조선왕조 1600년경 편찬 족보의 계보형태와 특성 -1606년 편찬 『진양하씨세보(晉陽河氏世譜), 만력본(萬曆本))』의 분석을 중심으로

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2012 大東文化硏究 Vol.77 No.-

조선왕조시대의 족보는 신분제의 유동성에서 기인하고 신분적 배타성에 의거하여 동일계층의 사회집단을 결집하려는 의도로 편찬되었다. 그러나 한편으로 족보 편찬에는 네트워크의 개방성에 기인하여 편찬에 참가하는 가계가 끊임없이 확산되고 교체되는 변화를 겪는다. 말하자면 선별적이고 계층적인 집단화의 배타성과, 혼인과 더불어 무한히 확대되는 네트워크의 개방성이라는 두 가지 서로 다른 원리로 족보가 편찬되었다. 조선시대 족보의 계보형태와 기재사항이 부계혈연집단의 결집을 강화하는 방향으로만 작용하지는 않았다는 것이다. 1600년경에 편찬된 족보들은 그 전과 후에 편찬된 족보들의 계보형태와 그 특성 이 갖는 연속성과 변화를 동시에 보여준다. 특히 『진양하씨세보(만력본)』에서 주목되는 것은 편자의 선조들 가운데 부계남성으로 시작하는 계보를 ``子派``, 부계여성의 배우자인 사위로부터 시작하는 계보를 ``女派``라 구분하여 기록할 뿐 아니라, ``外譜``라고 부르면서 부계남성의 배우자, 妻家의 계보를 수용했다는 점이다. 이전의 족보는 아들과 딸 양쪽으로 이어지는 계보형태를 띠어 ``子女譜``라 불린다. 이 족보는 기본적으로 이전의 ``자녀보`` 형태를 유지하지만, ``자파`` ``여파``와 같은 여러 개의 네트 워크를 설정하고 여기에 더해 편자의 직계선조의 처가쪽 혼인네트워크까지 끌어들여 각 네트워크를 혼인관계로 연결하고 있다는 것이다. 서로 다른 네트워크를 ``링크(link)``시키는 접점을 ``노드(node)``라고 한다. 사위로부터 이어지는 ``女派``의 계보나 처가의 계보인 ``外譜``를 서로 잇는 연결점, 즉 족보에서 네트워크 사이를 링크하는 노드는 夫婦이다. 이전의 족보는 딸과 그의 남편이 연결점의 역할을 했으며, 1600년경부터 그것에 더해 아들과 며느리가 연결점으로 등장했다. 족보편찬의 그러한 원리는 17세기 이후의 족보편찬에도 지속적으로 적용되었다. 부계남성의 계보로 단일화되는 경향이 있는 17세기 이후의 일반적인 족보에는 각부계남성들의 배우자측, 즉 妻父의 기록이 네트워크의 연결점으로 기능했다. The genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty, which was derived from the mobility of a caste system, was compiled in order to unite the social group that had the same status according to status exclusionism. However, on the other hand, the compilation of the genealogy was also derived from the openness of their network, which caused lineage inclusion that continuously spread and replaced existing networks. In other words, the genealogy was compiled by two different principles, the selective and hierarchical collectivization`s exclusion and the infinitely expanding network`s openness through marriage. Therefore, the pedigree` form and the items recorded not only had the effect of reinforcing the paternal descent group. The genealogies which were compiled around 1600 show the continuity and change in the same time, compared to the genealogy before and after that. In particular, among the compilation of ancestors in the Chinyang Hassi Genealogy (Mallyo edition) ``晉陽河氏世譜(萬曆本)``, the lineage started from paternal males was called Japa ``子派``, the lineage started from the son-in-law of paternal females was called Yopa ``女派``, and the spouse of the paternal males are called Oebo ``外譜``. The genealogies before this which includes both son and daughter`s lineage are called Janyobo ``子女譜``. This genealogy fundamentally not only maintains the form of previous Janyobo ``子女譜``, but also sets up several networks like Japa ``子派``, Yopa ``女派``, and even includes the marrige network of lineal ancestor`s wife, and link these networks with marriage. The point that links the different networks is called a node. Like the node link the Yopa ``女派``lineage which started from the son-in-law and the Oebo ``外譜``lineage of the wife, the node link the network in the genealogy is the couple. In the previous geneology, daughter and her husband works as node, and from 1600 son and his wife became the node too. The link through marriage makes the social network`s openness spread, even after the compilation of the genealogy, the lineages are included through Ch`urok ``追錄`` or Pyolbo ``別譜``. And the principle of genealogy is continuously applied after the 17th century. The genealogy which has an unification trend of paternal line after the 17th century, the record of paternal males` wife`s side functions as a node of network.

조선후기 거주이동과 혈연적 연대의 관계 -단성지역 합천이씨 가계들의 호적과 족보 분석을 통해-

손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.79

3년마다 작성되는 호적대장의 ‘행정리’는 가족이 실제로 거주하는 복수의 ‘마을’로 편성된다. 호구 등록이 가족의 형성과 거주이동을 그대로 반영한다고 단언하기는 어렵지만, 행정리를 넘어서는 호구 이동을 연속된 장기적 관찰로 추적하여 현실적인 거주와 이동을 추정할 수는 있다. 조선후기 단성지역의 합천이씨 가족들은 여러 행정리에 할거하고 있었다. 행정리마다 등재된 호구는 대체로 신분이나 가계를 달리하며, 행정리에 지속적으로 거주하거나 행정리를 넘어서서 이동하는 경향에도 차이가 있었다. 18~19세기를 통해 동일 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 경우는 점차 감소하는 반면, 호의 대표자가 장남과 계자인 호의 비율은 높아진다. 거주이동이 심화되고 계자율이 높아지는 경향을 반영한다. 계자와 장남이 출신지 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 비율은 양반과 향리의 특정가계에서만 두드러진다. 단성현의 합천이씨 가족들은 18세기를 통해 세거지의 형성을 강하게 열망해왔지만, 타지역으로의 이동도 빈번했다. 19세기에는 양반들도 몇몇 직계가족을 제외하고 한 지역에서 세대를 이어 장기적으로 거주하기는 어려웠다. The administrative village in the household registers published every three years in Joseon Korea consisted of several actual villages. It is hard to conclude that the household register shows the formation and migration of the family as it was. However, it is possible to presume the actual movement of the family by observing the living and moving on the registers in the long term. In the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, the Hapcheon Lee clan members of Tanseong prefecture were dwelling in several administrative villages. The trend of moving patterns across the border of the administrative villages of the Lee clan members those who are in various social status differed by lineages and their status. While the proportion of the households those who kept staying in the same administrative village was decreased, the proportion of as the household head who was the first son or adopted son in the family increased for the eighteenth and nineteenth century. It means that they migrated frequently and adopted more in that period. However, the eldest sons or adopted sons of some elite lineages tended to not move across the administrative village border. Even though the Lee clan was known about had been tried to build their “same family name villages” in the prefecture in the eighteenth century, the registers also show they used to move across the villages. The nineteenth century onwards, staying at a village in generations was difficult to even the elite lineages except for a few dominant families.

18세기 말의 지역별 호구총수(戶口總數), 그 통계적 함의

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.38

The central government of Joseon Dynasty announced household and population statistics by regions in 1789. This document was made at the same time when statistics by regions of various kind of dynasty finances were set. The statistics of the household and population of the state scale grew rapidly in the latter half of the 17th century, when the time of rehabilitation from disasters war against Japan and Qing China. However, these statistics remained unchanged during 18·19th century in spite of time changed. The household statistics of Joseon dynasty was made by just adding up the statistics of the local household register. Because household register would not find out all real inhabitants, it has many omissions and mistakes about the population of registration. The number of the households and the population by regions was fixed in the process of organizing of household, and was simultaneously distributed to an affiliation administration area. The investigation of the household register and the management of statistics by regions were left to the local government, and it was inflected by financial administration.

역사상(歷史上)에서의 인구조사(人口調査)와 통치구조(統治構造) ; 식민지시대의 호구조사와 민의 대응, 그 전통성의 관점에서

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2011 사림 Vol.0 No.40

Even after the modern registration of the population started from the Colonial Period, it went hand in hand with a census of resident registration through the creation of a family register. The family register of the colonial period that Japan used was based on the family registration from the Meiji reforms. Through the recording of deliberate changes in family composition, like marriage, birth or death, the central government created a register based on a legal family through blood relations to control each individual person. Family registers from China and Korea had continually been created from ancient society until the change to modern society. However, since the way of taking the census in the colonial period was differentfrom the traditional way, the people needed to be forcibly mobilized, since a lot of resistance arose due to the familiarity with the old ways. On the one hand this was because the compilation of genealogies by citizens had been widely popular among people. Many people had feverishly created a family register based on a paternal lineage, on the one hand in order to overcome social discrimination of the Choseon status system that perished along with the dynasty itself, on the other hand to reaffirm their social heritage. However, this was also an ideological countermeasure against the census of the colonial authorities. The renaming policy of 1940 was created as an extension of the census geared toward families. This policy was not only to change names into a more Japanese way, but by homogenizing one family name and all the members of that family, they wanted to change the family lineages of colonial Koreans to the modern Japanese style of creating genealogies. Through this renaming it can be seen that colonial Koreans first of all created a name that would keep its legacy with its earlier family name, and second that one family would all change their name to the same one, or would register that they all lived in the same region. Even close family would usually use the same name according to the clan where they belonged to in order to distinguish themselves from other relatives. Colonial Koreans would in response to the renaming policy keep their connection to their links to a small scale.

20세기 전반 농촌 가족의 거주이동 ― 계층성과 혈연성의 관점에서

孫炳圭 ( Son¸ Byung-giu ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2020 大東文化硏究 Vol.112 No.-

1910년대 식민지 戶籍의 주소 양식은 戶의 순번에서 垈地의 지번으로 변화한다. 일부 호구만 선택적으로 파악하는 것이 아니라 고정된 주소로 모든 주민을 파악하는 방식이다. 나아가 개개인의 ‘出身’을 本籍地라는 지리적 연원에서만이 아니라 가족의 혈연적 연원에서 파악하는 호적 등재방식이 진행되었다. 그러나 주민의 빈번한 거주이동은 소위 ‘동성촌락’이라는 혈연적 지역공동체의 형성을 방해하는 요소였다. 거주이동은 대지를 소유하지 못한 가족들 가운데 높은 비율로 일어났다. 거주의 불안정성이 그 원인일 것이다. 이들은 주로 여러 군소 성씨들이지만, 주민의 다수를 차지하는 성씨의 가족들도 포함된다. 거주의 안정성을 보장할 정도로 同姓이라는 혈연적 연대가 강고하지는 않았다고 할 수 있다. 한편, 넓은 대지를 소유하는 가족 가운데에서도 거주이동이 발생했다. 사회경제적 안정성을 갖추어도 정착하지 않는 부류가 존재한다는 것이다. 이것은 주로 군소 성씨의 가족 가운데 나타난다. 다수파 성씨인 경우는 世居地에 근거를 두고 도시에서 활동하려는 가족인 반면, 이들 군소 성씨의 거주이동은 다수파 성씨들의 배타성이 그 하나의 원인이 아닐까 여겨진다. ‘동성촌락’에는 다수파 성씨 가족들이 부계혈연적인 결집을 강조하며 마을의 주도적 세력으로 등장한다. 하지만 거기에는 주민의 계층성과 혈연성의 역학관계가 다양하게 작용하고 있었다. The colonial-era household register address system in the 1910s was changed from the order of households to the lot number of the building sites. Previously, only a few households and members of households were optionally identified, but they were changed to take a census of all residents living in fixed addresses. Furthermore, in the new household register format, the 'origin' of individuals was changed from the method of recording only geographical origin, called domicile of origin, to the method of additional identification of family blood ties. However, the frequent movement of residents was an obstacle to the formation of a kindred community called 'Same family-name Villages'. Residence migrations occurred in a high rate among families who did not own land. The instability of the residence may be the cause. These were mainly minority family-names, but they also include the members of the same family-name, which accounts for a large number of residents. It can be said that the blood ties of the same family-name was not strong enough to guarantee the stability of the residence. Meanwhile, residence migration occurred even among families with large land. In other words, there existed a class that does not settle down even with socioeconomic stability. This was mainly seen among the families of the minority family-name. In the case of majority family-names, they were family members who wanted to work in the city based on the family residence. On the other hand, it is believed that the migration of minority family-names were caused by exclusivity from the majority family-names in the same area. In Same family-name Villages, the majority family-names came to be the leading force of the village as emphasizing the cohesion of the paternal kindred group. But there were various dynamics between the social class and blood ties of the residents.

조선왕조의 호적과 재정 기록에 대한 재인식

손병규(Son, Byung-Giu) 역사학회 2017 역사학보 Vol.0 No.234

The Joseon dynasty had compiled household registers across the country every 3 years. The household registers were made to distribute levy and military service evenly. Financial and human resources had centralized after the 17th century by the government. So the government announced the record which decide total amount of finances-about lands and households-on prefecture level in the 18th century. The centralization of finances prevented the government institutions and the royal family from collecting taxes separately. The goal of centralization is to directly manage the tax records and control the collecting resources by the central financial institution. The household register and financial records of the late Joseon dynasty show the policy intentions of the government to control the market and operate the financial and human resources. These records do not show reality, but we can guess the agricultural productivity, population, and family situation that would had been considered for policy decision through these records. It is difficult to prove the agricultural productivity in the late Joseon. We only know random numbers about population and family from the household register. By analyzing this data with a historical demographic methodology and tracking population and family aspects, it can not be concluded that the living standard of the 19th century family has declined.

20세기 전반의 족보편찬 붐이 말하는 것

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2014 사림 Vol.0 No.47

The genealogy publication boon happened in early twentieth century also existed in Joseon Dynasty. Joseon Dynasty organized families by using united household registration form and hierarchy system, also controled people by using centralized autocracy under royal authority. As a response, high class tried to form exclusive unition by publishing genealogy which recorded marital relationship. The private survival strategy based on genealogy publication developed into two different directions, one is expansion of ideal lineage, the other is family succession strategy. Even in the early twentieth century, genealogy publication boon maintained as private survival strategy response to the constructing western modern ruling system. Birth place based family ruling system and actively progressed industrialization have stimulated the desire for genealogy publication. The situation in early twentieth century provided new chance for yangban-orientation which had developed rapidly in nineteenth century. The traditional recognition that held on to legitimacy of yangban family or founded new yangban family, even expanded kinship network sometimes repeated more actively. The genealogy publication boon might be a method for korean people to survive in colonial period. When colonial ruling system took over as centralized autocracy aiming Joseon Dynasty collapsed and hierarchy system disappeared, the expansion of kinship network or kinship union become a measure of self-defense during the process.

[총론] 조선시대 지방의 재정운영

손병규(Son Byung-giu) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.72

조선후기 비총제(比摠制) 재정의 비교사적 검토

손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.81

The “Bu'yeok Shilchong” (The Complete Numbers on Compulsory Labor), a book from the end of the 18th century recorded the formal financial resources which were controlled by the central government of the Joseon dynasty. The aim of this book was to establish a centralized financial system by checking the various state agencies' competitive financial security activities and by protecting the financial operations at the level of counties and prefectures. Next to this monetary tax system, many other kinds of taxes such as those paid by rice or cotton were still being levied by various state agencies. In addition, the public expenditure for local governments remained relatively small compared to those of the central government and were never extensive. In contrast, according to the local financial budget report, which was included in the "Bu'yeok Jeonseo" (Complete Book on Compulsory Labor), shows that during the Ming and Qing dynasties taxes for the central government and the expenditure for the frontier military were unified in a land tax collection which was paid in silver. The detailed recording of the local expenses shows that a centralist control of financial operations was promoted with the Ministry of Revenue as its central financial agency. The implementation of a local financial policy based on a fixed-amount tax like the Regressive tax along with the land taxation and other various taxes paid by currency like the mobilization of labor force, can be seen as a more advanced stage of the financial centralization process. However, the characteristics of the autocratic financial system are that it continuously produced irregularities in its individual and dispersive financing. Therefore the Joseon dynasty pursued a tax collection system in which distribution was paid for by the central government, including the management of financial resources and estates, and the whole process of authorization to the local government offices was to minimize costs. This was a rational financial operation plan that shows that, in an underdeveloped market, the state controls the market in accordance with its own financial operational needs.

책봉체제하(冊封體制下)에서의 `국역(國役)` ― 조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 재정시스템의 특징과 관련하여 ―

손병규 ( Son Byung-giu ) 수선사학회 2017 사림 Vol.0 No.59

The finance system of Joseon Korea was centralized by the government. The government unified the taxes into lands, like Ming-Ching China. However the central government levied labor power based on military service system. And income of the local government depended on corvee allotted each household using household register. The military service system had continued as a way to minimize public finance, because saving is one of the most important value of Confucianism. The military service system does not make cost in collecting process because taxpayer come and provide labor personally. And it can not be say that the burden of taxpayer of this system is bigger than other system offering real goods. Taxpayer generally had paid to each government ministries personally. After the centralization of the finance system, the sources and tax were gathered to Hojo(戶曹), the central financial ministry and redistributed to other ministries. However levying labor power still could save the cost in collecting and transporting process. Stability and long peace in East Asian countries owed international order based on the tributary system(冊封體制). The national defense expenditures accounted for most of the national finance excluding costs royal protocols. But the Joseon dynasty under the proclaiming system could not retain own armed forces. That is because the country of emperor(天子) could maintain military system and mobilize the forces. It seems that the national defense of the Joseon dynasty depended on the two; guard mounting peasants patrol the capital, and the tributary system. In this system, the emperor had duty and right to defense a tributary state with his armed forces. In this ways, the Joseon dynasty could save autonomously national defense expenditures and realize ideology of the Confucianism which emphasize saving resources.