패턴으로 이해하는 빅데이터

문영상 한국IT서비스학회 2014 한국IT서비스학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2014 No.춘계

영국 Gentry계층의 역할과 그들의 역사적 성격

문영상 부산경남사학회 1977 역사와 경계 Vol.1 No.-

북한인물론12:대남정책의 선두주자로 부상하고 있는 전금철

문영상 북한연구소 1991 北韓 Vol.- No.237

Running의 생역학

문영상 대한스포츠의학회 1983 대한스포츠의학회지 Vol.1 No.1

英國 絶對主義의 特性에 관한 硏究 : 튜더絶對王政과 議會의 關係를 中心으로

文永相 東亞大學校 敎育大學院 1980 敎育大學院 論文集 Vol.6 No.-

This thesis attempts to inquire into three problems. First, the writer inquire into the specific thought structure in the period of the english absolutism as a prerequisite for the study of the relation between the Tudor absolute monarchy and parliament. Second, he studies the historical character of the english parliament, the interrelationship between monarch and parliament, and the legislative and financial function of parliament in the period of the early Tudor dynasty. Third, he studies the character and interrelationship of the three parties, bureaucrats, parliamentarians and the justice of peacem who were the reulers in teh period of Tudor dynasty. The main points of the above three problems are summarized as follows: 1.In the period of Tudor absolutism, there developed an idea of a mixed government and King in government, but there was no change in the basic principles and character of absolutism. In the realm of people's private rights, the monarch had limited fuction as a King in parliament. On the other hand, the royal prerogative in the realm of public rights was recognized in the whole affairs of Kingdom. In other words, the parliament was in a position to control the supreme power of the monarch, In addition, they not have the concept of parliamentry sovereignty in the period of the english absolutixsm. 2.Henry Ⅶ opened the session of parliament only seven times during his reign of 25 years. The total years of session took 10 years. This periods is nothing but 40% of his reigning years, which reflects the temporality of the parliament and the tendency toward english absolutism. The parliament shows the image of an obedient parliament in legislative acts and acts of taxaton. This obedient character of parliament is due fucdamentally to the fact that the crown and parliament was in the same interests, and both parties maintained cooperative and coexistent relations. In the view of legislative fuction of the parliament, most legislation for the construction of absolute monarchy was based on the acts of parliament, but in the view of financial function of parliament, the taxation of the first-fruits, tenth, fifteenth, subsidies belonging to temporary imcomes of the crown, and auxiliary customs belonging to King's ordinary incomes were only needed the consent by the parliament. This proves that monarch was independent and free from the control of the parliament in financial matters, and that the principle of absolutism dominated finance. 3.In the period of the english absolutism, the higher bureaucrats in the central government and parliamentarians studk together closely and the higher bureaucrats held plural offices in each shire for the justices of peace. At the same time there was personal exchange between the justices of peace and parliamentarians. Thus the bureaucrats, parliamentarians and the justices of peace had close contacts with each other, for they all belonged to the same social status, namely, the knight and higher gentry status.

原始 German社會의 經濟構造의 特性 : 主로 二大根本史料를 中心으로

文永相 東亞大學校 1966 東亞論叢 Vol.3 No.-

This thesis aims at studying primarily the fundamental character of economical construction of the primitive German society in the Caeser-Tacitus age seen mainly through "Commentarii de bello Gallico" and "Germania". The main point of each chapter is as fellows. (1) It was a fact that hunting and stock-farming were important occupations in that society and accordingly the ancient Germans moved from a place to another so frequently. But I concluded that the key-note of the primitive German industry might exactly be called a fixed agricultural life. (2) As for the commerce of the time the north-eastern regions were remarkably backward compared with the regions of the south-western boundary line. Monetary economy was passively expanding into the latter regions in some degree under the influence of Roman economical expansions but the monetary ideas and monetary functions were not undeveloped yet. (3) Speaking from the Roman law, it seems to me that this society did not have the exact idea of the rights of landowning, but it was a real fact that land-owning was unequal in the society and that there were several classes in their social and economical ranks. I have come to a conclusion that this society already advanced to the step of economical development of undeveloped~ earlier landlords system. (4) The idea that farming lands were the most valuable was not recognized to them enough, and they didn't make use of land for the objects of payments. Therefore, I am not quite satisfied with the interpretation that land-owning itself was the only most cardinal and material basis of the ancient German aristocracy. We see that the cooperative bodies such as Sippe or Villages were, more or less, restraining persons of influence from enlarging their land. (5) Wide farming-land was not utilized by the manner of three-fields system, but by the manner of grass-fields system. (6) The total amount of farmingland which was owned by each family consisted of two parts, that is to say, Kamp and Esch. And each Esch was unequally allotted to farmers in proportion to their social, and political ranks or labouring capacity.

淸敎徒革命의 社會經濟的 背景의 分析

文永相 東亞大學校 1970 東亞論叢 Vol.7 No.-

(1) In the process of dissolution of the feudal landownership, except the few who secured freehold, the thought and movement that had reflected the demand of the majority of copyholders turned out a failure. (2) The peasant proprietors who held fast to the possession of traditional common rights failed in the attainment of the assurance of the modern law. (3) Such an inconclusiveness of legal reformation in the process of dissolution of the feudal landownership is equally able to bee seen in the process of the dissolution of the industrial and commercial capital monopoly system of the early stage. This accounts for the failure of the puritan revolution to realize extensive social revolution to modernize England, and is also characteristic of the civil revolution. (4) However, the new trend and movement, such as rationalization of farm management and economic individualism that were opposed to the legacy of feudal mode of production, were rising vigorously. On the other hand, the peasantry without the support of the modern law could not cope with new developments of the time. As a result, overwhelmed by capitalistic farm management introduced in the second half of the seventeenth century, they only served to facilitate their polarization and the accumulation of industrial capital. (5) Socio-economic significance of the puritan revolution can be found in the fact that it paved, though indirectly, the way for the growth and development of capitalism and bourgeoisie in England. (6) Finally, it is noticeable that during the period a spiritual revolution embodied in new ideas of "sovereignty rests in the people," rationalism, liberalism, etc. was realized, heralding the coming of a new era.

Tudor 王朝期의 産業構造와 支配體制의 特性 : 主로 職人條令을 通해서 본

文永相 東亞大學校 1972 東亞論叢 Vol.9 No.-

(1) The Study attempts to inquire into three problems. First, how can we grasp the outline and characteristics of the general industrial structure under the government of absolutism that had been brought to perfection at the Elizabethan age? Second, how did the monarchic rule of absolutism attempt to cope with all the awfully harmful troubles caused to the rural districts, the agriculture, the cities and towns, commerce and industry, by the development of rural manu facture? Third, how can We understand What is Characteristic of the System of rule political, social and econmic-the political aim of the government reflected in the Statute? The following are the four historical sources found to make an inquiry into the above-mentioned three questions. (a) An Act Touching Divers Orders for Artificiers, Labourers, Servents of Husbandry and Apprentice(1563) (b) Memorandum on the Statute of Artificiers (1573) (c) W. Cecil's Industrial Program(1563) (b) An Act Touchig Weavers (1553) Note : (a) is the material chiefly resorted to. (b) (c) and (d) are supplementary references. (2) The reason why the institution of the Statute of Artificiers was the inevitable is that in a nutshell the crisis of the industrial structure in the days of Tudor ws serious. That is to say, there arose such problems as the decline of urban industries. the crumbling of overseas markets, the protection of the privileged urban merchants in the Competition with the Hanseatic Merchants, the oppression of the rural manufacture that had developed to the national industry, the depopulaton of rural villages and the decay of tillage that had resulted from the advance of the enclosure movement, the increase of placement for the Workless, the peasants' riot, etc. The Meaning of the Statute so instituted is found, in a negative Sense, in the Work itself of compiling a unified code to be inforced throughout the land-the Code revised so as to fit the current time, based on the preceding laws and regulations taken over. However, the conservativeness and the limit of its meaning involved in that Code cannot be overlooked. To put it in a positive larger Sense, it is the establishment of Hierarchy, a class occupational and positional raising to the apex the privileged urban rich merchants as foreign traders, clothiers, etc. living in the cities and engaged in seven big occupations and making the lowest class in the society of those engaged in farming, also giving the rural villages inferiority to the interests of the cities to permanently make rural villages as agricultural Community on the ground of the basis of agricultural productions. Demand made to the rural villages for such a subordinate position by the government reveals some contradiction within to be caused by the growth of the industrial middle-class in the rural district in future. (3) In order to probe into the characteristics of the basic industrial structure, a study was made of the qualification to be an apprentice, the qualification to ba a Master, the forced work and the regulations of exemption from it, also analyzing the privileges enjoyed by the Corporate town (city, borough), the market town and the rural district. as a result, it is found that the whole area and the entire industrial field were the two series-the location of business and the type of occupation, and this classification discloses the following three characteristics. (a) In the type of occupation, agriculture and Commerce-and-industry are clerely defined, and so are the rural and urban districts-the former as the center of agriculture and the latter aa the center of Commerce and industry. And both centers are the two divisions in their functions social and economic under the power of the state. For in principle one could not be a side-job of the other, and the change of employment was entirely impossible. Therefore, free transfer, free business and free choice of occupation were strictly restricted. (b) The type of occupation and the location of business created Rank, what is so-called Hierarchy definite and unchangeable was formed. In other words, so far as the type of business is concerned, in the forms, as seven large urban privileged type of business, unprivileged handicraft of the Market towns, rural farming, and as far as the location is concerned, the corporate towns, market towns, rural district. The pattern of reproduction came into being in order so as to make the rural farming and the rural manufacture oppressed by the economic controlling power of a few privileged towns like the capital city of London and by the wealthy merchants of the corporate towns. (c) It was a certain amount of estate and those getting an income that could combine to-gether for reciprocal exchange the type of occupation and the location of business once severed. That is, it was only those who possessed a certain recognized space of land that could be privileged to join the upper class. Therefore, like the preceding ages, the possession of land at that time provided the basic function in the industrial structure. (4) The Statute reveals many provisions and aims signifying the principle "Agriculture First". nevertheless, what the monarchic government of absolutism aspired after implies a Supplementary means to preferentially accomplish the interests of the privileged towns and those engaged in Commerce and industry. This proves that the attempt was to get the rural district closely subject to the interests of the towns. As for the developing rural manufacture, the intention was to have it subordinate to the towns in the capacity of a subcontractor of urban industry and at a means of restoring the Towns. (b) It was instituted that the farming district and the agricultural field both as the home of the entire rural population, of the idle population of labor and of forced labor should take charge of their structural functions under the ideals of "Universal obligation to work". what the Statute putts stress on is that the orderly life for livelihood in the area assigned and in the occupation settled and blocked onthe basis of the rank of location and grounded on the rank of the type of business is the life for common wealth in the Commonwealth. (c) The traditional existing idea to define the two classes as opposed to one anoher-the influential land owners ofthe rural district and those engaged in commerce and industry in the towns, should have been corrected as a matter of course in the latter part of Tudor's Monarchie Regime. In those days both were the social classes that were homogeneous, and these were the nucleus of the overwhelming bureaucracy, the axis of an organization in charge of maintaining the despotic sovereign power. Such a role not only helped to accomplish the interests of the wealthy merchants of towns but also reinfored the ruling power fitted to the modern commercial society by the top class of the rural district.

英國初期絶對王政과 議會

文永相 東亞大學校 大學院 1978 大學院論文集 Vol.2 No.-

This thesis attempts to inquire into two problems. Firs, how can we grasp the characteristics of english parliament in the view points of the number of it's session, character, and function of the parliament by comparing the parliament during the reign of Henry Ⅶ with that of the former days, and the later days. Second, how can we understand what is the mutual relationship between the early absolute monarch of England and her parliament. The main points of the above two problems are summarized as follows. (Ⅰ) Henry Ⅶ opened the session of parliament only seven times during his regin of 25 years. the total years of session took 10 years. this periods is nothing but 40% of his reigning years, which reflects the temporality of the parliament and the tendency toward english absolutism. (Ⅱ) The parliament shows the image of an obedient parliament in legislative acts and acts of taxation. this obedient character of parliament is due fundamentally to the fact that the crown and parliament was in the same interests, and both parties maintained co-operative and co-existent relations. (Ⅲ) In the view of ligislative function of the parliament, most legislation for the construction of absolute monarchy was based on the acts of parliament, but in the view of financial function of parliament, the taxation of the first fruits-tenth,fifteenth, Subsidies belonging to temporary incomes of the Crown, and auxiliary customs belonging to King's ordinary incomes were only needed the consent by the parliament. this proves that monarch was independent and free from the control of the parliament in financial matters, and that the principle of absolutism dominated finance.

튜더王政期의 議會의 性格

文永相 東亞大學校 大學院 1984 大學院論文集 Vol.8 No.1

This thesis attempts to inquire into three problems : first, to study the character of English parliament in the period of early Tudor Monarchy second, to define the position of English parliament in the developmental stages of parliamentary system third, to study the character and interrelationship of the three parties, bureaucrats, parliamentarians and the justice of peace, who were the rulers in the period of Tudor Dynasty. The main points of the above three problems are summarized as follows : 1. Henry Ⅶ opened the session of parliament only seven times in his reign of 25 years. The total year of session took 10 years. This periods is nothing but 40% of his reigning years, which reflects the temporality of the parliament and the tendency toward english absolutism. The parliament shows the image of an obedient parliament toward the absolute Monarchy. 2. In general, the British parliamentary system before the transitional period to the Modern Sovereign Parliament was developed through four stages. 3. In the period of early English monarchy, the higher bureaucrats in the central government and parliamentarians stuck together closely and the higher bureaucrats held plural offices in each shire for the justices of peace. At the same time there was personal exchange between the justices of peace and parliamentarians. Thus the bureaucrats, parliamentarians and the justices of peace had close contacts with each other, for they all belonged to the same social status, namely, the knight and upper Gentry Status.