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      • KCI등재

        영어의 모음전환에 의한 중첩현상에 대하여

        박천배 대한언어학회 1998 언어학 Vol.6 No.2

        Park, Cheon-Bae.. 1998. A Study on English Reduplication with Ablaut Phenomenon. Linguistics, vol 6-2, 289-307. The purpose of this paper is (i) to investigate English reduplicative words, especially the ones that are considered to involve Ablaut phenomenon, and (ii) to give an explanation to the phenomenon in the light of Optimality Theory, or more specifically Correspondence theory, which views it as word-formation based on interactive constraints rather than on ordered copying rules of Standard Theory or Autosegmental Theory. This paper concludes that the essence of the phenomenon is that reduplicative elements are prefixed or suffixed in the obedience to ALIGN constraints, and also that the vowel pairs in those words can be nicely explained by the interaction of ALIGN, POLARITY, and IDENT-BR constraints. (Wonkwang University)

      • KCI등재

        영어의 장/단모음화 현상에 대하여

        박천배 서울대학교 어학연구소 1994 語學硏究 Vol.30 No.3

        Generative Phonology assumes that allomophs are derived from a unique morpheme through a different set of phonological rules depending on the environment the morpheme occurs in. This means that we can obtain a simpler mental lexicon when we exclude all the allomorphs from the lexicon except only one basic form. On the basis of this assumption, this thesis searches for the optimal forms of rules and underlying representations to account for vowel lengthening and shortening in English in a framework combining Standard Theory and Lexical Phonology. We suggest that the underlying representations of some lexical entries have latent moras which are to be activated by Latent Mora Activation Rule on a later cycle after the application of Shortening Rules. Under this new approach, Shortening Rules apply with no exceptions and get a greater generalization of the rules; Latent Mora Activation Rule produces the effect of lengthening and obviates the previous Lengthening Rules which are infected with various demerits. The phonological rules and the explanations presented above show that the alternations between short vowels and (usually one grade higher) long vowels (or diphthongs) are due to the interaction among exceptionless Vowel Shift, Diphthongization, Shortening Rules, and Latent Mora Activation Rule. This system of rule interaction makes the grammar simpler, more general, and thus, more optimal.

      • 모음 높이의 새로운 표기법에 대하여

        박천배,Park Cheon-Bae 대한음성학회 1994 말소리 Vol.27 No.-

        Processes involving the change of vowel height are natural enough to be found in many languages. It is essential to have a better feature specification for vowel height to grasp these processes properly, Standard Phonology adopts the binary feature system, and vowel height is represented by the two features, i.e., [\pm high] and [\pm low]. This has its own merits. But it is defective because it is misleading when we count the number of features used in a rule to compare the naturalness of rules. This feature system also cannot represent more than three degrees of height, We wi31 discard the binary features for vowel height. We consider to adopt the multivalued feature [n high] for the property of height. However, this feature cannot avoid the arbitrariness resulting from the number values denoting vowel height. It is not easy to expect whether the number in question is the largest or not It also is impossible to decide whether a larger number denotes a higher vowel or a lower vowel. Furthermore this feature specification requires an ad hoc condition such as n > 3 or n \geq 2, whenever we want to refer to a natural class including more than one degree of height The altelnative might be Particle Phonology, or Dependency Phonology. These might be apt for multivalued vowel height systems, as their supporters argue. However, the feature specification of Particle Phonology will be discarded because it does not observe strictly the assumption that the number of the particle a is decisive in representing the height. One a in a representation can denote variant degrees of height such as [e], [I], [a], [a ] and [e ]. This also means that we cannot represent natural classes in terms of the number of the particle a, Dependency Phonology also has problems in specifying a degree of vowel height by the dependency relations between the elements. There is no unique element to represent vowel height since every property has to be defined in terms of the dependency relations between two or more elements, As a result it is difficult to formulate a rule for vowel height change, especially when the phenomenon involves a chain of vowel shifts. Therefore, we suggest a new feature specification for vowel height (see Chapter 3). This specification resorts to a single feature H and a few >'s which refer exclusively to the degree of the tongue height when a vowel is pronounced. It can cope with more than three degrees of height because it is fundamentally a multivalued scalar feature. This feature also obviates the ad hoc condition for a natural class while the [n high] type of multivalued feature suffers from it. Also this feature specification conforms to our expection that the notation should become simpler as the generality of the class increases, in that the fewer angled brackets are used, the more vowels are included, Incidentally, it has also to be noted that, by adopting a single feature for vowel height, it is possible to formulate a simpler version of rules involving the changes of vowel height especially when they involve vowel shifts found in many languages.

      • KCI등재

        Complementing Amalgam Clefts

        박천배 대한영어영문학회 2019 영어영문학연구 Vol.45 No.4

        This study introduces the following English amalgam cleft and attempts to offer an adequate analysis for this construction: He needs a break is what he needs. One popular analysis posits a Topic-Comment structure in which this sentence consists of two independent finite clauses linked by the copula is. This study, however, observes that the apparent finite clause preceding the copula displays the properties of the root clause and thus claims that this part is not really an independent clause linked with the following wh-clause. Under the Topic-Comment analysis, the copula is regarded as a Topic marker. But this study claims that it is a usual copula that appears in clefts in general. The analysis that reflects the above claims is offered as follows: He needs [FocP a break [TP pro is [what he needs] TP] FocP]. This structure well captures the fact that the [DP a break] is understood as the direct object of the matrix verb need as well as the subject of the copula is. The discussion of the study advocates for the direct complementation analysis involving FocP, against the previous Topic-Comment analysis. Further, this study extends the proposed analysis to a similar construction named subject contact relatives, showing that amalgamation of the two apparent clauses is in fact widely made through FocP complementation.

      • KCI등재

        최적성이론과 영어차용어의 음절말자음에 대하여

        박천배 대한언어학회 2000 언어학 Vol.8 No.3

        Park, Cheon-Bae. 2000. A Study on Optimality Theory and English Loanwords with Obstruent Codas. Journal of the Linguistic Association of Korea, 8(3), 241-257. This paper focuses on the process through which English words are borrowed into the Korean lexicon. It points out that the process of borrowing is completely different from that of using phonological evaluation to pronounce a phrase or a sentence, i.e., that they belong to separate levels. In some cases, where two forms, one with a coda and the other with an inserted vowel, are derived from only one English word, it is argued what matters is the release of a final coda consonant. It is also argued that the coda obstruent [t] with no release should be stored as /s/ in the Korean lexicon. Consequently, English bus([b s]) is stored as /p si/ in the Korean lexicon while Korean 벗([p t] 'friend') has the underlying representation of /p s/. They are destined to suffer the same set of constraints in order to be evaluated as their respective optimal output form. (Wonkwang University)

      • KCI등재후보
      • KCI등재

        will과 would의 기본 의미 연구 -두 편의 영소설을 중심으로-

        박천배 ( Cheon Bae Park ) 대한언어학회 2011 언어학 Vol.19 No.2

        This thesis focuses on the typology and frequency analysis of various surface meanings of instances of "will" and "would" used in two English novels: Carroll (1865) Alice`s Adventures in Wonderland. and Hemingway (1929) A Farewell to Arms. The result of analysis shows that the meanings of "will" can be grouped chiefly into two types: volition and prediction. The count of occurrences shows that the proportion of ``volition`` is bigger than that of ``prediction`` by 43.9% and by 38.1% respectively, which leads us to conclude that the meaning of ``prediction`` can be considered as the basic lexical meaning of "will" and "would". However, considering the fact that the simple change of subject from the first person to the third person can replace the meaning of ``volition`` (e.g., I will help you) with that of ``prediction`` or simple future (e.g., He will help you), we should assume a bipolar axis of continuum consisting of ``prediction`` and "volition" for its core meanings in connection with the subjects of first person and third person. This axis of meanings, might as well be registered in the lexicon, just like the subcategorization for syntax.

      • KCI등재

        최적성 이론과 말레이어 자음 음운론

        박천배(Park, Cheon-Bae) 한국음운론학회 1997 음성·음운·형태론 연구 Vol.3 No.-

        The purpose of this paper is to investigate in Optimality Theory the set of constraints which substitutes the set of the rules of Standard Theory which deals with the behaviors of Malay consonants. This paper also works on the ranking of such constraints. The language under consideration is JM (Johore Malay), a Malay dialect spoken in the southern area of Malay Peninsula, and in this language the discrepancies between input and output are observed especially when a nasal consonant is to be followed by other consonants. In order to deal with such phenomena we need to posit the constraints such as *NC<sub>son</sub>, *N[C<sub>obstr</sub>, RootLin, ICC(P1), Ident(n), Ident(vd), MAX( [C+vd]) and so on. What is notable among these is that the constraint *N[C<sub>obstr</sub> has to mention the morpheme boundary between a prefix ending with a nasal consonant and a root beginning with a voiceless obstruent.

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