조선왕조 1600년경 편찬 족보의 계보형태와 특성 -1606년 편찬 『진양하씨세보(晉陽河氏世譜), 만력본(萬曆本))』의 분석을 중심으로

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2012 대동문화연구 Vol.77 No.-

The genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty, which was derived from the mobility of a caste system, was compiled in order to unite the social group that had the same status according to status exclusionism. However, on the other hand, the compilation of the genealogy was also derived from the openness of their network, which caused lineage inclusion that continuously spread and replaced existing networks. In other words, the genealogy was compiled by two different principles, the selective and hierarchical collectivization`s exclusion and the infinitely expanding network`s openness through marriage. Therefore, the pedigree` form and the items recorded not only had the effect of reinforcing the paternal descent group. The genealogies which were compiled around 1600 show the continuity and change in the same time, compared to the genealogy before and after that. In particular, among the compilation of ancestors in the Chinyang Hassi Genealogy (Mallyo edition) ``晉陽河氏世譜(萬曆本)``, the lineage started from paternal males was called Japa ``子派``, the lineage started from the son-in-law of paternal females was called Yopa ``女派``, and the spouse of the paternal males are called Oebo ``外譜``. The genealogies before this which includes both son and daughter`s lineage are called Janyobo ``子女譜``. This genealogy fundamentally not only maintains the form of previous Janyobo ``子女譜``, but also sets up several networks like Japa ``子派``, Yopa ``女派``, and even includes the marrige network of lineal ancestor`s wife, and link these networks with marriage. The point that links the different networks is called a node. Like the node link the Yopa ``女派``lineage which started from the son-in-law and the Oebo ``外譜``lineage of the wife, the node link the network in the genealogy is the couple. In the previous geneology, daughter and her husband works as node, and from 1600 son and his wife became the node too. The link through marriage makes the social network`s openness spread, even after the compilation of the genealogy, the lineages are included through Ch`urok ``追錄`` or Pyolbo ``別譜``. And the principle of genealogy is continuously applied after the 17th century. The genealogy which has an unification trend of paternal line after the 17th century, the record of paternal males` wife`s side functions as a node of network.

조선후기 거주이동과 혈연적 연대의 관계 -단성지역 합천이씨 가계들의 호적과 족보 분석을 통해-

손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.79

3년마다 작성되는 호적대장의 ‘행정리’는 가족이 실제로 거주하는 복수의 ‘마을’로 편성된다. 호구 등록이 가족의 형성과 거주이동을 그대로 반영한다고 단언하기는 어렵지만, 행정리를 넘어서는 호구 이동을 연속된 장기적 관찰로 추적하여 현실적인 거주와 이동을 추정할 수는 있다. 조선후기 단성지역의 합천이씨 가족들은 여러 행정리에 할거하고 있었다. 행정리마다 등재된 호구는 대체로 신분이나 가계를 달리하며, 행정리에 지속적으로 거주하거나 행정리를 넘어서서 이동하는 경향에도 차이가 있었다. 18~19세기를 통해 동일 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 경우는 점차 감소하는 반면, 호의 대표자가 장남과 계자인 호의 비율은 높아진다. 거주이동이 심화되고 계자율이 높아지는 경향을 반영한다. 계자와 장남이 출신지 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 비율은 양반과 향리의 특정가계에서만 두드러진다. 단성현의 합천이씨 가족들은 18세기를 통해 세거지의 형성을 강하게 열망해왔지만, 타지역으로의 이동도 빈번했다. 19세기에는 양반들도 몇몇 직계가족을 제외하고 한 지역에서 세대를 이어 장기적으로 거주하기는 어려웠다. The administrative village in the household registers published every three years in Joseon Korea consisted of several actual villages. It is hard to conclude that the household register shows the formation and migration of the family as it was. However, it is possible to presume the actual movement of the family by observing the living and moving on the registers in the long term. In the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, the Hapcheon Lee clan members of Tanseong prefecture were dwelling in several administrative villages. The trend of moving patterns across the border of the administrative villages of the Lee clan members those who are in various social status differed by lineages and their status. While the proportion of the households those who kept staying in the same administrative village was decreased, the proportion of as the household head who was the first son or adopted son in the family increased for the eighteenth and nineteenth century. It means that they migrated frequently and adopted more in that period. However, the eldest sons or adopted sons of some elite lineages tended to not move across the administrative village border. Even though the Lee clan was known about had been tried to build their “same family name villages” in the prefecture in the eighteenth century, the registers also show they used to move across the villages. The nineteenth century onwards, staying at a village in generations was difficult to even the elite lineages except for a few dominant families.

조선왕조 재정과 시장의 관계 재론; 『조선후기 재정과 시장: 경제체제론의 접근』(이헌창 편, 2010)에 대한 비평

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 경제사학회 2012 경제사학 Vol.52 No.-

State Finance and the Market in Late Choson Korea: An Economic Systems Theory Approach, studied by Naksungdae Institute of Economic Research tries to understand the state finance system of Choson Dynasty as a monarchy`s state redistribution-centered economic system. ``State redistribution is an economic activity that all the financial sources are comprehensively inspected, unitarily collected, and redistributed by the state for guaranteeing the implementation of public affairs and agricultural reproduction. In this mechanism, ``finance`` and ``market`` are the two major institutions of redistribution. This book ultimately aims at analyzing a relationship between these two institutions of redistribution through in-depth studies of central finance and Seoul Market. This book`s contribution to the literature goes beyond applying the lens of modern capitalism or the conventional way of understanding the economic system of Choson Dynasty. The studies included in this book focus on finding some unique features of the Choson Dynasty`s economic system and meticulously tracking its historical transformation. They find that this economic system has a dualistic character of centralizing official state finance and decentralizing unofficial state finance and labor services. Each chapter analyzes such a critical feature in terms of each sector of state finance and their respective relations with its market. These studies, however, excessively focus on the centralization of official state finance and moreover, show some markedly negative understanding of the co-existence of the official and the unofficial state finance systems. Even though it tries to show the primary features of the state finance system of Choson Dynasty, it also oversimplifies them as another case of modern capitalistic transition in the end. When analyzing the economic system of Choson Dynasty, the authors should notice that first, the autonomous and flexible management of unofficial finance sectors ironically helps the centralized finance management; and second, the state controlled market as a part of state finance system to maintain such a subtle mechanism.

조선왕조의 戶籍과 통치체계

손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 동양사학회 2015 東洋史學硏究 Vol.131 No.-

The household registers of the Joseon dynasty were compiled to levy taxation and to requisition for corvee labor and military service. Since the founding, Joseon government composed a household on household registers for a family members in principle. However household register recorded selective population rather than entirety by government policy and correspondence of resident. Indeed, the central government allocated population to counties as needed. So the field survey was implemented autonomously by residents at the local level. The number of household of whole country were settled because of the central government fixed the total amount of financial affairs and military service in the 18th century. The local government collected the expenditure and allocated the rates to subordinate district on the basis of the administrative adjusted household register. In this vein, people who want to raise the identification payed the local government for using the title of the Yangban elite, the high class of the Joseon dynasty. The tendency to standardize the formula of the household register means that the dynasty keep try monistic understanding on official document. The central government could achieve centralization power because of they guaranteed local autonomy on making and managing the household register. The Joseon dynasty had progressed their system to absolutistic centralization. However the direction of centralization did not contradicted local autonomy. Rather, the both had a relationship as mutual aid in the Joseon dynasty.

20세기 전반의 족보편찬 붐이 말하는 것

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2014 사림 Vol.0 No.47

The genealogy publication boon happened in early twentieth century also existed in Joseon Dynasty. Joseon Dynasty organized families by using united household registration form and hierarchy system, also controled people by using centralized autocracy under royal authority. As a response, high class tried to form exclusive unition by publishing genealogy which recorded marital relationship. The private survival strategy based on genealogy publication developed into two different directions, one is expansion of ideal lineage, the other is family succession strategy. Even in the early twentieth century, genealogy publication boon maintained as private survival strategy response to the constructing western modern ruling system. Birth place based family ruling system and actively progressed industrialization have stimulated the desire for genealogy publication. The situation in early twentieth century provided new chance for yangban-orientation which had developed rapidly in nineteenth century. The traditional recognition that held on to legitimacy of yangban family or founded new yangban family, even expanded kinship network sometimes repeated more actively. The genealogy publication boon might be a method for korean people to survive in colonial period. When colonial ruling system took over as centralized autocracy aiming Joseon Dynasty collapsed and hierarchy system disappeared, the expansion of kinship network or kinship union become a measure of self-defense during the process.

조선시대 호적대장과 족보를 통해 본 사회사의 재조명 13~16세기 호적과 족보의 계보형태와 그 특성

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2010 대동문화연구 Vol.71 No.-

1900년대 『광무호적(光武戶籍)』의 “사(士)”와『민적(民籍)』의 “양반(兩班)” 기재

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2013 대동문화연구 Vol.81 No.-

``Sa(士)`` referred to the upper class of typical status system in traditional East Asian society. In korea household register, everyone was given a state status called ``Jigyeok(職役)``. But in 『Kwangmuhojeok(光武戶籍)』of Taehanjieguk(大韓帝國; 1896~1910), ``Sa`` first became term referring to upper class. And in 『Minjeok(民籍)』around 1910, it was replaced by ``Yangban(兩班)``. ``Yangban`` was a legislative term to define central bureaucrat as aristocrat status in Koryo Dynasty who listed his official title in household register. In Joseon Dynasty, ``Yangban`` was not defined by law, but only meaned upper class by social perception which was called ``Sajok(士族)``. In Joseon`s household register, their ``Jigyeok`` appeared as official, successful examinee, ``Yuhak(幼學)``, etc. But in 18~19c, person who was aimed to become ``Yangban`` is listed as these ``Jigyeok`` on a large scale. The gap with upper class by social perception became bigger. The ``Sa`` in 『Kwangmuhojeok』can be regarded as an effort to reduce the gap and actualize the status system. The relatives who were regarded as ``Yangban``, especially the first son from generation to generation tend to registered as ``Sa``. It means the person who is upper class socio-eco-nomically is also matched by status record in household register. So in early colonial period`s household register, ``Yangban`` was recorded as one status. But it does not mean the person recorded as ``Yangban`` is upper class socio-economically. We should notice that the status system which was mobile and deprived of reality in Joseon Dynasty continuously recorded in household register of Taehanjieguk and colonial period. It is can be understood that the old East Asian status system was applied as an idea and method of centralized way of controlling people. And this policy was also related to the tendency of ``Yangban`` orientation`s expension to all people. Whe the status system of dynasty disappeared, ``Yangban`` culture was booming extensively. This is also an extension of ``Yangban`` orientation.

류구왕국(琉球王國)과 조선왕조족보(朝鮮王朝族譜)의 비교연구

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2016 대동문화연구 Vol.94 No.-

The Ryukyu Kingdom allowed nobles to compile genealogy after the late 17th century. The nobles recorded any changes to their genealogy, and the government put an official seal on it. By this, the Ryukyu could maintain the hierarchy system. Only the heir could success the family line as a rule in the Ryukyu and were approved his status as a representative of ya(家). Some of brothers of the heir of the ya began a new family line. But most of brothers of the heir and their descendants tried to maintain their status as elite group by depending on the heir. After the fall of the Ryukyu kingdom with their hierarchy system, the elite families had strengthened solidarity among family members and largely expanded their family organization. The Korean government had maintained hierarchy system by recording one``s ancestors not on genealogies but on household register before the Choson dynasty. After the Choson era, not only the elite group also commoners could record their ancestor on the household register. So the elite group of Choson could not receive legal guarantees for their status from the government. The genealogy of Choson was invented by the private sector as a substitute for household register against the policy. The genealogy of Choson was the result of efforts to exclusive binding social status on the basis of the marriage network that is formed between elite families. However the exclusiveness of Choson genealogy was caused by the fluidity of the hierarchy system of Choson society, embedded the openness inside also. So many families newly appeared and the other many families disappeared for the genealogy. As such, the patrilineal unification was as ideological. The reinforcement and expansion of kinship group was generalized since the end of the 19th century at last. The genealogy of Choson and Ryukyu was compiled in the hierarchy system society. The form and character of genealogy of two dynasties showed differences depending on the mobility of hierarchy society and the intensity of government power. But kinship group began to unify after the end of domination of government using the hierarchy system.

호적(戶籍)과 족보(族譜)의 자료적 특성과 연구방법 ― 17C~20C 초 단성지역(丹城地域) 배양동(培養洞) 합천리씨(陜川李氏)들을 추적하며

손병규 ( Son Byung-giu ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2018 대동문화연구 Vol.102 No.-

Joseon government had surveyed residence of each household and recorded on household registers regularly by governmental needs. Each family had compiled their own genealogies indicating paternal and maternal descent to secure blood legitimacy. This study observe the true nature of the same family-name villages from the 17th to the early 20th centuries by reconstituting pedigree of residents in the Tanseong prefecture. Same family name villages were communities which based on regional relation and blood relation, and were excellent subject to prove data features of household registers and genealogies. The Land Survey Project and household registers under Japanese colonial government in 1910s make us to identify landowners, households, and location of villages. By tracking family lines and households retrospectively on the household registers and genealogies, I find migration patterns of households and social exclusiveness within patrilineal kin members. Selective recording of households on registers and genealogies let us to suppose which village and family was the dominant group among residents of the Tanseong prefecture. A village which the progenitor moved in and descendants resided by generations, transformed as same family-name village relatively easy. However, family members moved in and out of their residence frequently after the 17th century. The main reasons of frequent migration from the same family-name village were marriage relationship and disharmony between family members.

역사상(歷史上)에서의 인구조사(人口調査)와 통치구조(統治構造) ; 식민지시대의 호구조사와 민의 대응, 그 전통성의 관점에서

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2011 사림 Vol.0 No.40

Even after the modern registration of the population started from the Colonial Period, it went hand in hand with a census of resident registration through the creation of a family register. The family register of the colonial period that Japan used was based on the family registration from the Meiji reforms. Through the recording of deliberate changes in family composition, like marriage, birth or death, the central government created a register based on a legal family through blood relations to control each individual person. Family registers from China and Korea had continually been created from ancient society until the change to modern society. However, since the way of taking the census in the colonial period was differentfrom the traditional way, the people needed to be forcibly mobilized, since a lot of resistance arose due to the familiarity with the old ways. On the one hand this was because the compilation of genealogies by citizens had been widely popular among people. Many people had feverishly created a family register based on a paternal lineage, on the one hand in order to overcome social discrimination of the Choseon status system that perished along with the dynasty itself, on the other hand to reaffirm their social heritage. However, this was also an ideological countermeasure against the census of the colonial authorities. The renaming policy of 1940 was created as an extension of the census geared toward families. This policy was not only to change names into a more Japanese way, but by homogenizing one family name and all the members of that family, they wanted to change the family lineages of colonial Koreans to the modern Japanese style of creating genealogies. Through this renaming it can be seen that colonial Koreans first of all created a name that would keep its legacy with its earlier family name, and second that one family would all change their name to the same one, or would register that they all lived in the same region. Even close family would usually use the same name according to the clan where they belonged to in order to distinguish themselves from other relatives. Colonial Koreans would in response to the renaming policy keep their connection to their links to a small scale.