백사(白沙) 이항복(李恒福)의 「조천록(朝天錄)」 연구(硏究)

이성형 ( Soung Hyung Lee ) 한국한자한문교육학회 2006 漢字 漢文敎育 Vol.17 No.-

本稿는 白沙 李恒福이 ``丁應泰의 誣告事件``을 해결하기 위해서 陳奏使로 明에 다녀오면서 見聞과 所懷를 기록한 「朝天錄」을 연구함으로써 文學世界와 함께 使行文學으로써의 의의를 찾고자 하였다. 使行文學은 使命의 완수를 위한 公的 목적을 가지고 있기 때문에 일반 紀行文學과는 다른 성격을 갖고 있지만, 使臣은 일반적으로 뛰어난 文士중에서 선발되었기 때문에 창작된 작품의 수준이 높았으며, 특히 白沙의 「朝天錄」은 對明關係 使行文學 硏究에 중요한 작품으로써의 가치를 갖고 있다. 「朝天錄」의 문학세계는 크게 ``異國景物에 대한 稱歎``, ``使行旅程의 哀歡``, ``憂國愛民의 衷情``, ``歷史의 鑑戒``로 나누어 분석해 볼 수 있다. 「朝天錄」의 문학적 의의는 기존의 使行錄에 비하여 한층 발전적인 모습의 내용과 형식을 제시함으로써, 후대 使行錄과 使行文學이 내용과 형식면에서 다양하고 우수한 많은 작품들이 창작되는데 영향을 주었을 것으로 보인다. 앞으로의 남은 과제는 아직까지 연구가 미진한 使行文學에 대한 특징을 고찰함으로써 使行文學고유의 문학적 의의를 도출해 내고, 또한 古文家로서 인정을 받았던 白沙에 대한 연구가 필요하다고 할 수 있겠다. This article is aimed at investigating the significance of emissary literature by studying "Jocheonnok" in which experiences and impressions on the way to Ming are recorded by envoy Baeksa Lee Hang-bok to solve the false charge case on Jeong Eung-tae. Emissary literature is different to general travel literature because it has a public goal to accomplish an envoy mission. However, emissary literature works are excellent because they were written by envoys selected among excellent literary men. In particular, Baeksa`s Jocheonnok is valuable as an important work for the study of the emissary literature related to Ming. The literary world of Jocheonnok can be analyzed by roughly dividing it into "impression on foreign culture," "joys and sorrows of the envoy trip," "patriotism," and "historical lessons." Jocheonnok is meaningful in literature in that it was likely to have an effect on the creation of excellent emissary literature works with various contents and styles by suggesting more developed contents and styles compared to the existing emissary literature. In the future, it is expected to discover the unique significance of emissary literature by investigating its characteristics which have not been fully researched and to study on Baeksa who was recognized as an brilliant literary man in old times.

연헌(蓮軒) 이의무(李宜茂)의 한시(漢詩) 일고찰(一考察) - 『잡시류(雜詩類)』를 중심(中心)으로 -

이성형 ( Lee Soung-hyung ) 근역한문학회 2021 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.58 No.-

李宜茂는 조선 成宗과 燕山君 대에 주로 활동했던 대표적인 문신으로 시문이 뛰어났고, 문장의 품평에 탁월했으며, 문한에 관련된 일에 모두 참여한 인물이었다. 이의무의 문집인 『蓮軒雜稿』에는 352제 496수의 한시가 수록되어 있는데, 卷2의 「雜詩類」는 다양한 주제의 215제 338수의 한시가 수록되어 있다. 「잡시류」의 작품세계로 먼저 酒中仙의 風貌와 安穩自適의 趨向을 노정한 작품을 보면, 이 의무는 원래 詩酒를 매우 즐겨서 스스로 ‘酒中仙’을 자임했는데, 시주를 매개로 자신의 豪狂함을 드러내기도 하고, 혹은 安穩自適한 생활을 보여주었다. 이는 당시의 혼란했던 정국에서 포부는 크지만 만년에 낮은 관직에 蹇滯되어 시주를 통해서 위안을 받으려 했던 것으로 이해된다. 두 번째로 典故의 代喩를 통한 포부를 표명한 작품을 보면, 여러 작품에서 전고를 즐겨 사용했는데 그 중에서는 전고의 대유를 통해서 은연중에 자신의 포부를 표명하는 경향을 확인할 수 있다. 아울러 이의무가 강서파의 송시풍을 추구했음을 알 수 있다. 세 번째로 仕宦에 대한 矛盾感情의 노정을 표현한 작품을 통해서는 처한 위치와 상반되는 상황을 동경하고 추구하는 경향을 볼 수 있다. 기실 이러한 심리기제는 관료문인들의 일반적인 경향이지만, 이의무는 당시의 시대 분위기와 자유로운 성품 등으로 다른 문인들에 비하여 그 경향성이 농후한 편이다. 네 번째로 「잡시류」에 목민관이나 사행을 떠나는 인물에 대한 송별시의 비중이 높아 致君澤民과 壯遊를 勸勉한 작품이 많다. 교유했던 인물이 목민관으로 부임을 앞두고 있을 경우는 선정을 권면하는 것과 더불어 歸養을 중시하는 경향을 확인할 수 있다. 또한 중국 사행은 장유를 위한 기회로 인식했음을 알 수 있다. Lee Eui-moo is a representative tattoo that was mainly active in Joseon Seongjong and Yeonsan-gun, and was excellent in poetry, excellent in the quality of sentences, and is evaluated as a person who participated in all publications related work. In Lee Eui-moo’s collection of books, Yeonheonjapgo, contains 352 Chinese poems of 496 verses, while Book2’s “Jabshiryu” contains 215 articles 338 verses of various themes. First, look at the work that expresses the appearance of Bacchus in alcohol and the pursuit of a comfortable and free life, Lee Eui-moo originally enjoyed poetry and liquor very much, and was proud of himself as ‘Bacchus in alcohol’. He showed his excitement through poetry and alcohol, or showed his free life. It is understood that in the turbulent times of the time, hopes were great, but in the later years, he was delayed by a low government office and tried to receive comfort through poetry and alcohol. Secondly, looking at the works that expressed hope through the great metaphor of the classics, it can be seen that Lee Eui-moo pursued the Song Dynasty Chinese poetry style. Lee Eui-moo liked to use classics in several works, and among them, through the metaphor of his classics, it is possible to confirm the tendency to reveal his hopes in his implicit appearance. Third, through the works expressing the contradictory feelings toward his head, we can see the tendency to long for and pursue situations that are contrary to his position. In fact, this psychology is a general tendency of bureaucrats, but Lee Eui-moo has a clear tendency compared to other literary figures due to the atmosphere of the times and the free nature of the time. Fourth, the proportion of farewells to people leaving local governments or envoy’s is high in “Jabshiryu”, so many works recommend sightseeing with Chiguntaekmin. When a person with whom he has been associated is about to be assigned to a local government office, he tends to focus on working well and filial piety.

만운(晩雲) 정충신(鄭忠信)의 『백사선생북천일록(白沙先生北遷日錄)』 연구(硏究)

이성형 ( Lee Soung-hyung ) 근역한문학회 2016 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.45 No.-

『白沙先生北遷日錄』은 晩雲 鄭忠信(1576~1636)이 廢母論에 반대해서 北靑으로 유배된 白沙 李恒福(1556~1618)을 배행하면서 白沙의 언행과 일화를 기록한 유배일기이다. 『북천일록』은 ‘서문·일기·정사수의수초·발문`으로 구성되어 독립된 서책의 형식을 갖추고 간행되었다. 일기에는 선별된 白沙의 한시가 수록되어 있고, 본문의 내용을 보충하기 위해서 주석이 보강되어 있다. 『북천일록』의 내용으로 먼저 ‘憂國衷情과 量時處己`에 대한 내용은 당시 시대변화의 大槪를 설명하고, 이에 대처하는 白沙의 신념과 충의를 통해서 후인들에게 바람직한 ‘量時處己`의 가르침을 담고 있다. 두 번째로 ‘配所生活과 生別의 苦惱`에 대한 내용은 풍요로워 보이는 일상 이면의 고뇌와 가족들과의 生別에 대한 苦惱를 담고 있다. 세 번째로 ‘行路難과 治喪過程의 感慨`에 대한 내용은 불순한 일기와 험한 노정을 통해서 격었던 行路難과 白沙의 치상과정에서 보여준 수많은 인사들의 애도를 담고 있다. 『북천일록』은 객관적인 서술에 머물면서 문학성이 부족한 한계가 있다. 그러나 간행 직후부터 많은 문인들에게 愛讀되었고, 특히 白沙의 忠義에 깊은 감동을 표명한 경우가 많다. 따라서 『북천일록』은 ‘忠臣言行錄`의 성격이 농후한 유배일기로 판단된다. 『Bukcheon Ilrok(北遷日錄) of Baesa(白沙) Sunsaeng(白沙先生北遷日錄)』 is an exile diary in which deeds and anecdote of Baesa(白沙) Lee, Hang-Bok(李恒 福, 1556~1618) were written while Manwoon(晩雲) accompanied Baesa(白沙) who was exiled to Bukchung(北靑) due to objection to Pyemoron(廢母論). 『Bukcheon Ilrok(北遷日錄)』 was composed of ‘introduction, diary, Chungsa Sueui Sucho(丁巳獻議手草), epilogue` and published in a form of independent book. In this diary, Sino-Korean poetry of Baesa(白沙) was contained and footnote was supported in order to supplement contents of main text. First, contents of ‘patriotism and Yangsicheogi(量時處己)` in ‘Bukcheon Ilrok (北遷日錄)` explains general outline of change of times at that time and contains teaching of desirable ‘Yangsicheogi(量時處己)` to future generation through belief and loyalty of Baesa(白沙). Second, contents of exiled life and agony of separation contain anguish in a hidden side of daily life that looks to be affluent and agony of separation from family. Third, contents of deep emotion for hard life and funeral process contain hard life experienced through bad weather and tough journey and mourning of numerous persons shown in funeral service of Baesa(白沙). 『Bukcheon Ilrok(北遷日錄)』 has a limitation that it lacks literary sense while remaining at objective narration. However, right after its publication, it was enjoyed by many literary persons and in many cases, deep emotion for loyalty of Baesa(白沙), in particular, was expressed. Therefore, ‘Bukcheon Ilrok(北遷日錄)` is considered to be an exile diary imbued with a nature of Chungshin Eunhaengrok (忠臣言行錄, memoirs of loyalists).

OBD의 차량 진단 정보를 위한 IoT 장치 개발

이성형(Seong-Hyung Lee),이성희(Seong-Hee Lee),이상문(Sang-Moon Lee),황승훈(Seung-Hoon Hwang) 한국통신학회 2015 한국통신학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2015 No.1

무음 압축을 이용하는 음성 통신 시스템을 위한 동적 버퍼 관리 알고리즘

이성형(Sung-Hyung Lee),이현진(Hyun-Jin Lee),김재현(Jae-Hyun Kim),이형주(Hyung-Joo Lee),허미정(Mi-Jeong Hoh),최증원(Jeung-Won Choi),신상헌(Sang-heon Shin),김태완(Tae-Wan Kim) 한국통신학회 2012 韓國通信學會論文誌 Vol.37 No.7

天槎大觀 과 路程記 의 相關關係와 內容構成 比較 1) 1. 緖 論 2. 作者間 交遊關係와 刊行目的 分析 3. 天槎大觀 과 路程記 의 相關關係

李聖炯(Lee Soung-hyung) 대동한문학회 2016 大東漢文學 Vol.49 No.-

少痊 金德承(1595~1658)과 市北 南以雄(1575~1648)의 교유는 1645 년부터 확인되지만, 月沙 李廷龜(1564~1635) 집안과의 밀접한 교유를 매개로 보다 이른 시기에 교유했던 것으로 추정된다. 또한 같은 西人이고, 관직 이력을 살펴볼 때 1624년을 전후한 시기에도 서로 교유했을 가능성이 농후했다. 당시 해로 연행 노정에 대한 정보가 부족한 상황이었기 때문에, 市北이 평소 교유가 있었던 少痊의 天槎大觀 을 필사해서 路程記 를 제작했다고 추정된다. 두 작자의 문집을 고찰해 보면, 少痊集 의 草稿가 아들에 의해서 정리된 반면 市北遺稿 는 5대손에 의해서 정리되어, 市北遺稿 의 내용에 대해서는 치밀한 고증이 필요하다. 두 연행록의 幷序와 後記를 고찰해보면, 天 槎大觀 은 작자와 저작시기 및 저작 장소, 저작 목적 등을 구체적으로 확인할 수 있기 때문에 少痊의 저작이 분명하다. 반면, 路程記 의 평범한 후기를 통해서는 路程記 가 市北의 저작임을 특정하기에는 한계가 있다. 두 연행록의 相關關係에 대해서는 天槎大觀 의 小註로 異本의 존재가 확인되는데, 그 내용이 路程記 에서 확인된다는 점과 개인적인 견문과 소회의 서술이 서로 일치하는 점, 그리고 동일한 오류가 재생산 되는 점을 통해서 路程記 가 天槎大觀 의 이본임을 알 수 있다. 두 연행록의 내용구성을 비교해 보면, 우선 상이한 서술로 서로 결락이나 오류를 보완한 부분이 있고, 간략하게 변형되거나 축약된 서술이 확인되며, 諱法의 상이한 적용 양상이 보인다. 이를 통해서 路程記 는 市北의 저작 이지만, 창작본이 아니고 天槎大觀 의 筆寫本임을 알 수 있다. 다음으로 내용 구성상의 차이를 살펴보면 路程記 에서는 天槎大觀 의 ‘安州牧’에 대한 서술이 누락되었고, 小題에 대한 누락이나 부정확한 사용이 확인된다. 또한 노정과 내용이 혼재되었다. 이를 통해서 초고가 혼재 되어 전해졌던 정황과 市北遺稿 가 간행될 때에 天槎大觀 을 참고하지 않았음도 알 수 있다. Association between Sojeon(少痊) Kim Deok-seung(金德承, 1595~1658) and Sibuk(市北) Nam Yi-wung(南以雄, 1575~1648) was confirmed from 1645 but it is presumed that such association would be taken place at an earlier times based on close association with Wolsa(月沙) Lee Jeong-gu(李 廷龜, 1564~1635) family as media. In view of same Seo-in(西人) and their public service career, their mutual association was highly likely to be taken place around the times of 1624. At that time, as information for sea route itinerary to Qing Dynasty was not sufficient, it is presumed that Sibuk(市北) would have written ‘Rojunggi(路程記)’ by transcribing ‘Cheonchadaegwan(天槎大觀)’ of Sojeon(少痊) with whom he had an association at normal times. When considering anthology of those two writers, while draft of ‘Sojeonjib(少痊集)’ was summarized by his son, ‘Sibuk draft(市北遺稿)’ was arranged by 5th generation and so, its contents requires close historical research. When considering preface and postscript of two travel assays, in case of ‘Cheonchadaegwan(天槎大觀)’, as its writer, written times, place and objective could be confirmed in detail, it is clear that such book was written by Sojeon(少痊). Through an ordinary postscript of ‘Rojunggi(路程 記)’, there is a limitation in specifically defining that ‘Rojunggi(路程記)’ was written by Sibuk(市北). Regarding correlation of two Qing Dynasty travel assays, existence of different version is confirmed by footnote of ‘Cheonchadaegwan(天槎大 觀)’ and it could be realized that ‘Rojunggi(路程記)’ is different version of ‘Cheonchadaegwan(天槎大觀)’ in terms of the fact that its contents are coincided with that of ‘Rojunggi(路程記)’, narration of personal experience and impression is coincided with each other and same error was taken place repeatedly. When comparing contents composition of those two assays, first, there was a part supplementing omission or error by different narration and simply transformed or abbreviated description were confirmed and different application of illegality was observed. Through this, it could be seen that ‘Rojunggi(路程記)’ was written by Sibuk(市北) but it is a manuscript of ‘Cheonchadaegwan(天槎大觀)’, not created by Sibuk(市北). As a next step, when observing difference of contents composition, in ‘Rojunggi(路程記)’, description for ‘Anjumok(安州牧)’ of ‘Cheonchadaegwan (天槎大觀)’ was omitted and omission or incorrect use of subtitle was confirmed. In addition, its contents were mixed with travel itinerary. Through this, it could be realized that its draft was transmitted in a mixed form and when publishing ‘Sibuk draft(市北遺稿)’, ‘Cheonchadaegwan(天 槎大觀)’ was not referenced as well.

매계(梅溪) 조위(曺偉)의 연행문학(燕行文學) 연구(硏究)

이성형 ( Soung Hyung Lee ) 한국한문고전학회(구 성신한문학회) 2012 漢文古典硏究 Vol.25 No.1

本稿는 梅溪曺偉(1454~1503)의 문집에 수록된 燕行關聯作品을 고찰함으로써 매계의 燕行文學의 성격과 특징을 밝히고자 한다. 먼저「연행록」에 대한 고증적 고찰을 통해서 연행록의 명칭문제와 연행관련 작품들을 고찰해 보았다. 연행관련 작품을 연행기간, 연행노정, 교유시기 등을 근거로 고찰해 보았다. 기존「연행록」의 54題73首의 작품 중 31題 41首의 작품이 연행관련 작품으로 분류되었다. 또한 연행문학의 성격을 고찰하기 위해서 증별시 5題5首의 작품, 홍귀달의 증서류 산문 1편을 연행관련 작품으로 분류하였다. 연행시의 작품세계는 크게 ‘觀光興懷의 稱歎과 鄕愁’, ‘交遊人士에 대한 勸勉과 敬慕’, ‘史蹟에서의 弔古와 鑑戒’로 나누어 살펴 보았다. 먼저 ‘觀光興懷의 稱歎과 鄕愁’를 노정한 작품세계에서 매계는 연행을 앞둔동료에 대한 贈別詩를 통해서 관광에 대한 기대감과 참신한 작품을 창작하고자 하는 열망을 노정하기도 하였다. 연행에서는 이국적인 경물을 접하게 되면칭탄의 情感을 노정 하였다. 또한 번화한 도시를 경과할 때면 明을 中華로서 실감하기도 하였다. 다만, 오랜 연행노정에서 오는 行路難에 봉착하면 鄕愁感을 숨기지 않는 인간적인 면모도 확인 할 수 있다. 두 번째로 ‘交遊人士에 대한 勸勉과 敬慕’의 소회를 표현한 작품을 살펴보았다. 매계는 교유인사들에게 異國景物의 觀光이나, 이를 통한 새로운 詩作의 계기로 삼을 것을 권면하곤 하였는데, 이러한 관점은 文以載道論的認識을 보여주는 것이다. 또한 북경에서 교유한 인물에 대해서는 인품과 학식에 대하여敬慕의 마음을 드러냈다. 다만 외교라는 특수한 상황으로 시문의 주제와 내용이 다분히 稱頌과 敬慕로 일관하는 경향을 보여준다. 세 번째로 ‘史蹟에서의 弔古와 鑑戒’를 표현한 작품들을 통해서 매계의 역사인식 양상을 고찰해 보았다. 매계는 진시황에 대해 상반된 평가를 보여주고있는데, 진시황의 功過에 대한 냉정한 역사인식을 볼 수 있다. 특히 만리장성에 대한 긍정적인 평가는 관방의 효용성, 선진 문물로서의 상징과 더불어 명대 후반까지 장성의 축성이 지속되었던 시대상황도 복합적으로 영향을 주었던 것으로 보인다. 역사적 장소에서는 弔古와 鑑戒를 드러냈음을 알 수 있다. 이처럼 매계는 史蹟과 역사적 장소를 경과하면서 단순히 弔古의 感傷에만 머물지 않고, 과거사의 비판적 인식과 재평가를 통해서 溫故知新과 前轍不踏의 鑑戒를 얻고자 했다. 매계 연행문학의 문학적 의의로는 먼저 燕行詩는 蘇軾및 江西詩派의 영향을 많이 받았음을 알 수 있는데, 한시의 형식은 칠언율시가 대부분이고, 수사상 用典과 換骨奪胎法등이 자주 사용되었다. 다음으로 매계 燕行詩는 칠언율시 위주의 서정적인 작품세계를 추구했고, 적극적인 교유 관계가 보인다. This article aims to consider the works about traveling contained in the collection of Maegye (梅溪) Jowi (曺偉) (1454~1503) and examine the features and characteristics of Maegye`s travel literature. First of all, this study considered the naming of Yeonhaengrok and works about traveling through historical investigation on 「Yeonhaengrok」 based on the period of traveling, process of traveling, and the period of social intercourse, etc. Among the existing works of 54 Je (題) 73 Su (首) contained in 「Yeonhaengrok」, the works of 31 Je (題) 41 Su (首) were classified as the ones dealing with traveling. Also, to consider the characteristics of travel literature, this paper classified Jeungbeolsi (贈別詩) works of 5 Je (題) 5 su (首) and Hong Gwi Dal`s work of Zengxulei prose as the works of traveling. Yeonhaengsi`s world of works was examined largely in the following divisions: ``admiration of the pleasure in the process of tourism and nostalgia``, ``encouragement and respect regarding the persons of social intercourse``, and ``sad emotion and lessons from old history at the historic sites``. First of all, in the world of works dealing with ``admiration of the pleasure in the process of tourism and nostalgia``, Maegye wrote Jeungbeolsi for this coworkers who were about to travel to express his passion to create novel works and expectation for the tourism. And during traveling, when he encountered something exotic, he expressed the emotion of admiration. Also, when he passed by a prosperous city, he felt Ming (明) as China. Yet, once facing difficulty in the process of a long journey, he showed his humane aspects as well not hiding his nostalgia. Second, this study examined the works expressing the perspectives of ``encouragement and respect regarding the persons of social intercourse``. Maegye also recommended the persons of social intercourse to take the tourism of exoticness as a chance to write a new poem. This viewpoint shows his consciousness of Munijaedoron (文以載道論). Also, for the figure of his social intercourse in Peking, he expressed respect for his character and knowledge. Yet, for the specific situation of diplomacy, he tended to be very consistent with compliment and respect in terms of his poetry`s topics and contents. Third, this study considered the aspects of Maegye`s historic consciousness through the works expressing ``sad emotion and lessons from old history at the historic sites``. Maegye`s evaluation on Qinshihuangdi is quite contrary. He had such rational historic consciousness about Qinshihuangdi`s desert. Particularly, hispositive evaluation on the Great Wall of China seems to have been affected by not only the utility of Kameralismus and the symbol of advanced culture but the periodic situation that the wall was built until the latter period of Ming complexly. We can see that he did recalling and showed admiration at the historic sites. As passing by the relics or historic sites, Maegye did not simply do recalling or show admiration but tried to get impressions through Ongojisin (溫 故知新) and Jeoncheolbuldap (前轍不踏) by recognizing and reevaluating history critically. Regarding the literary significance of Maegye`s travel literature, first, we can see that Yeonhaengsi (燕行詩) was influenced greatly by Sosik (蘇軾) or Gangseosi School (江西詩派). The form of Chinese poetry mostly adopted was Chileonyulsi, and in terms of rhetoric, Yongjeon (用典) or Hwangoltaltae Method (換骨奪胎法) was often taken. Next, Maegye`s Yeonhaengsi pursued the world of lyrical works centering around Chileonyulsi and showed positive social intercourse.

웨이블릿 변환을 이용한 딥러닝 기반 단기 풍력발전 출력예측 개선에 관한 연구

김지후(Jihoo Kim),김재경(Jae-Kyeong Kim),이상호(Sang-Ho Lee),허진(Jin Hur) 대한전기학회 2022 대한전기학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2022 No.4

연행록(燕行錄)의 백이(伯夷),숙제(叔齊) 관련 한시(漢詩) 연구 -임란(壬亂) 수습기(收拾期)를 중심으로-

이성형 ( Sung Hyung Lee ) 근역한문학회 2010 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.31 No.-

This study considered characteristics of chinese poets associated with Baek-Y & Suk-Jae (伯夷·叔齊) who were mostly referred as a subject matter in the Yeonhaeng-Rok(燕行錄), classifying them by a system, form, subject and contents. First, as for a system and a form, the subject showed characteristic of memorizing and intending Baek-Y and Suk-Jae(伯夷·叔齊) using the term ``Al(謁)``. Also the trend of increasing rate of the importance and adding reference list and notes shows the writer` intending discussion. This may influenced on the appearance of a prose of the Yeonhaengrok(燕行錄) and the Yeonhaeng-Gasa(燕行歌辭, lyrics of the Yeonhaengrok) in the late of Chosun(朝鮮). Poets looked to have a property of memorizing the past. This is because the characteristic of a travel essay which the Yeonhaeng(燕行) has in its meaning and a discussion-value of historical persons were shedded a light at that time. As for characteristic of the subject and contents, the poets which intensified and expanded the spatial perception of Baek-Y and Suk-Jae(伯夷·叔齊) were disclosed to expand the spatial perception of the time of Baek-Y and Suk-Jae(伯夷·叔齊) as a holy place. In particular, it showed a potential that the scope of the perception on the holy place would extend to the whole Chosun(朝鮮) country through the novel written by Jung Mun-Bu(鄭文孚). Next, the writer looked to intensify his positive understanding of Baek-Y and Suk-Jae(伯夷·叔齊), on which the consciousness of Jaejojieun(再造之恩, A grace received when somebody is in serious difficulty) might affect as an important factor. means, the loyalty that Baek-Y and Suk-Jae(伯夷·叔齊) had was in the same horizon of the perception of the Jaejojieun(再造之恩) that intellectuals of the Chosun(朝鮮) after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 kept and intended as a final target. In addition, the perception of the Jaejojieun(再造之恩) decisively intensified the respect and admiration for the Chinese Myung(明) dynasty that the perception and the assesment on Baek-Y and Suk-Jae(伯夷·叔齊) could be further intensified. The aspect of intensifying positive perception and values on Baek-Y and Suk-Jae (伯夷·叔齊) was disclosed by shedding lights on their lives and glorifying their loyalty and ethics. Second, the writer put a high value on their reasonable and peaceful suggestion to solve the problem without self interest comparing with other heros and scholars. Third, the writer showed his firm perception on the loyal action and its justification through argues against Samacheon(司馬遷) and Jangja(莊子) for their assesment on Baek-Yi and Suk-Jae(伯夷·叔齊). A significance which the poets has in the literature history is that it shows a characteristic of memorizing and glorifying the past in its form wise, and a perception on the loyalty and ethics was positively intensified in its contents wise.

연행시(燕行詩)에 나타난 동팔참(東八站) 구간(區間) 인식양상(認識樣相) 고찰(考察) -임란(壬亂) 수습기(收拾期)를 중심으로-

이성형 ( Soung Hyung Lee ) 근역한문학회 2012 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.35 No.-

This article aims to consider the aspects of recognition on the section of Dongpalcham(東八站) shown in yeonhaengsi(燕行詩; travel poems) during the settlement period after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592(壬亂 收拾期) focusing on the aspects of recognition on ``sense of space`` and ``sense of place``. Dongpalcham refers to the eight yeokcham(驛站) in ``Guryeon-seong(九連城) → Tangcham(湯站) → Bonghwang-seong(鳳凰城) → Songcham(松站)→ Tongwonbo(通遠堡) → Yeonsankwan(連山關) → Cheomsucham(甛水站) → Dukwancham(頭關站)`` from Aprok-river(鴨綠江). During the settlement period after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Guryeon-seong and Yeonsankwan could not play their roles; thus, in fact, only the six yeokcham did play their roles properly. This section was the substantial starting and also ending point for traveling, and the natural environment provided the section that gave the sense of familiarity since its mountains and streams were similar to Chosun(朝鮮)`s. Yet, the names of yeokcham differ by periods according to the installation or roles of Seong(城)·Jin(鎭)·Bo(堡). In the process to write the proper nouns of regions with the eumcha(音借) and huncha(訓借), we can see various expressions of Chinese characters with similar sounds. Yeonhaengsa recognized the section of Dongpalcham during the settlement period after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 with the opposite feelings of ``sense of space`` and ``sense of place``. First of all, ``the strange feelings to the foreign territory`` let yeonhaengsa feel Dongpalcham with ``sense of space``. They recognized Dongpalcham as ``the space of strange territory`` where they could actually experience the language, costume, and system different from Chosun`s as the territory of Myeong crossing the borderline space of Aprok-gang. Generally, as we get to have feelings of openness, freedom, and threatening when we face the unknown area of space, the yeonhaengsi also expresses strangeness, anxiety, sense of difference, or critical consciousness. The spatiality to Dongpalcham is recognized as the aspects of ``familiarity according to the similarity and experience``. First of all, the similarity felt from the natural environment does not show any deepened aspects much. And in the aspects of familiarity resulted from the reconstruction of experience, as the repeated experiences and the place they could find again on their way home accumulated, spatiality is getting elevated even more. We can also see from the yeonhaengsa`s recognition on the space the aspect that ironic emotion becomes some kind of anger. Such expression of emotion and recognition is resulted from the features of traveling. Also, it was the first time to experience the travel in most of the times, so they tended to show great determination as they expressed the anxiety over the entrance to the unknown space, exhaustion from the journey, overcoming of the fear, or expectation to the new world and also provided meaning to it positively. From here, we can see the aspects of recognition on Dongpalcham as the space to experience ``jangyu (壯遊)`` naturally. This also shows the recognition on the place opposite to the confusing international circumstances at that time. It is because the degree of leaning towards Myeong was getting greater because of the toadyism and the consciousness of gratitude for re-founding the country which was getting more deepened then. This kind of ironic recognition of the place tended to get more deepened among the intellectuals of Chosun gradually as they passed through the settlement period after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592