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      • 일제시기 공립보통학교 재정 운영 -학교비 특별부과금을 중심으로-

        윤현상 ( Hyunsang Yoon ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2015 韓國史論 Vol.61 No.-

        This thesis focused on the system of furnishing finance for public common school in Japanese colonial period. For this theme the research concentrated on the system of appropriating finance mainly through levies and subsidies of provisional finance, and studied significance and limitation of the system. In particular, thesis determined that Japanese authorities had intended to manipulate the supply amount of rural public common schools after 1920s, and that special levy and limitation rate of ``surtax on household rate`` were de facto measures to implement their intention. In 1910``s finance for public common school was mainly appropriated by ``the public common school legislation(公立普通學校費用令)`. `The legislation`` secured its revenue from interest from provisional royal bounty, earnings from properties of confucian temples and subsidies. Since total amount of interest from royal bounty and confucian temples`` earnings were fixed, only small amount of public common schools were able to be managed with those revenues. Therefore, increase of subsidies or utilization of other revenues were necessary in order to found more schools. Nevertheless Japanese government general had no will to increase subsidies for education of Koreans. In turn, it made up for the cost on public common schools by increasing levies, imposed on people populated in corresponding region. This was possible due to positive cognizance change of Koreans on public common schools from mid-1910s. As enthusiasm for education grew on a nation-wide scale after 3.1 movement, Japanese government general tried to make levies into main financial source, which were collected only at unavoidable situations in 1910s. Therefore, newly established ``Korean local school bard expense legislation(朝鮮學校費令)`` depended on levies for its main revenue. Levies for local school board expense were imposed on local tax, and in this course rural and urban areas were treated differently. In rural areas certain levies for public common school expense were added on land tax and household rate(戶稅), whereas in cities those were added on urban tax(市街地稅) and house rate(家屋稅). However, levies were added without sufficiently organized local taxation, resultingly exposing plenty of imperfections on tax equality. This was severe especially in cities where sizeable population was inhabiting in small area. To resolve this problem ``special levy(rate on household)`` was established on cities and collected. Through this measure it was able to secure revenues based on households in both cities and rural areas, and at the same time inequality of house rate could be avoided either. Special levies on urban areas contributed to expansion of public common schools in cities. Japanese government general strictly regulated the expansion of public common schools in rural areas through the limitation rate of surtax on household rate, while applying relatively alleviated standard on cities by special lay. Certain measure was related to Japanese government general``s basic policy; putting rural education mainly on technical education, in contrast with relating urban education to advanced schools. Japanese government general justified this policy through saying that urban areas were in good condition(時勢) and had sufficient cultural level(民度) to accept elementary education. As a result, urban areas could maintain much better common school facilities and higher enrollment ratio than rural areas. Meanwhile in the system of local school board expense, subsidies were managed in passive and inflexible way. The Government subsidies on public common schools were limited to retiring allowances for teachers, and subsidies of provisional finance were yearly offered in same amount, or proportionately upon the number of students. Due to this offering method, the bigger the quantitative scale of common schools, the lesser effect of subsidies was. In addition, it was unable to resolve the differential between regions with subsidies. Since subsidies were disclosing inflexibility, expense upon enlargement of the number of public common schools virtually had to be dependent on increase of levies. Due to the 1936`s 2nd expansion plan for Korean elementary education, Korean common education was sharply enlarged quantitatively. Japanese government general tried to appropriate the increasing educational cost not through increment of subsidies but through bond flotation in rural areas, and establishing special levies for repayment of flotation cost. Government general propagated that rural areas`` condition and cultural level had been ameliorated in order to j u s e its imposing special levies on rural areas. However, burden of establishing more schools had to be fully shouldered by relevant region, because the offering method was maintained in the circumstances of degeneration of rural economic condition. In this situation, fulfillment of compulsory education which Japanese authorities had clarified in 1942 was virtually still far-off.

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        일제 하 교육재정 국고보조금의 지급과 ‘국민교육’

        윤현상(Yoon, Hyun-sang) 호서사학회 2018 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.86

        일제 하 조선인과 일본인 교육은 후기로 갈수록 동일한 법 제도하에서 운영되도록 변화하였다. 그러나 해방 때 까지 조선인과 일본인 교육의 구조적 차별은 계속되었다. 이는 조선인과 일본인 교육재정이 계속해서 분리 운영되었기 때문이었다. 조선인과 일본인 교육재정의 차이는 ‘국고보조금’의 지급 유무에서 가장 두드러지게 나타났다. 일본인은 전체 재정의 10~20%정도의 국고보조를 받은 반면, 조선인에 대한 국고보조는 전체의 0.2%내외에 불과했다. 국고보조금의 지급은 일본의 ‘국민교육’ 방침과 밀접한 연관이 있었다. 통감부시절부터 일본 본국에서는 ‘국민교육’을 위해 재조일본인들에게 보조금을 지급하였다. 이는 일본 본국에서 일본인들이 받는 혜택과 종종 비교되었으며, 식민지민들을 지도할 ‘국민’으로서 일본인들을 교육시키기 위하여 지원되는 것이었다. 따라서 조선인들에게 국고보조금이 지급 될 여지는 없었다. 1930년대 후반에 이르러서야 조선인에게 일본의 예에 따라 ‘국고보조금’을 지급하겠다는 선언이 등장하였다. 그러나 이러한 선언은 실제 이루어지지 않았으며, 실상 민족별 국고보조금의 지급 격차는 점점 커져갔다. 그 결과 교육재정에서 국고보조금의 지급 차이는, 일제가 조선인과 일본인을 ‘국민’으로서 어떻게 인식하고 있었는지를 확인시켜 주고 있다. The education system during the Japanese colonial period gradually changed so that the Koreans and the Japanese received education under the same legal system. However, the structural discrimination against the education for Koreans continued until Korea was liberated. This was due to the continued separated management of the education budget about Korean and Japanese students. The difference in the education budget for Koreans and Japanese was most conspicuous by the proportion of state subsidies. While 10 to 20% of the entire budget for Japanese students was subsidized by the state, the state subsidy for Korean students accounted for merely 0.2% of the entire budget. The provision of state subsidies was closely linked with the national education policy of Japan. The Japanese mainland provided state subsidies for “national education” to the Japanese citizens residing in Korea since the rule of the Resident-General of Korea. This was usually compared with the benefits that the citizens of the Japanese mainland received and was intended to support the education of the Japanese “citizens” who would be overseeing colonial Korea. It was highly unlikely for the Koreans to receive state subsidies. Only by the late 1930s was it announced that Koreans will be receiving the same amount of state subsidy as the Japanese. This announcement, however, was not realized and the gap in the amount of state subsidies increased in time. The difference in the proportion of state subsidies in the education budget now serves as an example of how Japan discriminated against Koreans in favor of the Japanese “citizens.”

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        1920년대 총독부 교육재정 정책의 변화와 공립보통학교 설립열의 확산

        윤현상 ( Yoon Hyun Sang ) 역사문제연구소 2016 역사문제연구 Vol.20 No.1

        Two phenomena-the upsurge in the establishment of public common schools and the rise of the education craze-well showcase the education craze in Korean public common schools in the 1920s. The education craze in Korea has been previously understood as a result of change in the Koreans` perception towards modern education. However, the establishment of schools, which led to the education fever in the early 1920s, was a practical act, and was necessarily related to the various circumstances of the era. It, therefore, is important to take the social and economic context, which made the collective act of establishing schools possible, into consideration. Education finance in the 1910s was run by subsidies from property of the local Hyanggyo schools and local taxation and was indirectly funded by Koreans. Under the Korean Local School Board Expense Legislation in the 1920s, on the other hand, Koreans directly pay an earmarked tax called the “local school board expense (hag`kyo-bi).” Through this, Koreans were able to acknowledge the concept of education tax. The local school board expense was imposed on the residents in gun(郡, districts) in the order of property, and whether schools existed were not of consideration in the process. Accordingly, dissatisfaction arose in districts without schools as they were unable to benefit from school education despite taxation. Such injustice in taxation system set the cause for the demand to establish educational facilities. The Japanese Government General could not ignore the Koreans` reasonable demand which has been induced by the tax system. In the end, the Korean education fever, which is signified by the establishment of public common schools in the 1920s, was formed as the perception towards modern education changed, with the added influence of the Korean local school board expense legislation, the gun(郡, districts) tax system. The Korean education fever was a complex result which was closely influenced by and affected the policies set by the Japanese Government General.

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