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      • KCI등재

        조선왕조 1600년경 편찬 족보의 계보형태와 특성 -1606년 편찬 『진양하씨세보(晉陽河氏世譜), 만력본(萬曆本))』의 분석을 중심으로

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2012 大東文化硏究 Vol.77 No.-

        조선왕조시대의 족보는 신분제의 유동성에서 기인하고 신분적 배타성에 의거하여 동일계층의 사회집단을 결집하려는 의도로 편찬되었다. 그러나 한편으로 족보 편찬에는 네트워크의 개방성에 기인하여 편찬에 참가하는 가계가 끊임없이 확산되고 교체되는 변화를 겪는다. 말하자면 선별적이고 계층적인 집단화의 배타성과, 혼인과 더불어 무한히 확대되는 네트워크의 개방성이라는 두 가지 서로 다른 원리로 족보가 편찬되었다. 조선시대 족보의 계보형태와 기재사항이 부계혈연집단의 결집을 강화하는 방향으로만 작용하지는 않았다는 것이다. 1600년경에 편찬된 족보들은 그 전과 후에 편찬된 족보들의 계보형태와 그 특성 이 갖는 연속성과 변화를 동시에 보여준다. 특히 『진양하씨세보(만력본)』에서 주목되는 것은 편자의 선조들 가운데 부계남성으로 시작하는 계보를 ``子派``, 부계여성의 배우자인 사위로부터 시작하는 계보를 ``女派``라 구분하여 기록할 뿐 아니라, ``外譜``라고 부르면서 부계남성의 배우자, 妻家의 계보를 수용했다는 점이다. 이전의 족보는 아들과 딸 양쪽으로 이어지는 계보형태를 띠어 ``子女譜``라 불린다. 이 족보는 기본적으로 이전의 ``자녀보`` 형태를 유지하지만, ``자파`` ``여파``와 같은 여러 개의 네트 워크를 설정하고 여기에 더해 편자의 직계선조의 처가쪽 혼인네트워크까지 끌어들여 각 네트워크를 혼인관계로 연결하고 있다는 것이다. 서로 다른 네트워크를 ``링크(link)``시키는 접점을 ``노드(node)``라고 한다. 사위로부터 이어지는 ``女派``의 계보나 처가의 계보인 ``外譜``를 서로 잇는 연결점, 즉 족보에서 네트워크 사이를 링크하는 노드는 夫婦이다. 이전의 족보는 딸과 그의 남편이 연결점의 역할을 했으며, 1600년경부터 그것에 더해 아들과 며느리가 연결점으로 등장했다. 족보편찬의 그러한 원리는 17세기 이후의 족보편찬에도 지속적으로 적용되었다. 부계남성의 계보로 단일화되는 경향이 있는 17세기 이후의 일반적인 족보에는 각부계남성들의 배우자측, 즉 妻父의 기록이 네트워크의 연결점으로 기능했다. The genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty, which was derived from the mobility of a caste system, was compiled in order to unite the social group that had the same status according to status exclusionism. However, on the other hand, the compilation of the genealogy was also derived from the openness of their network, which caused lineage inclusion that continuously spread and replaced existing networks. In other words, the genealogy was compiled by two different principles, the selective and hierarchical collectivization`s exclusion and the infinitely expanding network`s openness through marriage. Therefore, the pedigree` form and the items recorded not only had the effect of reinforcing the paternal descent group. The genealogies which were compiled around 1600 show the continuity and change in the same time, compared to the genealogy before and after that. In particular, among the compilation of ancestors in the Chinyang Hassi Genealogy (Mallyo edition) ``晉陽河氏世譜(萬曆本)``, the lineage started from paternal males was called Japa ``子派``, the lineage started from the son-in-law of paternal females was called Yopa ``女派``, and the spouse of the paternal males are called Oebo ``外譜``. The genealogies before this which includes both son and daughter`s lineage are called Janyobo ``子女譜``. This genealogy fundamentally not only maintains the form of previous Janyobo ``子女譜``, but also sets up several networks like Japa ``子派``, Yopa ``女派``, and even includes the marrige network of lineal ancestor`s wife, and link these networks with marriage. The point that links the different networks is called a node. Like the node link the Yopa ``女派``lineage which started from the son-in-law and the Oebo ``外譜``lineage of the wife, the node link the network in the genealogy is the couple. In the previous geneology, daughter and her husband works as node, and from 1600 son and his wife became the node too. The link through marriage makes the social network`s openness spread, even after the compilation of the genealogy, the lineages are included through Ch`urok ``追錄`` or Pyolbo ``別譜``. And the principle of genealogy is continuously applied after the 17th century. The genealogy which has an unification trend of paternal line after the 17th century, the record of paternal males` wife`s side functions as a node of network.

      • KCI등재

        조선왕조의 戶籍과 통치체계

        손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 동양사학회 2015 東洋史學硏究 Vol.131 No.-

        The household registers of the Joseon dynasty were compiled to levy taxation and to requisition for corvee labor and military service. Since the founding, Joseon government composed a household on household registers for a family members in principle. However household register recorded selective population rather than entirety by government policy and correspondence of resident. Indeed, the central government allocated population to counties as needed. So the field survey was implemented autonomously by residents at the local level. The number of household of whole country were settled because of the central government fixed the total amount of financial affairs and military service in the 18th century. The local government collected the expenditure and allocated the rates to subordinate district on the basis of the administrative adjusted household register. In this vein, people who want to raise the identification payed the local government for using the title of the Yangban elite, the high class of the Joseon dynasty. The tendency to standardize the formula of the household register means that the dynasty keep try monistic understanding on official document. The central government could achieve centralization power because of they guaranteed local autonomy on making and managing the household register. The Joseon dynasty had progressed their system to absolutistic centralization. However the direction of centralization did not contradicted local autonomy. Rather, the both had a relationship as mutual aid in the Joseon dynasty.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        1900년대 『광무호적(光武戶籍)』의 “사(士)”와『민적(民籍)』의 “양반(兩班)” 기재

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2013 大東文化硏究 Vol.81 No.-

        "士"는 동아시아 전통사회의 전형적인 신분체계 가운데 상층계급을 지칭하기도 한다. 한국의 호적에는 개인에게 국가적 신분체계로 "職役"이 기재되었는데, 大韓帝國의 『光武戶籍』에 그것에 대신해서 "사"가 처음으로 상층계급을 나타내는 용어로 사용되었다. 또한 1910년 전후의 『民籍』에는 또다시 그것에 대신해서 "兩班" 등이 기재되었다. "양반"은 고려시대의 중앙관료를 귀족신분으로 규정하는 법제적 용어이며, 호적상에 그에 해당하는 자는 관직명이 기재되었다. 조선시대의 "양반"은 법제적으로 규정되지 않고 단지 사회적으로 인식되는 상층계급을 의미하여 "士族"이라 불리기도 했다. 조선왕조 호적에 이들은 관직자와 과거합격자, "幼學" 등을 "직역"으로 기재했다, 그런데 18~19세기의 호적에 "양반"을 지향하는 자들이 이러한 "직역"들을 대대적으로 기재하게 되었다. 이들과 사회적으로 인식되는 상층계급과의 사이에 괴리가 커져 갔던 것이다. 『광무호적』의 "사"는 이러한 괴리를 줄여서 신분체계를 현실화하고자 한 노력으로 여겨진다. "양반"으로 인식되어온 족속들 가운데에서도 대대로 장남으로 이어져온 자에게 "사"가 기재되는 경향이 있었다, 사회경제적으로 상층계급인 자를 호적상의 신분 기재에 일치시키려 한 것이다. 그러한 경향을 이어서 식민지 초기의 호적에 "양반"이 신분체계의 하나로 기재되었다. 그러나 그것을 기재한 자들이 반드시 사회경제적으로 상층계급은 아니었다. 주목되는 점은 유동적이고 현실성을 잃어가는 조선왕조의 신분체계가 대한제국과 식민지 초기에 이르기까지의 호적에 지속적으로 파악되었다는 사실이다. 동아시아의 오래된 신분체계가 당시의 집권적 인민파악의 이념과 방법으로 활용되었다고 이해할 수 있다. 또한 그러한 정책은 "양반 지향적" 움직임이 전 인민에게 확대되는 경향과 무관하지 않다. 왕조의 신분체계가 완전히 사라진 이후에 민간에서 양반문화가 대대적인 붐을 일으켰다. 이것도 양반 지향적 경향의 연장선에 있다고 여겨진다. "Sa(士)" referred to the upper class of typical status system in traditional East Asian society. In korea household register, everyone was given a state status called "Jigyeok(職役)". But in 『Kwangmuhojeok(光武戶籍)』of Taehanjieguk(大韓帝國; 1896~1910), "Sa" first became term referring to upper class. And in 『Minjeok(民籍)』around 1910, it was replaced by "Yangban(兩班)". "Yangban" was a legislative term to define central bureaucrat as aristocrat status in Koryo Dynasty who listed his official title in household register. In Joseon Dynasty, "Yangban" was not defined by law, but only meaned upper class by social perception which was called "Sajok(士族)". In Joseon`s household register, their "Jigyeok" appeared as official, successful examinee, "Yuhak(幼學)", etc. But in 18~19c, person who was aimed to become "Yangban" is listed as these "Jigyeok" on a large scale. The gap with upper class by social perception became bigger. The "Sa" in 『Kwangmuhojeok』can be regarded as an effort to reduce the gap and actualize the status system. The relatives who were regarded as "Yangban", especially the first son from generation to generation tend to registered as "Sa". It means the person who is upper class socio-eco-nomically is also matched by status record in household register. So in early colonial period`s household register, "Yangban" was recorded as one status. But it does not mean the person recorded as "Yangban" is upper class socio-economically. We should notice that the status system which was mobile and deprived of reality in Joseon Dynasty continuously recorded in household register of Taehanjieguk and colonial period. It is can be understood that the old East Asian status system was applied as an idea and method of centralized way of controlling people. And this policy was also related to the tendency of "Yangban" orientation`s expension to all people. Whe the status system of dynasty disappeared, "Yangban" culture was booming extensively. This is also an extension of "Yangban" orientation.

      • KCI등재

        역사상(歷史上)에서의 인구조사(人口調査)와 통치구조(統治構造) ; 식민지시대의 호구조사와 민의 대응, 그 전통성의 관점에서

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.40

        Even after the modern registration of the population started from the Colonial Period, it went hand in hand with a census of resident registration through the creation of a family register. The family register of the colonial period that Japan used was based on the family registration from the Meiji reforms. Through the recording of deliberate changes in family composition, like marriage, birth or death, the central government created a register based on a legal family through blood relations to control each individual person. Family registers from China and Korea had continually been created from ancient society until the change to modern society. However, since the way of taking the census in the colonial period was differentfrom the traditional way, the people needed to be forcibly mobilized, since a lot of resistance arose due to the familiarity with the old ways. On the one hand this was because the compilation of genealogies by citizens had been widely popular among people. Many people had feverishly created a family register based on a paternal lineage, on the one hand in order to overcome social discrimination of the Choseon status system that perished along with the dynasty itself, on the other hand to reaffirm their social heritage. However, this was also an ideological countermeasure against the census of the colonial authorities. The renaming policy of 1940 was created as an extension of the census geared toward families. This policy was not only to change names into a more Japanese way, but by homogenizing one family name and all the members of that family, they wanted to change the family lineages of colonial Koreans to the modern Japanese style of creating genealogies. Through this renaming it can be seen that colonial Koreans first of all created a name that would keep its legacy with its earlier family name, and second that one family would all change their name to the same one, or would register that they all lived in the same region. Even close family would usually use the same name according to the clan where they belonged to in order to distinguish themselves from other relatives. Colonial Koreans would in response to the renaming policy keep their connection to their links to a small scale.

      • KCI우수등재

        조선왕조의 호적과 재정 기록에 대한 재인식

        손병규(Son, Byung-Giu) 역사학회 2017 역사학보 Vol.0 No.234

        The Joseon dynasty had compiled household registers across the country every 3 years. The household registers were made to distribute levy and military service evenly. Financial and human resources had centralized after the 17th century by the government. So the government announced the record which decide total amount of finances-about lands and households-on prefecture level in the 18th century. The centralization of finances prevented the government institutions and the royal family from collecting taxes separately. The goal of centralization is to directly manage the tax records and control the collecting resources by the central financial institution. The household register and financial records of the late Joseon dynasty show the policy intentions of the government to control the market and operate the financial and human resources. These records do not show reality, but we can guess the agricultural productivity, population, and family situation that would had been considered for policy decision through these records. It is difficult to prove the agricultural productivity in the late Joseon. We only know random numbers about population and family from the household register. By analyzing this data with a historical demographic methodology and tracking population and family aspects, it can not be concluded that the living standard of the 19th century family has declined.

      • KCI등재

        '삼정문란'과 '지방 재정 위기'에 대한 재인식

        손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 역사비평사 2012 역사비평 Vol.- No.101

        In order to actualize centralistic financial ideology, Joseon Dynasty has experienced a centralization process. In 18th century, It tried to limit the individual and dispersive finances securing activities of state agency by setting up total tax in each region by tax items. In the other side, it also guaranteed local government"s independent fiscal management. The perception of three policies"s disorder, which are related to land, military and relief work from late 18th century to 19th century, just shows a concern about arbitrary behavior of local government in fiscal management. But the finance in 19th century is not only regarded as crisis as centralistic financial part and local autonomous financial part operated together and both of them are in a complementary relationship. In one side, The Gabo Reform of 1894 wanted to implement a financial unification ideology in reality under the absolute authority of the king. At the same time, the dualistic financial system in Joseon Dynasty made itself face the crisis.

      • KCI등재

        류구왕국(琉球王國)과 조선왕조족보(朝鮮王朝族譜)의 비교연구

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2016 大東文化硏究 Vol.94 No.-

        류큐왕국은 17세기 말부터 士族의 족보를 작성케 하여, 정기적으로 그들의 출생 및 신상 변동 사항을 공인함으로써 신분제적 지배를 시행했다. 원칙적으로 한사람의 후손만이 가계를 계승하여 사족 신분을 용인받았는데, 세대를 내려가면서 후손이 증가하게 되자, 형제 가운데에는 분가하여 새로운 가를 창립하기도 하지만, 대부분의 형제와 그 후손들은 본가의 가계에 붙어있었다. 류큐왕국이 멸망하여 신분적지배가 없어진 뒤에 친족조직을 대규모로 확대했다. 조선왕조는 호적에 선조의 계보를 기록하도록 하여 신분제적으로 지배했지만, 모든 평민에게 개방되었다. 조선왕조의 족보는 이러한 국가의 신분정책에 대응하여 민간에서 스스로 사족 신분임을 주장하면서 작성되었다. 조선왕조의 족보는 사족사이에서 형성된 선별적 혼인네트워크에 기초하여 배타적 결합을 꾀한 결과물이었다. 그러나 족보가 작성될 때마다 새롭게 등재되거나 혹은 그 반대로 배제되는 가계가 생겨나는 과정에서 부계적 친족집단의 결집은 관념적일 수밖에 없었다. The Ryukyu Kingdom allowed nobles to compile genealogy after the late 17th century. The nobles recorded any changes to their genealogy, and the government put an official seal on it. By this, the Ryukyu could maintain the hierarchy system. Only the heir could success the family line as a rule in the Ryukyu and were approved his status as a representative of "ya(家)". Some of brothers of the heir of the "ya" began a new family line. But most of brothers of the heir and their descendants tried to maintain their status as elite group by depending on the heir. After the fall of the Ryukyu kingdom with their hierarchy system, the elite families had strengthened solidarity among family members and largely expanded their family organization. The Korean government had maintained hierarchy system by recording one``s ancestors not on genealogies but on household register before the Choson dynasty. After the Choson era, not only the elite group also commoners could record their ancestor on the household register. So the elite group of Choson could not receive legal guarantees for their status from the government. The genealogy of Choson was invented by the private sector as a substitute for household register against the policy. The genealogy of Choson was the result of efforts to exclusive binding social status on the basis of the marriage network that is formed between elite families. However the exclusiveness of Choson genealogy was caused by the fluidity of the hierarchy system of Choson society, embedded the openness inside also. So many families newly appeared and the other many families disappeared for the genealogy. As such, the patrilineal unification was as ideological. The reinforcement and expansion of kinship group was generalized since the end of the 19th century at last. The genealogy of Choson and Ryukyu was compiled in the hierarchy system society. The form and character of genealogy of two dynasties showed differences depending on the mobility of hierarchy society and the intensity of government power. But kinship group began to unify after the end of domination of government using the hierarchy system.

      • KCI등재

        책봉체제하(冊封體制下)에서의 `국역(國役)` ― 조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 재정시스템의 특징과 관련하여 ―

        손병규 ( Son Byung-giu ) 수선사학회 2017 史林 Vol.0 No.59

        The finance system of Joseon Korea was centralized by the government. The government unified the taxes into lands, like Ming-Ching China. However the central government levied labor power based on military service system. And income of the local government depended on corvee allotted each household using household register. The military service system had continued as a way to minimize public finance, because saving is one of the most important value of Confucianism. The military service system does not make cost in collecting process because taxpayer come and provide labor personally. And it can not be say that the burden of taxpayer of this system is bigger than other system offering real goods. Taxpayer generally had paid to each government ministries personally. After the centralization of the finance system, the sources and tax were gathered to Hojo(戶曹), the central financial ministry and redistributed to other ministries. However levying labor power still could save the cost in collecting and transporting process. Stability and long peace in East Asian countries owed international order based on the tributary system(冊封體制). The national defense expenditures accounted for most of the national finance excluding costs royal protocols. But the Joseon dynasty under the proclaiming system could not retain own armed forces. That is because the country of emperor(天子) could maintain military system and mobilize the forces. It seems that the national defense of the Joseon dynasty depended on the two; guard mounting peasants patrol the capital, and the tributary system. In this system, the emperor had duty and right to defense a tributary state with his armed forces. In this ways, the Joseon dynasty could save autonomously national defense expenditures and realize ideology of the Confucianism which emphasize saving resources.

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