는 신중한 행보가 무엇보다도 요구된다. 이렇게 볼 때 한국 대통령의 리더십이야말로 한일관계의 존재방식을 결정하는데 있어서 결정적인 변수가 된다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 즉, 대통령 개인의 통치 스타일, 대일인식, 정책적 정향 등 개인적 요소가 대일 정책에 매우 큰 역할을 차지한다. It was not until Kim Young Sam regime that the historical perception issues arose to be heated diplomatic controversies between South Korea and Japan. There are three main factors to the rise of history conflicts between the two: the weakening of solidarity between the two nations` relations due to the end of the Cold War system, the hardline policies Korea imposed on Japan due to the growth of national power and democratization, and the increasing exposure of the political agenda in Japanese domestic politics. Korea`s diplomatic policies towards Japan are bound to be greatly influenced by nationalistic sentiments. Hence, the realm of choices can only be narrowed. For example, when an issue that may be interpreted as a history provocation arises, the Korean government has no choice but to take an uncompromising response. Accordingly, a balanced and prudential approach is crucial in international policies towards Japan. The necessary attitude in dealing with history-related policies is to consider the national interest and strategy in a pragmatic perspective rather than focusing on motives and intentions.

      • KCI등재후보
      • 스가 정권의 대외정책과 한ㆍ일관계 전망

        이원덕 ( Lee Won-deog ) 한국외교협회 2021 외교 Vol.136 No.0

        스가 정권은 아베의 갑작스런 사임에 따라 위기관리 차원에서 수립된 잠정 정권의 성격을 띠고 있다. 올해 치러질 자민당 총재선거와 중의원 선거에서 승리한다면 본격 정권으로 발돋움할 것이다. 아베가 이념형 정치가로서 국가주의적 성격이 강한 정책을 추구한 데 반해 스가는 실용주의적이고 인기영합적인 정책을 추진할 것이다. 스가 정권은 아베 정권의 글로벌 전략 외교를 계승하면서 대미동맹 강화, 인도-태평양 전략 구상의 실질적 추진을 꾀하고 있다. 대미동맹의 강화와 더불어 중국과는 안정적인 관리에 역점을 둔 대외 정책을 추진하고 있다. 스가 총리는 대북 외교에 관해서 납치, 핵, 미사일 등 현안을 해결하고 북한과의 관계 정상화를 목표로 내걸고 있다. 동경 올림픽의 성공적인 개최에 필요한 평화무드 조성을 위해서 대북협상을 재개할 수 있다. 스가 정부는 기회가 온다면 한ㆍ일관계의 개선에 나설 가능성을 배제할 수는 없다. 한ㆍ일관계 개선은 스가로서는 정치적 자산이 될 수 있기 때문이다. 더욱이 바이든 정부의 출범에 따라 한ㆍ일관계 정상화의 압력이 강해질 전망이다. 특히 징용문제를 해결할 실마리가 잡힌다면 스가 정부로서는 한ㆍ일관계를 개선할 절호의 기회가 될 수도 있다. 한국이 선제적으로 징용문제를 해결할 지혜를 내놓고 적극적으로 스가 정부와 협상을 시도한다면 한ㆍ일관계의 극적인 개선과 관계 복원의 길이 열릴 수 있을 것이다. 만약 징용문제라는 뇌관이 제거된다면 수출규제 문제, GSOMIA문제의 수습은 그다지 난제는 아니며 대북정책의 공조 복원도 이뤄질 수 있다. 한ㆍ일관계 개선 프로세스는 금년 초에 개최될 한ㆍ중ㆍ일 정상회담 계기의 한ㆍ일 정상회담을 모멘텀으로 가동시키면 좋을 것이다. The Suga regime has the characteristics of a provisional regime established in terms of crisis management following Abe’s sudden resignation. If he wins the LDP presidential and lower house elections this year, he will become a full-fledged administration. While Abe has pursued a policy with a strong nationalistic character as an ideological politician, Suga will pursue pragmatic and populist policies. The Suga regime is trying to strengthen the alliance with the U.S. and promote the Indo-Pacific strategy initiative by inheriting the Abe administration’s global strategic diplomacy. Along with the strengthening of the alliance with the U.S., the government is pursuing foreign policies focusing on stable management with China. On diplomacy with North Korea, Suga aims to resolve pending issues such as kidnapping, nuclear weapons and missiles and normalize relations with North Korea. Negotiations with North Korea can be resumed to create a peace mood necessary for the successful hosting of the Tokyo Olympics. The Japanese government cannot rule out the possibility of improving Korea-Japan relations if an opportunity arises. This is because improving Korea-Japan relations can be a political asset for Suga. Furthermore, with the launch of the Biden administration, the pressure on normalization of Korea-Japan relations is expected to intensify. In particular, if a clue is found to resolve the issue of conscription, it could be a great opportunity for the Japanese government to improve Korea-Japan relations. If South Korea gives up its wisdom to preemptively resolve the issue of conscription and actively tries to negotiate with the government, it could pave the way for dramatic improvement of Korea-Japan relations and restoration of relations. If the issue of conscription is resolved, the problem of export regulation and GSOMIA is not a big problem, and the restoration of cooperation in North Korea policy could also take place. The Korea-Japan relations improvement process would be good if the Korea-China-Japan summit talks, which will be held early this year, were put into motion.

      • KCI등재후보
      • KCI등재

        한국의 바람직한 대일정책의 방향

        이원덕 한국전략문제연구소 1998 전략연구 Vol.5 No.3

        After the Cold War was over, the Korean-Japanese relations are experiencing radical changes. While the potential cooperative factors between two nations in politico-security and economic fields weaken, bilateral conflict issues such as so-called 'past history problem', fishery and territorial friction are being revealed. In order to overcome this situation rationally, two governments are required to build up the co-perception framework to cope with conflict issues smoothly. Especially the conflicts concerning 'past history problem' and the bilateral coordination of attitudes toward the North Korea policy are very important issue areas which should be settled down in the near future. This paper provides the objective analysis and desirable policy orientations about the two issues from the point of view of the Korean side. Firstly, 'past history problem' is one of the most serious issues which deteriorated the bilateral relation severely since 1980s. It is obvious that the frequency of conflicts concerning the past history problem between two nations have gradually increased since cold war system was collapsed. Why was this phenomenon occurred? This paper answered the question by pointing out the three factors, say, first is the deconsolidation of the bilateral relations since the collapse of cold war in the context of politico-security area, the second is the intensification of domestic struggle concerning the perception of the past history between the right-wing and the liberal group in Japan, and the third is the stem and hard-line response of the Korean side to the past history problem. Thus this paper suppose that it should be desirable for the Korean side to take more flexible and strategic stance as far as the issue concerned. It is impossible to settle down the issue completely by the any kind of short term measures. Therefore we should make efforts to solve the problem by means of multilateral approach, say. the formation supra-national solidarity at the level of civil societies or setting the issue as the international agenda at the global society. Secondly, the incorrespondence at the North Korea policy between two nations came up to the surface as the serious problem. The Korean government since the appearance Kim Dae-Jung administration is consistently seeking to appeasement approaches toward the North Korea below the slogan named "Sunshine Policy". In contrast to the this approach. the Japanese government is taking a series of hard-line North Korea policies. It is needless to say that Japan's stem policies toward the North Korea was originated from the uncompromising and hostile activities of the North Korea such as the kidnapping incidents. and the unexpected mid-range missile test across the Japanese territory. In spite of the gap of the interests of two nations, it is essential to make common efforts to alleviate the hostile attitude of the North Korea for the peace and security in northeast Asia area. In this context, we need to give impetus for the Japanese government to resume the normalization negotiation. suspended since 1992. with the North Korea, and take a positive role in KEDO project herself.

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