조선왕조 1600년경 편찬 족보의 계보형태와 특성 -1606년 편찬 『진양하씨세보(晉陽河氏世譜), 만력본(萬曆本))』의 분석을 중심으로

손병규 ( Byung Giu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2012 大東文化硏究 Vol.77 No.-

조선왕조시대의 족보는 신분제의 유동성에서 기인하고 신분적 배타성에 의거하여 동일계층의 사회집단을 결집하려는 의도로 편찬되었다. 그러나 한편으로 족보 편찬에는 네트워크의 개방성에 기인하여 편찬에 참가하는 가계가 끊임없이 확산되고 교체되는 변화를 겪는다. 말하자면 선별적이고 계층적인 집단화의 배타성과, 혼인과 더불어 무한히 확대되는 네트워크의 개방성이라는 두 가지 서로 다른 원리로 족보가 편찬되었다. 조선시대 족보의 계보형태와 기재사항이 부계혈연집단의 결집을 강화하는 방향으로만 작용하지는 않았다는 것이다. 1600년경에 편찬된 족보들은 그 전과 후에 편찬된 족보들의 계보형태와 그 특성 이 갖는 연속성과 변화를 동시에 보여준다. 특히 『진양하씨세보(만력본)』에서 주목되는 것은 편자의 선조들 가운데 부계남성으로 시작하는 계보를 ``子派``, 부계여성의 배우자인 사위로부터 시작하는 계보를 ``女派``라 구분하여 기록할 뿐 아니라, ``外譜``라고 부르면서 부계남성의 배우자, 妻家의 계보를 수용했다는 점이다. 이전의 족보는 아들과 딸 양쪽으로 이어지는 계보형태를 띠어 ``子女譜``라 불린다. 이 족보는 기본적으로 이전의 ``자녀보`` 형태를 유지하지만, ``자파`` ``여파``와 같은 여러 개의 네트 워크를 설정하고 여기에 더해 편자의 직계선조의 처가쪽 혼인네트워크까지 끌어들여 각 네트워크를 혼인관계로 연결하고 있다는 것이다. 서로 다른 네트워크를 ``링크(link)``시키는 접점을 ``노드(node)``라고 한다. 사위로부터 이어지는 ``女派``의 계보나 처가의 계보인 ``外譜``를 서로 잇는 연결점, 즉 족보에서 네트워크 사이를 링크하는 노드는 夫婦이다. 이전의 족보는 딸과 그의 남편이 연결점의 역할을 했으며, 1600년경부터 그것에 더해 아들과 며느리가 연결점으로 등장했다. 족보편찬의 그러한 원리는 17세기 이후의 족보편찬에도 지속적으로 적용되었다. 부계남성의 계보로 단일화되는 경향이 있는 17세기 이후의 일반적인 족보에는 각부계남성들의 배우자측, 즉 妻父의 기록이 네트워크의 연결점으로 기능했다. The genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty, which was derived from the mobility of a caste system, was compiled in order to unite the social group that had the same status according to status exclusionism. However, on the other hand, the compilation of the genealogy was also derived from the openness of their network, which caused lineage inclusion that continuously spread and replaced existing networks. In other words, the genealogy was compiled by two different principles, the selective and hierarchical collectivization`s exclusion and the infinitely expanding network`s openness through marriage. Therefore, the pedigree` form and the items recorded not only had the effect of reinforcing the paternal descent group. The genealogies which were compiled around 1600 show the continuity and change in the same time, compared to the genealogy before and after that. In particular, among the compilation of ancestors in the Chinyang Hassi Genealogy (Mallyo edition) ``晉陽河氏世譜(萬曆本)``, the lineage started from paternal males was called Japa ``子派``, the lineage started from the son-in-law of paternal females was called Yopa ``女派``, and the spouse of the paternal males are called Oebo ``外譜``. The genealogies before this which includes both son and daughter`s lineage are called Janyobo ``子女譜``. This genealogy fundamentally not only maintains the form of previous Janyobo ``子女譜``, but also sets up several networks like Japa ``子派``, Yopa ``女派``, and even includes the marrige network of lineal ancestor`s wife, and link these networks with marriage. The point that links the different networks is called a node. Like the node link the Yopa ``女派``lineage which started from the son-in-law and the Oebo ``外譜``lineage of the wife, the node link the network in the genealogy is the couple. In the previous geneology, daughter and her husband works as node, and from 1600 son and his wife became the node too. The link through marriage makes the social network`s openness spread, even after the compilation of the genealogy, the lineages are included through Ch`urok ``追錄`` or Pyolbo ``別譜``. And the principle of genealogy is continuously applied after the 17th century. The genealogy which has an unification trend of paternal line after the 17th century, the record of paternal males` wife`s side functions as a node of network.

조선후기 거주이동과 혈연적 연대의 관계 -단성지역 합천이씨 가계들의 호적과 족보 분석을 통해-

손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.79

3년마다 작성되는 호적대장의 ‘행정리’는 가족이 실제로 거주하는 복수의 ‘마을’로 편성된다. 호구 등록이 가족의 형성과 거주이동을 그대로 반영한다고 단언하기는 어렵지만, 행정리를 넘어서는 호구 이동을 연속된 장기적 관찰로 추적하여 현실적인 거주와 이동을 추정할 수는 있다. 조선후기 단성지역의 합천이씨 가족들은 여러 행정리에 할거하고 있었다. 행정리마다 등재된 호구는 대체로 신분이나 가계를 달리하며, 행정리에 지속적으로 거주하거나 행정리를 넘어서서 이동하는 경향에도 차이가 있었다. 18~19세기를 통해 동일 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 경우는 점차 감소하는 반면, 호의 대표자가 장남과 계자인 호의 비율은 높아진다. 거주이동이 심화되고 계자율이 높아지는 경향을 반영한다. 계자와 장남이 출신지 행정리에 지속적으로 등재되는 비율은 양반과 향리의 특정가계에서만 두드러진다. 단성현의 합천이씨 가족들은 18세기를 통해 세거지의 형성을 강하게 열망해왔지만, 타지역으로의 이동도 빈번했다. 19세기에는 양반들도 몇몇 직계가족을 제외하고 한 지역에서 세대를 이어 장기적으로 거주하기는 어려웠다. The administrative village in the household registers published every three years in Joseon Korea consisted of several actual villages. It is hard to conclude that the household register shows the formation and migration of the family as it was. However, it is possible to presume the actual movement of the family by observing the living and moving on the registers in the long term. In the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, the Hapcheon Lee clan members of Tanseong prefecture were dwelling in several administrative villages. The trend of moving patterns across the border of the administrative villages of the Lee clan members those who are in various social status differed by lineages and their status. While the proportion of the households those who kept staying in the same administrative village was decreased, the proportion of as the household head who was the first son or adopted son in the family increased for the eighteenth and nineteenth century. It means that they migrated frequently and adopted more in that period. However, the eldest sons or adopted sons of some elite lineages tended to not move across the administrative village border. Even though the Lee clan was known about had been tried to build their “same family name villages” in the prefecture in the eighteenth century, the registers also show they used to move across the villages. The nineteenth century onwards, staying at a village in generations was difficult to even the elite lineages except for a few dominant families.

17세기 노비호(奴婢戶)의 호적등재 ― 조선왕조 재정의 관점에서

孫炳圭 ( Son Byung-giu ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2020 大東文化硏究 Vol.110 No.-

奴婢가 호를 대표하는 奴婢戶는 17세기 말에서 18세기 초에 걸친 시기의 호적대장에 가장 많이 등재되었다. 본고는 17세기 말에 이르기까지 호적등재 원칙의 관점에서 노비호의 형성과정을 추적하며, 17세기 말에 노비호가 대거 등재되는 이유에 대해서 추론한다. 호를 단위로 하는 ‘稅役’의 부담을 책임지는 자로서, 호의 대표자는 ‘職役’을 가진‘良人’으로 세우는 것이 원칙이다. 17세기 초까지 호적에 사노비들로 구성된 호가 없지 않으나, 모두 ‘노비소유주+노비’의 형태로 등재되었다. 노비소유주가 그 호의 주체임을 분명히 한 것으로 보인다. 그런데 17세기 말의 호적대장에는 호의 대표자로서 사노비가 소유주의 앞에 기재되고 소유주가 기재되지 않는 경우도 있다. 더구나 그러한 호는 전체의 반을 차지할 정도로 많다. 이러한 호의 사노비 소유주는 한 지역의 호적에 자신의 호와 함께 그의 노비들로 구성되는 복수의 호를 등재하고 있다. 17세기 말의 호적장부에는 가능한 한 많은 호구를 파악하고자 하는 정책에 힘입어 등재되는 호구수가 증가하였다. 지역사회에서는 그곳에 할당된 호구의 총수에 준하여호를 단위로 하는 세역 부담이 분배될 필요가 있었다. 이러한 세역 부담을 사회경제적 능력에 따라 균등하게 분배하는 방법과 관련하여, 노비호의 등재에 노비소유주가 깊이 관여한 것으로 추측된다. 1720년경의 토지대장에도 필지마다 토지소유자로서 노비소유주와 노비의 이름이 함께 기재되거나 노비명만이 기재되는 경우가 있다. 이것은 조선왕조 재정의 관점에서 17세기의 노비호 형성과 무관하지 않다. The household registers compiled from the late 17th to early 18th centuries registered a large number of nobi household heads. This study traces the process of composing the household with nobi heads until the late 17th century. Also, this study suggests the reason why the household registers needed to record households of nobi heads. As the person in charge of national taxation and corvée for the household, the household head used to be chosen among free-born in principle, having an occupational record. The households of nobi were registered in the form of 'owner + nobi' in household registers until the early 17th century. This form tells us that the nobi owner was the real head of the household, even it had a nobi head. However, the household registers of the late 17th century used to record the nobi instead of the owner of the nobi, and some households did not report the owner. As a result, we can find not only the household of the owners of nobi but also several households of his nobi in a register. The total number of households and population in the registers in the late 17th century increased due to the financial policy of the government which intended to find more households as possible. The total amount of national taxation and corvée, which was imposed on a county, was allocated to sub-counties by the total number of households. This study supposes that composing and registering households with nobi heads were invented by nobi owners as a means of distributing national taxation in considering the socio-economic capacity of each household in a sub-county. A similar feature was reported from the land register compiled around 1720 which recorded the information of the landowner in the form of 'owner + nobi' or nobi alone to represent the real landowner. From the perspective of national finance, these recording patterns were deeply related to the process and reason for increasing households with nobi heads in the household register in the 17th century.

단성호적의 사료적 성격 호적대장 직역난의 군역 기재와 도이상의 통계

손병규 ( Son Byeong Gyu ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2001 大東文化硏究 Vol.39 No.-

18~19세기 지방재정운영에 있어 자율적 납세조직의 활동

손병규(Son, Byung-Giu) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.65

朝鮮王朝의 재정은 일찍이 건국 시기부터 모든 재원이 왕권하에 일원적으로 집중되고 재분배되는 중앙집권적 운영체제를 이념으로 했다. 그러나 그것은 이후 장기에 걸쳐, 그리고 정규와 비정규의 이원적 재정부분이 병행하는 방식으로 현실화되었다. 18세기 중엽을 전후로 중앙정부는 징수 및 분배 재원의 ‘總額’을 설정하여 중앙재정에 대한 집권적 운영체계를 확립했다. 그것은 징수에서 분배에 이르는 재정과정의 많은 부분을 민간의 자율적인 납세조직 결성과 활동에 근거한 지방의 자율적 재정활동에 위임함으로써 가능했다. 19세기에는 지방재정 운영체계를 둘러싼 지방권력 내부의 알력과 중앙재정 운영의 경직성이 문제시되었다. 甲午改革이후 大韓帝國시기에는 재정운영의 완전한 중앙일원화가 시도되었으나 지방에서는 여전히 기왕의 운영방법이 견지되었다. The financial system of the Joseon Dynasty was based on the centralized administrational organization from the beginning of the dynasty. The power which concentrated on the king redistributed all the economic resources. This system had been developed in the manner of coexistence of regular and irregular financial part for a long time. About the 18th century, the central government had built up centralized financial system by setting the total amount of income and expenditure. That was possible because the central government delegated financial authority to private sector and local government. The local residents spontaneously formed organizations for tax payment in village level. And the tax collection of the local government grounded on these autonomous organization. However increasing rigidity of the coexistence system between central and local government made a problem after the 19th century. The financial system was powerfully centralized by the central government, the Korean Empire, after the Kabo Reformation. However the former financial operating system was still maintained in local society.

수교와 교섭의 시기 한러관계 조선후기 상속과 가족형태의 변화 -단성현(丹城縣)에 거주하는 안동권씨(安東權氏) 가계의 호적 및 족보 기록으로부터

손병규 ( Byeong Gyu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2008 大東文化硏究 Vol.61 No.-

조선후기 비총제(比摠制) 재정의 비교사적 검토

손병규(Son, Byung-giu) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.81

The “Bu'yeok Shilchong” (The Complete Numbers on Compulsory Labor), a book from the end of the 18th century recorded the formal financial resources which were controlled by the central government of the Joseon dynasty. The aim of this book was to establish a centralized financial system by checking the various state agencies' competitive financial security activities and by protecting the financial operations at the level of counties and prefectures. Next to this monetary tax system, many other kinds of taxes such as those paid by rice or cotton were still being levied by various state agencies. In addition, the public expenditure for local governments remained relatively small compared to those of the central government and were never extensive. In contrast, according to the local financial budget report, which was included in the "Bu'yeok Jeonseo" (Complete Book on Compulsory Labor), shows that during the Ming and Qing dynasties taxes for the central government and the expenditure for the frontier military were unified in a land tax collection which was paid in silver. The detailed recording of the local expenses shows that a centralist control of financial operations was promoted with the Ministry of Revenue as its central financial agency. The implementation of a local financial policy based on a fixed-amount tax like the Regressive tax along with the land taxation and other various taxes paid by currency like the mobilization of labor force, can be seen as a more advanced stage of the financial centralization process. However, the characteristics of the autocratic financial system are that it continuously produced irregularities in its individual and dispersive financing. Therefore the Joseon dynasty pursued a tax collection system in which distribution was paid for by the central government, including the management of financial resources and estates, and the whole process of authorization to the local government offices was to minimize costs. This was a rational financial operation plan that shows that, in an underdeveloped market, the state controls the market in accordance with its own financial operational needs.

한국 역사인구학의 방향 설정을 위하여 ; 인구사적 측면에서 본 호적과 족보의 자료적 성격 -17~19세기 경상도 단성현의 호적대장과 합천이씨가의 족보

손병규 ( Byeong Gyu Son ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2004 大東文化硏究 Vol.46 No.-

17,18세기 호적대장의 사노비 기재 실태 -경상도 단성현 권대유가 노비를 중심으로-

손병규 ( Son Byeong Gyu ) 한국고문서학회 2004 古文書硏究 Vol.24 No.-

If we consider household slaves from household register, it is not easy to suppose the actual condition of their existence. But We can get near to it by considering the form of registering slaves and its change in household register. For example, we can find that they registered only about 50 percents of their slaves in household register and forms of registering slaves were various. Household slaves were expected to be registered as properties of their owners. Since the 17th century, however, slaves usually made their own houses separated from their owners` houses and were registered in household register in the same way as their owners. Houses of paternal families as economic units were registered in the form of various houses including owner`s house and slave`s house. To conform to forms of consistent with the rule of registering houses and, at the same time, to cope with the change of policy to secure the total number of houses, people adjusted the number of houses with their slaves. How could they adjust the actual social economic units including family and household slaves to registering form of household register? It was related with several problems as follows : national demand represented as population policy, interest between a local government and local residents, a conflict among inside members, and mutual benefits etc. Houses in household register were not only real subjects to taxation but also objects of national redistribution as the final aim of national finance. A local government and local residents estimated their own ability to pay and financial conditions against population policy. Then they tried to meet the total number of houses in accordance with it. A part of slaves were registered as household slaves under their owners or ones separated from their owners. They were represented as regular economic units and played roles in meeting the total number of houses in household register. But it seems that every owner of slaves didn`t have a conciliatory attitude for registering like that. In some cases, houses of slaves were not made separately and a lot of slaves were registered as household slaves under their owners. There always had been efforts both to grasp slaves as their own possessions and to escape from taxation. It was just the same with slaves. Through the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, they were disposed to register houses of slaves, not recording social positions of slaves but reforming their social positions and legislative occupations same as the common people. On the contrary, there went on increasing in the number of slaves, according to the form of registering houses, registered only as properties of their owners. Hence the total number of slaves registered in household register of the mid-19th century increased rather than before. The change of the total number of slaves was basically due to the form of registering according to population policy.

갑오시기 재정개혁의 의미 : 조선오아조 재정시스템의 관점에서

손병규(Son Byung-gyu) 고려사학회 2005 한국사학보 Vol.- No.21