RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      선택해제
      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 원문제공처
        • 등재정보
        • 학술지명
          펼치기
        • 주제분류
        • 발행연도
          펼치기
        • 작성언어
        • 저자
          펼치기

      오늘 본 자료

      • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
      더보기
      • 무료
      • 기관 내 무료
      • 유료
      • KCI등재

        조선왕조 1600년경 편찬 족보의 계보형태와 특성 -1606년 편찬 『진양하씨세보(晉陽河氏世譜), 만력본(萬曆本))』의 분석을 중심으로

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2012 大東文化硏究 Vol.0 No.77

        조선왕조시대의 족보는 신분제의 유동성에서 기인하고 신분적 배타성에 의거하여 동일계층의 사회집단을 결집하려는 의도로 편찬되었다. 그러나 한편으로 족보 편찬에는 네트워크의 개방성에 기인하여 편찬에 참가하는 가계가 끊임없이 확산되고 교체되는 변화를 겪는다. 말하자면 선별적이고 계층적인 집단화의 배타성과, 혼인과 더불어 무한히 확대되는 네트워크의 개방성이라는 두 가지 서로 다른 원리로 족보가 편찬되었다. 조선시대 족보의 계보형태와 기재사항이 부계혈연집단의 결집을 강화하는 방향으로만 작용하지는 않았다는 것이다. 1600년경에 편찬된 족보들은 그 전과 후에 편찬된 족보들의 계보형태와 그 특성 이 갖는 연속성과 변화를 동시에 보여준다. 특히 『진양하씨세보(만력본)』에서 주목되는 것은 편자의 선조들 가운데 부계남성으로 시작하는 계보를 ``子派``, 부계여성의 배우자인 사위로부터 시작하는 계보를 ``女派``라 구분하여 기록할 뿐 아니라, ``外譜``라고 부르면서 부계남성의 배우자, 妻家의 계보를 수용했다는 점이다. 이전의 족보는 아들과 딸 양쪽으로 이어지는 계보형태를 띠어 ``子女譜``라 불린다. 이 족보는 기본적으로 이전의 ``자녀보`` 형태를 유지하지만, ``자파`` ``여파``와 같은 여러 개의 네트 워크를 설정하고 여기에 더해 편자의 직계선조의 처가쪽 혼인네트워크까지 끌어들여 각 네트워크를 혼인관계로 연결하고 있다는 것이다. 서로 다른 네트워크를 ``링크(link)``시키는 접점을 ``노드(node)``라고 한다. 사위로부터 이어지는 ``女派``의 계보나 처가의 계보인 ``外譜``를 서로 잇는 연결점, 즉 족보에서 네트워크 사이를 링크하는 노드는 夫婦이다. 이전의 족보는 딸과 그의 남편이 연결점의 역할을 했으며, 1600년경부터 그것에 더해 아들과 며느리가 연결점으로 등장했다. 족보편찬의 그러한 원리는 17세기 이후의 족보편찬에도 지속적으로 적용되었다. 부계남성의 계보로 단일화되는 경향이 있는 17세기 이후의 일반적인 족보에는 각부계남성들의 배우자측, 즉 妻父의 기록이 네트워크의 연결점으로 기능했다. The genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty, which was derived from the mobility of a caste system, was compiled in order to unite the social group that had the same status according to status exclusionism. However, on the other hand, the compilation of the genealogy was also derived from the openness of their network, which caused lineage inclusion that continuously spread and replaced existing networks. In other words, the genealogy was compiled by two different principles, the selective and hierarchical collectivization`s exclusion and the infinitely expanding network`s openness through marriage. Therefore, the pedigree` form and the items recorded not only had the effect of reinforcing the paternal descent group. The genealogies which were compiled around 1600 show the continuity and change in the same time, compared to the genealogy before and after that. In particular, among the compilation of ancestors in the Chinyang Hassi Genealogy (Mallyo edition) ``晉陽河氏世譜(萬曆本)``, the lineage started from paternal males was called Japa ``子派``, the lineage started from the son-in-law of paternal females was called Yopa ``女派``, and the spouse of the paternal males are called Oebo ``外譜``. The genealogies before this which includes both son and daughter`s lineage are called Janyobo ``子女譜``. This genealogy fundamentally not only maintains the form of previous Janyobo ``子女譜``, but also sets up several networks like Japa ``子派``, Yopa ``女派``, and even includes the marrige network of lineal ancestor`s wife, and link these networks with marriage. The point that links the different networks is called a node. Like the node link the Yopa ``女派``lineage which started from the son-in-law and the Oebo ``外譜``lineage of the wife, the node link the network in the genealogy is the couple. In the previous geneology, daughter and her husband works as node, and from 1600 son and his wife became the node too. The link through marriage makes the social network`s openness spread, even after the compilation of the genealogy, the lineages are included through Ch`urok ``追錄`` or Pyolbo ``別譜``. And the principle of genealogy is continuously applied after the 17th century. The genealogy which has an unification trend of paternal line after the 17th century, the record of paternal males` wife`s side functions as a node of network.

      • KCI등재

        조선후기 거주이동과 혈연적 연대의 관계 -단성지역 합천이씨 가계들의 호적과 족보 분석을 통해-

        손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.79

        3년마다 작성되는 호적대장의 ‘행정리’는 가족이 실제로 거주하는 복수의 ‘마을’로 편성된다. 호구 등록이 가족의 형성과 거주이동을 그대로 반영한다고 단언하기는 어렵지만, 행정리를 넘어서는 호구 이동을 연속된 장기적 관찰로 추적하여 현실적인 거주와 이동을 추정할 수는 있다. 조선후기 단성지역의 합천이씨 가족들은 여러 행정리에 할거하고 있었다. 행정리마다 등재된 호구는 대체로 신분이나 가계를 달리하며, 행정리에 지속적으로 거주하거나 행정리를 넘어서서 이동하는 경향에도 차이가 있었다. 18~19세기를 통해 동일 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 경우는 점차 감소하는 반면, 호의 대표자가 장남과 계자인 호의 비율은 높아진다. 거주이동이 심화되고 계자율이 높아지는 경향을 반영한다. 계자와 장남이 출신지 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 비율은 양반과 향리의 특정가계에서만 두드러진다. 단성현의 합천이씨 가족들은 18세기를 통해 세거지의 형성을 강하게 열망해왔지만, 타지역으로의 이동도 빈번했다. 19세기에는 양반들도 몇몇 직계가족을 제외하고 한 지역에서 세대를 이어 장기적으로 거주하기는 어려웠다. The administrative village in the household registers published every three years in Joseon Korea consisted of several actual villages. It is hard to conclude that the household register shows the formation and migration of the family as it was. However, it is possible to presume the actual movement of the family by observing the living and moving on the registers in the long term. In the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, the Hapcheon Lee clan members of Tanseong prefecture were dwelling in several administrative villages. The trend of moving patterns across the border of the administrative villages of the Lee clan members those who are in various social status differed by lineages and their status. While the proportion of the households those who kept staying in the same administrative village was decreased, the proportion of as the household head who was the first son or adopted son in the family increased for the eighteenth and nineteenth century. It means that they migrated frequently and adopted more in that period. However, the eldest sons or adopted sons of some elite lineages tended to not move across the administrative village border. Even though the Lee clan was known about had been tried to build their “same family name villages” in the prefecture in the eighteenth century, the registers also show they used to move across the villages. The nineteenth century onwards, staying at a village in generations was difficult to even the elite lineages except for a few dominant families.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        비평논문(批評論文) : 조선왕조 재정과 시장의 관계 재론; 『조선후기 재정과 시장: 경제체제론의 접근』(이헌창 편, 2010)에 대한 비평

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 경제사학회 2012 經濟史學 Vol.52 No.-

        낙성대경제연구소의 연구 성과물인 『조선후기 재정과 시장: 경제체제론의 접근』은 조선왕조의 재정시스템을 군주제라는 특성에 기반을 둔 국가재분배의 경제체제로 이해한다. ``국가재분배``란 국가 단위로 재원이 총괄적으로 파악되고, 중앙정부의 인지 하에 일괄적으로 징수·축적되며, 공공업무의 수행이나 농업재생산을 보장하기 위해 국가기관으로부터 민에 이르기까지 재원이 ``재분배``되는 이념에 근거한 경제활동이다. 전제국가에서 재원의 재분배를 목적으로 하는 정부의 경제활동, 즉 ``재정``과 그리고 소득재분배의 기능을 갖는 ``시장``은 경제를 통합하는 2대 분배기구이다. 이 책은 궁극적으로 그 양대 분배기구의 상호관계를 중앙재정과 서울시장에서 밝힌 것이다. 이 일련의 연구가 가지는 연구사적 의의는 조선왕조 경제체제를 단지 세계사 발전단계의 일반론에 대입시켜서 이해하지 않는다는 데에 있다. 이 연구들은 조선왕조 경제체제의 자체적인 운영원리를 발견하고 그 역사적 변화를 추적하였다. 그럼으로써 근현대사회의 경제체제와 관련된 특성을 제안하기도 한다. 조선왕조의 재정시스템은 정규의 재정부분을 중앙집권화하면서도 개별 분산적인 비정규의 재정부분과 役制의 운영이 병존하는 특성을 가지고 있다. 이 연구들은 그러한 특성을 각 재정부문, 그리고 그 시장과의 관계에서 분석하였다. 그러나 이 연구들은 중앙집권화되어 공식화한 중앙재정에 편중되고, 비정규의 재정부분과 오래된 재정운영 방식의 병존상황에 대해 부정적으로 이해하는 경향이 없지 않다. 조선왕조 재정시스템의 특성을 밝히면서도 궁극적으로는 ``시장경제통합으로 전환``된다는 근대 이행의 구조적 파악으로 단순화될 위험이 있다는 것이다. 조선왕조 경제체제를 생각할 때, 역제를 포함하여 비정규적 재원부분의 자율적이고 융통성 있는 운영이 집권적 재정운영에 오히려 도움이 된다는 점, 그렇지만 국가가 시장의 물류를 지속적으로 통제함으로써 그러한 경제체제를 유지하였다는 점에 주의할 필요가 있다. "State Finance and the Market in Late Choson Korea: An Economic Systems Theory Approach", studied by Naksungdae Institute of Economic Research tries to understand the state finance system of Choson Dynasty as a monarchy`s state redistribution-centered economic system. ``State redistribution" is an economic activity that all the financial sources are comprehensively inspected, unitarily collected, and redistributed by the state for guaranteeing the implementation of public affairs and agricultural reproduction. In this mechanism, ``finance`` and ``market`` are the two major institutions of redistribution. This book ultimately aims at analyzing a relationship between these two institutions of redistribution through in-depth studies of central finance and Seoul Market. This book`s contribution to the literature goes beyond applying the lens of modern capitalism or the conventional way of understanding the economic system of Choson Dynasty. The studies included in this book focus on finding some unique features of the Choson Dynasty`s economic system and meticulously tracking its historical transformation. They find that this economic system has a dualistic character of centralizing official state finance and decentralizing unofficial state finance and labor services. Each chapter analyzes such a critical feature in terms of each sector of state finance and their respective relations with its market. These studies, however, excessively focus on the centralization of official state finance and moreover, show some markedly negative understanding of the co-existence of the official and the unofficial state finance systems. Even though it tries to show the primary features of the state finance system of Choson Dynasty, it also oversimplifies them as another case of modern capitalistic transition in the end. When analyzing the economic system of Choson Dynasty, the authors should notice that first, the autonomous and flexible management of unofficial finance sectors ironically helps the centralized finance management; and second, the state controlled market as a part of state finance system to maintain such a subtle mechanism.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        책봉체제하(冊封體制下)에서의 `국역(國役)` ― 조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 재정시스템의 특징과 관련하여 ―

        손병규 ( Son Byung-giu ) 수선사학회 2017 史林 Vol.0 No.59

        The finance system of Joseon Korea was centralized by the government. The government unified the taxes into lands, like Ming-Ching China. However the central government levied labor power based on military service system. And income of the local government depended on corvee allotted each household using household register. The military service system had continued as a way to minimize public finance, because saving is one of the most important value of Confucianism. The military service system does not make cost in collecting process because taxpayer come and provide labor personally. And it can not be say that the burden of taxpayer of this system is bigger than other system offering real goods. Taxpayer generally had paid to each government ministries personally. After the centralization of the finance system, the sources and tax were gathered to Hojo(戶曹), the central financial ministry and redistributed to other ministries. However levying labor power still could save the cost in collecting and transporting process. Stability and long peace in East Asian countries owed international order based on the tributary system(冊封體制). The national defense expenditures accounted for most of the national finance excluding costs royal protocols. But the Joseon dynasty under the proclaiming system could not retain own armed forces. That is because the country of emperor(天子) could maintain military system and mobilize the forces. It seems that the national defense of the Joseon dynasty depended on the two; guard mounting peasants patrol the capital, and the tributary system. In this system, the emperor had duty and right to defense a tributary state with his armed forces. In this ways, the Joseon dynasty could save autonomously national defense expenditures and realize ideology of the Confucianism which emphasize saving resources.

      • KCI등재

        류구왕국(琉球王國)과 조선왕조족보(朝鮮王朝族譜)의 비교연구

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2016 大東文化硏究 Vol.0 No.94

        류큐왕국은 17세기 말부터 士族의 족보를 작성케 하여, 정기적으로 그들의 출생 및 신상 변동 사항을 공인함으로써 신분제적 지배를 시행했다. 원칙적으로 한사람의 후손만이 가계를 계승하여 사족 신분을 용인받았는데, 세대를 내려가면서 후손이 증가하게 되자, 형제 가운데에는 분가하여 새로운 가를 창립하기도 하지만, 대부분의 형제와 그 후손들은 본가의 가계에 붙어있었다. 류큐왕국이 멸망하여 신분적지배가 없어진 뒤에 친족조직을 대규모로 확대했다. 조선왕조는 호적에 선조의 계보를 기록하도록 하여 신분제적으로 지배했지만, 모든 평민에게 개방되었다. 조선왕조의 족보는 이러한 국가의 신분정책에 대응하여 민간에서 스스로 사족 신분임을 주장하면서 작성되었다. 조선왕조의 족보는 사족사이에서 형성된 선별적 혼인네트워크에 기초하여 배타적 결합을 꾀한 결과물이었다. 그러나 족보가 작성될 때마다 새롭게 등재되거나 혹은 그 반대로 배제되는 가계가 생겨나는 과정에서 부계적 친족집단의 결집은 관념적일 수밖에 없었다. The Ryukyu Kingdom allowed nobles to compile genealogy after the late 17th century. The nobles recorded any changes to their genealogy, and the government put an official seal on it. By this, the Ryukyu could maintain the hierarchy system. Only the heir could success the family line as a rule in the Ryukyu and were approved his status as a representative of "ya(家)". Some of brothers of the heir of the "ya" began a new family line. But most of brothers of the heir and their descendants tried to maintain their status as elite group by depending on the heir. After the fall of the Ryukyu kingdom with their hierarchy system, the elite families had strengthened solidarity among family members and largely expanded their family organization. The Korean government had maintained hierarchy system by recording one``s ancestors not on genealogies but on household register before the Choson dynasty. After the Choson era, not only the elite group also commoners could record their ancestor on the household register. So the elite group of Choson could not receive legal guarantees for their status from the government. The genealogy of Choson was invented by the private sector as a substitute for household register against the policy. The genealogy of Choson was the result of efforts to exclusive binding social status on the basis of the marriage network that is formed between elite families. However the exclusiveness of Choson genealogy was caused by the fluidity of the hierarchy system of Choson society, embedded the openness inside also. So many families newly appeared and the other many families disappeared for the genealogy. As such, the patrilineal unification was as ideological. The reinforcement and expansion of kinship group was generalized since the end of the 19th century at last. The genealogy of Choson and Ryukyu was compiled in the hierarchy system society. The form and character of genealogy of two dynasties showed differences depending on the mobility of hierarchy society and the intensity of government power. But kinship group began to unify after the end of domination of government using the hierarchy system.

      • KCI등재

        특집 : 조선후기 실학자의 현실 인식과 사회경제개혁론; 정약용의 재정개혁론 -지방재정에 대한 현실인식을 중심으로-

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 한국실학학회 2014 한국실학연구 Vol.0 No.27

        茶山 丁若鏞의 재정개혁론을 지방재정에 대한 현실인식이라는 관점에서 살펴본다. 정약용의 『經世遺表』에서 제시된 井田法은 王土思想에 기초한 중앙집권적 토지징수의 원리를 밝힌 것이다. 이에 대해 『牧民心書』에는 그러한 재정 원리가 재정징수의 현장에서 실현될 수 있는 재정운영 원칙들이 제시되어 있다. 정약용은 징수와 상납, 재원의 관리, 자체경비의 충당이라는 지방의 재정업무가 재정의 중앙집권화 과정에 대응하여 수행될 것을 제안한다. 또한 그와 동시에 지방의 독자적인 재정업무 수행의 방법을 제시하고 있다. 그것은 조선왕조의 재정이 정규의 재정부분에서 집권적으로 파악되고 비정규의 재정부분에서 자율성을 인정하는 ‘이원적 체제’에 의거하여 운영되고 있음을 간파한 때문이다. 19세기 초에 정약용이 제시한 재정개혁론은 왕토사상에 기초한 국초의 재정이념에 담긴 혁신성을 재천명한 것이라 할 수 있다. 이것은 18세기 이후 재정의 중앙집권화가 실현되는 역사적 경험에 의거하며, 조선왕조 재정의 특징인 ‘節用’의 절약적 재정이 이원적 재정체제 위에서 실현될 수 있다는 현실적 인식에 기초하고 있다. This paper examine the theory on financial reform fo Jeong Yak-yong from the point of view of reality recognition of local government finance. He presented the idea of Well-field system in the Gyeongseyupyo(經世遺表). This is based on the principle of centralized land collection. The financial principles, the Mokminsimseo(牧民心書) presents the method of operation so that it could be implemented in the field of taxation. He suggested that it is run fiscal management of the local government- such as tax collection and payment, management of financial resources, voluntary appropriation of expenses-so as to correspond to the process of centralization of finance. Also he presented a method of self-regulating fiscal management of local government. Because he had penetrated about the dual system of finance of the Joseon Dynasty. This dual system means centralized in the official sector and autonomous in the informal sector. Fiscal reform theory, he claimed in the 19th century, was one that revived the innovation embedded in the financial ideology of founders of the Dynasty. Since the 18th century, fiscal centraliztion was realized in the Joseon Dynasty. This is because he believed fiscal saving, which is a feature of the financial system of the Joseon Dynasty, could be realized within the dual system of finance.

      • KCI등재

        '삼정문란'과 '지방 재정 위기'에 대한 재인식

        손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 역사비평사 2012 역사비평 Vol.- No.101

        In order to actualize centralistic financial ideology, Joseon Dynasty has experienced a centralization process. In 18th century, It tried to limit the individual and dispersive finances securing activities of state agency by setting up total tax in each region by tax items. In the other side, it also guaranteed local government"s independent fiscal management. The perception of three policies"s disorder, which are related to land, military and relief work from late 18th century to 19th century, just shows a concern about arbitrary behavior of local government in fiscal management. But the finance in 19th century is not only regarded as crisis as centralistic financial part and local autonomous financial part operated together and both of them are in a complementary relationship. In one side, The Gabo Reform of 1894 wanted to implement a financial unification ideology in reality under the absolute authority of the king. At the same time, the dualistic financial system in Joseon Dynasty made itself face the crisis.

      • KCI등재

        역사상(歷史上)에서의 인구조사(人口調査)와 통치구조(統治構造) ; 식민지시대의 호구조사와 민의 대응, 그 전통성의 관점에서

        손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 수선사학회 2011 史林 Vol.0 No.40

        Even after the modern registration of the population started from the Colonial Period, it went hand in hand with a census of resident registration through the creation of a family register. The family register of the colonial period that Japan used was based on the family registration from the Meiji reforms. Through the recording of deliberate changes in family composition, like marriage, birth or death, the central government created a register based on a legal family through blood relations to control each individual person. Family registers from China and Korea had continually been created from ancient society until the change to modern society. However, since the way of taking the census in the colonial period was differentfrom the traditional way, the people needed to be forcibly mobilized, since a lot of resistance arose due to the familiarity with the old ways. On the one hand this was because the compilation of genealogies by citizens had been widely popular among people. Many people had feverishly created a family register based on a paternal lineage, on the one hand in order to overcome social discrimination of the Choseon status system that perished along with the dynasty itself, on the other hand to reaffirm their social heritage. However, this was also an ideological countermeasure against the census of the colonial authorities. The renaming policy of 1940 was created as an extension of the census geared toward families. This policy was not only to change names into a more Japanese way, but by homogenizing one family name and all the members of that family, they wanted to change the family lineages of colonial Koreans to the modern Japanese style of creating genealogies. Through this renaming it can be seen that colonial Koreans first of all created a name that would keep its legacy with its earlier family name, and second that one family would all change their name to the same one, or would register that they all lived in the same region. Even close family would usually use the same name according to the clan where they belonged to in order to distinguish themselves from other relatives. Colonial Koreans would in response to the renaming policy keep their connection to their links to a small scale.

      연관 검색어 추천

      이 검색어로 많이 본 자료

      활용도 높은 자료

      해외이동버튼