디아스포라의 정체성과 태극기 : 20세기 전반기의 미주 한인을 중심으로

목수현(Mok Soo-Hyun) 한국사회사학회 2010 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.86

19세기 말엽부터 시작된 한인 이민자들은 일본을 비롯한 중국, 러시아 및 중앙아시아 등의 아시아지역에 산재하고 있지만, 20세기 초 대규모 노동이민으로 하와이로 이주했던 미주 한인의 경우 특수한 사정을 띤다. 그들은 대한제국 국민으로서 미주에 이주했지만 곧 모국의 국권이 박탈됨으로써 국적이 없는 상태가 되었다. 그들은 모국의 국권뿐 아니라 자신들의 국적을 위해서도 단체를 조직하는 한편 1919년 삼일운동 이후 상해 임시정부로 결집된 독립운동을 후원하면서 미주 내에서 자신들의 입지를 다져나갔다. 이 글은 이러한 배경 아래 20세기 초기 미주 이민자들에게 국가 상징으로서 태극기가 어떠한 의미였는가를 사진자료와 기록자료를 바탕으로 추적해 본 것이다. 또한 이들은 태극기뿐 아니라 성조기를 함께 게양하기도 했다. 이는 그들이 모국과 거주국을 함께 기반으로 하는 이중적 정체성 사이에서 유동하던 존재임을 보여주는 것이다. 뿐만 아니라 미주 한인들은 태극기를 게양하거나 태극기 배지를 부착함으로써 일본인과 혼동되는 데서 비롯될 수 있는 위해나 피해로부터 자신들을 보호할 수 있다고 믿었다. 따라서 그들은 태극기를 적극적으로 자신들의 정체성을 드러내는 표지로 사용하였다. 이 연구는 주권이 상실된 상태에서 국기라는 국가 상징이, 회복해야 할 주권에 대한 관념적인 표상일 뿐만 아니라 생존의 조건이기도 했음을 밝힘으로써 국가 상징이 지닌 의미의 폭을 확장하는 한편, 시각문화가 지니는 일상에서의 의미를 드러내 보여주고자 한다. Korean diaspora from the late 19th century are scattered around Japan, China, Russia, and Central Asia. The case of Korean diaspora in the American Continent is distinguished from other cases, since they were migrated to Hawaii as laborers on a large scale from the early 20th century. They were immigrated to the American Continent as citizens of The Daehan Empire(大韓帝國), however with the loss of sovereignty, they were subsequently deprived of citizenship. They organized people not only for regaining sovereignty of Korea but also for advocating their citizenship. Moreover since March Uprising of 1919, they supported independent movements of Shanghai Provisional Government and strengthened their organization and status in the American Continent. This paper examined what national symbol, Taegeuk meant for them through documents and visual materials, as exemplified in a picture showing their organization and the flag of Taegeuk. In this picture, two flags, Taegeuk and the Stars and Stripes, were hung together suggesting the dual identities of those people fluctuating between home country and the migrated country. Moreover, the flag of Taegeuk worked as a sign which could determine survival of Korean people by distinguishing Koreans from the Japanese, the enemy of the U.S.A. during the pacific war. Therefore, the flag of Taegeuk was actively used to represent their national identity. This study argues that the national flag in the absence of sovereignty represented abstract sovereignty due to be regained and also worked as a distinction for survival. Therefore, this expands reading of a national symbol in multifaceted ways and reveals the meanings of visual culture in everyday life.

관광 대상과 문화재 사이에서 -숭례문, 황궁우, 경회루를 통해 본 근대 "한국" 표상 건축물의 위상-

목수현 ( Soo Hyun Mok ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2014 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.59 No.-

근대기 외국인들의 눈에 한국의 대표 이미지로 보였던 숭례문, 경회루, 황궁우는 조선시대에서 대한제국기에 이르기까지 도성 문, 궁궐의 누각, 원구단의 주요 건물로 세워진 것이다. 그러나 개항과 일제 강점기를 거치면서 그에 대한 인식이 변화되었다. 숭례문은 한양 도성의 대표적인 문으로, 외국인들에게 한양의 표상에서 나아가 한국을 대표하는 건축물로 꼽혔으며, 수많은 기행문에 기록되거나 사진이 수록되었다. 그러나 통감부 시기인 1907년에 양쪽 성벽이 헐리고 1937년에는 통행이 완전히 금지되어 문으로서의 기능이 정지되었다. 이후 숭례문은 관광의 대상으로 전락했으며 이러한 시선은 해방 후에도 지속되었다. 이제는 다만 ‘국보 1호’인 문화재로 인식될 뿐이다. 황궁우는 1897년 고종이 대한제국을 선포한 원구단의 주요 건물이지만, 일제 강점기인1914년에 원구단 자리에 철도호텔이 세워지면서 홀로 남겨졌다. 이후 호텔을 방문하는 외국인들에게 이국적인 정취를 안겨주는 정원의 건물처럼 인식되었다. 현재에도 황궁우는 본래의 맥락을 잃어버린 채 조선호텔의 뒤편에 자리 잡고 있다. 경회루는 조선왕조의 법궁인 경복궁의 주요 전각으로, 국왕이 연회를 베풀던 공간이었다. 그러나 1896년 고종이 아관파천으로 경복궁을 비운 이후 일본인 관료들의 연회장이 되었으며 이러한 관습은 해방 이후 1970년대까지 이어졌다. 역사적인 연원을 간직한 이러한 건물들이 현재는 ‘문화재’로 보호받고 있지만, 여전히 눈요기거리인 관광의 시선에 머물러 있는 것도 사실이다. 이 건물들이 외국인들의 눈에 한국을 대표하는 표상으로 인식된 것은 근대기에 형성된 이국취미의 시선에 의한 것이었으며, 본래의 역사문화적인 맥락을 잃어버린 것이었다. 국보, 사적 등으로 지정된 오늘날에도 과연 그 가치가 제대로 복원되었는지에 대해서는 반성이 요구된다. Sungnyemun, Gyeonghoeru, and Hwanggungu were the most representative construct of Korea to foreigners’ eyes during the modern era. They were respectively built as a gate of a capital city, a pavilion of a royal palace, and a main building of Wongudan. However, through the period of open port and Japanese colonization, their meanings were changed. Sungnyemun, a main gate of Hanyang, had been chosen as a symbol of Hanyang and even Korea, and thus many travelogues had mentioned it and included its picture image. However, in 1907 the wall on both sides of the gate was demolished during the period of Japanese Resident-General of Korea; in 1937 its function as a gate completely stopped by prohibiting passing through it. Since then Sungnyemun was reduced to an object of tourism. The tourist perspective toward Sungnyemun remained. Now it is just considered as one of cultural properties, “National Treasure 1.” Gyeonghoeru is a main pavilion of Gyeongbokgung, a most important palace of the Joseon dynasty. The kings held a party at Gyeonghoeru. However, it was used as a banquet hall for Japanese colonialists since 1896when King Gojong left Gyeongbokgung by Korea royal refuge at the Russian legation. Gyeonghoeru was used the same way until the 1970s after the independence of Korea. Hwanggungu is one of main buildings of Wongudan where King Gojong proclaimed the Daehan Empire in 1897. But only Hwanggungu survived since the Chosen Railways Hotel was built on the site of Wongudan in 1913 during the period of Japanese colonization. After that time Hwanggungu was regarded as an architecture which provided exotic taste for foreign visitors of the hotel. Until today Hwanggungu stands behind the Westin Chosun hotel, losing its original context. Now these buildings, which hold historical origins, are protected as “cultural properties,” but it is also true that they still remain under the tourist perspective. They were recognized as symbols that represent Korea by an Orientalist perspective during the modern period and instead lost their historical and cultural context. It should be question whether their value is properly recuperated in these days when they are designated as National Treasures and Historical Sites.

일제강점기 국가 상징 시각물의 위상 변천

목수현(Mok Soo-hyun) 한국근현대미술사학회 2014 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.27 No.-

With the rise of the necessity to making diplomatic ties with foreign countries at the time of the opening of ports, the national symbols which originally served for the image of an independent national state externally and also for the integration of a nation state internally underwent a fundamental transformation. In this paper, I examined the changes of national symbols in everyday usage especially focusing on textbooks, picture postcards and commercials from newspapers in terms of their characteristics and meanings. National symbols came to be widely transmitted through officially published textbooks since 1896. However, after the Eulsa Treaty, textbooks came to be published by the protectorate government and national symbols were employed more in privately published textbooks. The national flag was represented in the picture of marching soldiers with flags or flags on warship. The symbol of plum tree flowers were that of the Imperial family and included in the chapter for ‘lihua’(the chinese pronunciation of the flower)’. However, after 1905, from the officially published textbooks, the pictures of flags or plum trees disappeared and the chrysanthemum, the symbol of Japanese imperial family were newly included instead. After 1910, the Taegeukgi and plum tree flowers were totally replaced by Japanese Hinomaru and chrysanthemum. Picture postcards, thought as a method of public enlightenment then, included pictures of national symbols commemorating socially significant events or persons. Therefore, from the official picture postcards, national symbols of Great Han empire came to be replaced by those of Japanese imperialism. Postcards commemorating the coronation of King Sunjong in 1907 or the imperial tours of South and West region in 1909 employed the image of plum tree flowers, the symbol of the royal flag of King Sunjong. With the visit of the Japanese crown prince to Korean peninsula in 1907, the image of chrysanthemum firstly appeared in the form of the seal printed at the postcards. During the Japanese colonialism, chrysanthemum, Hinomaru, Paulownia Coreana were enthusiastically employed. The national symbols were also employed in commercials. During the Great Han Empire, Taegeukgi was utilized for the commercial of tobaccos representing patriotism. In addition, the Hwapyeongdang pharmacy used the image of plum tree flowers for commercials. During Japanese colonialism, the image of Taegeuk was mobilized to call for the patriotic usage of domestic goods. However, in commercials, Japanese Hinomaru came to be more popular, while the meaning of domestic goods was changed to that of Japanese goods. In some commercials, patriotism was mobilized only to sell more goods.

일제하 이왕가 박물관(李王家博物館)의 식민지적 성격

睦秀炫(Mok Soo-hyun) 한국미술사학회 2000 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.227

This paper attempts to examine the factors behind the foundation of the Yi Royal-Family Museum and its identity during the Japanese colonial period. The Yi Royal Museum 李王職博物館 was originally founded in 1909 as the first museum in Korea. Although its title seems to denote that it was a royal institution of the Chos?n Dynasty, its establishment was, in fact, a part of the Japanese colonial scheme to degrade a royal palace to a mere amusement park. The collection of the Yi Royal Museum consisted primarily of artifacts that had been secretly excavated by illegal diggers and being covertly circulated in the contemporaneous art-market. Thus the museum could not function as a royal-treasure museum in a real sense: nor could it play a pivotal role for the development of museum collections in Korea. It was set up purely for the display of old objects rather than functioning with culturally informative intentions. This was mainly due to incompetence and ignorance on the part of the management of the museum. Its deputy director. Komiya Sabomatsu 小宮三保松, once stated unsympathetically in an article that Korean art could only follow the course of decline. Its curator, Suematsu Kumahiko 末松熊彦, a former tax official, was obviously not qualified for handling such a collection with scholarly understanding. Thus, the museum was not able to adequately represent Korean culture. The royal collection was officially named Vi Royal-Family Museum (Yi-wangga pangmulgwan 李王家博物館) in 1912. After the forceful annexation of Korea by Japan in 1910, the Korean imperial family was demoted as being of a lesser rank than the Japanese imperial family, and the new official name for the collection was constructed to signify this demotion. In the frontispiece of the museum catalogue, Yiwannga pangmulgwan sojangp'um sajinch'?p 李王家博物館所藏品寫眞帖』, there were photographs aimed to demonstrate the "improvement" Japanese colonialism had brought to Korea. Images of palace ruins were shown in contrast to a modern botanical garden, a zoo and a museum built by the Japanese. The Ch'anggy?ng palace was thus relegated to a mere amusement park. In 1938, the Yi Royal-Family Museum was moved to a different site. T?ksu palace, and merged with the Yi Royal-Family Art Museum (Yi-wangga misulgwan 李王家美術館), which had been founded in 1933 to display contemporary Japanese art. Thus. Korean art was cast in the light of the declining past, whereas Japanese art was now to be projected as the future of art creation in Korea.

동학농민전쟁과 미술

목수현(Mok, Soo-Hyun) 역사학연구소 2015 역사연구 Vol.- No.28

Donhak(東學) Peasant War is the most widely chosen topic in korean modern history painting. Though there were some of artworks from the 1960s, mainly Artists of Minjung Art produced a lot of art works as a part of democracy movement in 1980s. Many Artist produced artworks to commemorate Donghak Peasant War especially, as "100th Anniversary Exhibition of Donghak peasant Movement" was held in 1994. The main topic of Donghak Peasant War artwork devided in two. There are some scenes of the Peasant War that were reproduced by imagination. Also there are paintings that were drawn peasant troops who were moving history as equating an uprising of the peasants in 1894 with peasant against Uruguay Round of the time. Another topic is somewhat religious, that express ‘Innaecheon’ (人乃天, Man is God), a moto of Donghak. Some artworks were emboded a main character of the time like Jeon Bong-jun(全琫準). The Art works commemorating Donghak Peasant War became momentous opportunity that motivated the Artists to remember our history and look back on reality.

독립문 : 근대 기념물과 “만들어지는” 기억

목수현 ( Soo Hyun Mok ) 미술사와 시각문화학회 2003 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.2 No.-

This article explores the own meaning of the Independent Arch as a modern memorial monument of Korea. The Independent Arch (Dong-nip-mun) is a memorial monument in the modem period of Korea. It was instructed in 1896-7 by The Independent Club (Dong-nip-hyeophoe) with the support of many people, including the prince. Seo jae-pil(Phillip Jason) had proposed the idea for the form of the Independence Arch inspired by the Arch of Triomphe in Paris. However, the architecture plan had been made by Russian architect Sabatin, and Sirn Ui-suk constructed me arch. As a traditional Korean architect, he applied traditional technique to a western style of architecture. There are symbols of Korea on the Arch, one is the inscription “독립문”, another the pattern of “Taekeukgi”, the national flag. The last is the pattern of “O-yat”, the symbol of the royal family of Korea. At the site of the Independence Arch, there had been a memorial gate named Young-en-mun, a meaning of thanks to the blessing of Chinese Emperor. It was destroyed in February 1895, just after the defeat of China to Japan. Therefore, the construction of the Independence Arch at this site means that ``the Independence`` is not from Japan but from China. They say often the meaning of ``independence`` is that from Japan. It is partly because people didn`t remember correctly the meaning of the situation around the construction of the Independence Arch, and partly because they wanted seriously to liberate from Japan. Most of all, it is because the Independence Arch was included in Seodaemun Independence Park, unexpectedly. The Independence Arch was moved from the site where the Sungsan highway passed by in 1979. Moreover, Seodaemun Prison near me Independence Arch had moved to another place in 1987, that site had became a monument for the liberation from Japanese occupation. In 1999, Seodaemun Independence Park opened including Seodaemun Prison Monument, Memorial Statue of 3.1 Movement, and Memorial Tower for people dying for me Liberty of the nation, and lastly the Independence Arch. Therefore, me idea of people for the Independence Arch was ``invented`` far from the own meaning.

국토의 시각적 표상과 애국 계몽의 지리학 -최남선의 논의를 중심으로-

목수현 ( Soo Hyun Mok ) 한양대학교 동아시아문화연구소(구 한양대학교 한국학연구소) 2014 동아시아 문화연구 Vol.57 No.-

국권이 기울어가던 1908년 최남선은 『소년』지에 한반도를 호랑이 형상으로 그린 지도를 제시하였다. 이는 일본의 지리학자 고토 분지로가 한반도가 토끼 형상을 닮았다고 한데에 대한 대응으로 나온 것이었다. 최남선은 한반도를 호랑이 형상과 닮았다고 하면서 소년들에게 호랑이와 같은 진취적인 기상을 지니도록 역설하였다. 한 나라의 국토 형상을 일정한 동물이나 사물에 비유하여 표상하는 것은 19세기 말에 서구에서 비롯된 것이다. 그것은 왕조 중심의 국가가 아니라 영토와 국민을 바탕으로 한 국민국가의 탄생과 밀접한 관련을 지닌다. 국토의 형상화는 국가의 경계에 대한 인식을 국민들에게 심어줄 수 있으며, 그것은 국민국가 시기의 국가관에 영향을 미칠 수 있기 때문이다. 그러나 다른 나라의 땅 모양에 대한 언급은, 역사적인 배경과 엊물려 감정적인 해석을 유발하기도 한다. 고토 분지로의 한반도 토끼 형태론은 대한제국기의 한국인들에게는 한국을 업신여기는 것으로 받아들여졌으며, 최남선은 이에 대한 대응으로 호랑이 형태론을 제시하였다. 또한 이는 이 시기 확장하던 지리적 지식에 대한 관심과 맞물려 있는 것이었으며, 논리를 시각적으로 표현하여 심상 이미지를 강화한다는 의미가 있다. 국토의 형상과 일치하지는 않지만 일본인들은 한국을 닭과 연관시키는 관념이 있었으며, 이는 당시의 정치적 상황과 밀접히 연관되어 표현되기도 했다. 한반도의 형상을 토끼로 보거나 호랑이로 보는 것은 역사적인 맥락과는 크게 관련을 갖지 않는 시대적인 창안이라고 볼 수 있다. 토끼 형태론에 대응해서 한반도가 호랑이 형상을 닮았다는 최남선의 설은 현재에까지 민족주의적인 인식을 자극하고 있다. 그러나 이는 국권의 침탈이 이루어지던 특정한 시기의 인식이었다. In 1908, at the time of declining sovereignty, Choi Nam-sun published a map of Korean peninsula described as a tiger shape in the magazine of "outh." This was a reaction to a Japanese geographer Goto Bunjiro who said that the Korean peninsula resembled a shape of a rabbit. Choi Nam-sun demanded the youths of Korea to have a tiger-like progressive spirit showing a tiger shaped map of Korean peninsula. Such representational method of a country with a shape of animals and objects started from the West in the late 19th century. The representation of a territory could instill the awareness of the boundary of a country to a citizen and affect the national awareness at the time of nation building. In this context, the reference to foreign countries can lead to emotional interpretation entangled with historical backgrounds. The rabbit shaped territory made by Goto Bunjiro was accepted by Koreans as the debasement of Korea and Choi Nam-sun built a counter representation of a Tiger shaped map of Korean territory. This was closely linked with expanding interests in geographical knowledge at the time. And it was also closed that visual images began to be main sense. Traditionally, the Japanese tended to link Korea with a cock. The cock image was represented Korea, closed linked to the political situation of that time. The representation of Korean peninsula as a rabbit or a tiger was not grounded on the historical contexts at all but a sheer creation of the time. This affected Korean national mind strongly and the Tiger-shaped representation created by Choi Nam-sun still intrigues nationalist spirits. However, it is important to recognize that these representations were made at the time of weakening sovereignty.

전체를 통한 예술의 성찰 -조요한의 한국미 탐구를 중심으로-

목수현 ( Soo Hyun Mok ) 한국미학예술학회 2012 美學·藝術學硏究 Vol.35 No.-

이 글은 이경 조요한(1926-2002)의 10주기를 맞이하여 그를 추모하면서 그의 예술철학에서 한국미술에 대한 관심을 살펴보고자 한 것이다. 조요한은 철학자로서 그리스철학에 천착하여 서양 고대 철학자들의 예술관을 살펴보는 것에서 시작했지만, 그가 현재 마주 하고 있는 한국미술에 대해서도 깊은 관심을 지니고 있었다. 조요한은 예술을 대할 때 이론으로서보다는 작품을 중심으로 한 예술론을 추구하였다. 그가 작품을 중심으로 예술을 생각한 것은 화가 김환기나 미술사학자 최순우 등과의 교유가 중요한 역할을 하였다. 또 그는 미술사학자고유섭으로부터도 영향을 받았으며 무용가 최승희의 춤, 안견과 정선의 그림, 성삼문과 박팽년의 시조, 정철의 가사 등 다양한 방면에서 한국예술에 관심을 지니고 있었다. 조요한은 한국적 조형미의 역사성을 정리하고자 하였다. 고유섭이 한국미에 대해 이야기한 ‘무기교의 기교’ 개념에서 ‘비균제성’과 ‘자연순응성’ 개념을 추출해 내었으며, 한국문화의 뿌리가 무교(巫敎)에 있다고 보고 ‘신바람’ 개념을 이끌어내었다. 따라서 그의 이러한 연구는 한국미술사와 미학을 연계하는 미술사 방법론을 정립하고자 하는 데로 나아갔다. 그는 한국미술사에서 양식적 흐름에서 시대를 관통하는 정신을 찾아내고자 하였으며, 한국의 미술을 자체의 흐름만으로 보고 독자성을 주장하기보다는 일본, 중국 등 주변국은 물론 동양과 서양의 비교를 통해 객관화해야 한다고 주장하였다. This thesis attempted to examine Yohan Joh`s interest in Korean arts in his philosophy of art, commemorating the memory of Yohan Joh(1926-2002) in the 10th anniversary of his death. Although he, as a philosopher, began with observing Western ancient philosophers` concept of art by searching the philosophy of Greeks, he had a keen interest in Korean arts that he faced. Yohan Joh sought the essay on art focusing on the works of art rather than theories while facing art. His association with Whanki Kim, a painter, Soonwoo Choi, an art historian or etc. played an important role in making him think of art by focusing on the works of art. In addition, he was influenced from Yuseop Goh, an art historian and interested in Korean fine arts in various aspects such as the dance performed by Sunghee Choi, a dancer, paintings by Angyoun and Jungsun, the shijo by Sammoon Seong and Paengnyun Park, the words by Jungcheol and etc. Yohan Joh made efforts to arrange the historicity of Korean aesthetic value. He abstracted the concepts of ‘asymmetry’ and ‘natural adaptation’ from the concept of ‘skills of non-skills’ in which Yuseop Goh mention Korean beauty and drew the concept of ‘excitement’ by considering that Korean culture had originated from Shamanism. Therefore, his such research was centered in establishing the methodology of art history that linked Korean art history and aesthetics. He attempted to the spirit penetrating a time in the flow of styles in Korean art history and insisted for the objectification through the comparison with surrounding countries such as Japan, China and etc. as well as between the East and the West rather than maintaining the identity by observing the flow of Korean art itself.

욕망으로서의 근대 : 1910~1930년대 한국 신문광고의 신체 이미지

목수현(Mok Soo-hyun) 한림대학교 아시아문화연구소 2010 아시아문화 Vol.- No.26

This paper aims to examine the aspect of modernity in the early 20th century Korea through the body images represented in newspaper advertisements especially between 1910’s and 1930’s. Newspaper, newly appeared media, not only reflected but also constructed the knowledge and tastes of masses due to its characteristic of mechanical reproduction. In particular, these advertisements made deep influences on people by visual images as well as by advertising copy. For example among the advertisements between 1910’s and 1930’s, there were many advertisements on commodities related with a body. This implicates that a traditional thought on a body went through changes and moreover new commodities in advertisements reflected a newly developed way of thinking on a body. The representative advertisements related with a body are firstly hats, attire, shoes, and cosmetics which are for decorating bodies and secondly medicines and artificial ingredients which concerned the functions of a body. Since 1910’s, the advertisements of shoes and hats had been conspicuous, which represented radical changes of modern sensibility starting from the bottom part of a body. The next change happened in the shapes of attire and hair styles. The change of men’s attire was more radical compared to the conservative change of women’s attire and hair styles. They happened rather slowly as the reformation of Korean traditional attire and buns instead of a comprehensive westernization. Nonetheless, the advertisements of cosmetics, soap, and toothpaste which emphasized white skin and white teeth revealed a hidden desire for White Westerners. In addition, the advertisements of artificial ingredients such as Ajinomoto(味の素) was a symptom of another kind of modernity which emphasized scientific influences on a body. These advertisements incited a desire of Koreans to become a modern or a global individual through the consumption of these commodities in 1910’s ~ 1930’s.

특집1 : 대한제국의 원구단 ; 전통적 상징과 근대적 상징의 교차점

목수현 ( Soo Hyun Mok ) 미술사와 시각문화학회 2005 미술사와 시각문화 Vol.4 No.-

In a new international milieu where traditions of the East coalesced with modernization imposed from the West, Wongudan was founded as a visual symbol of the Daehan Empire`s efforts to reestablish the nation`s image as an independent country and imperial body. In its design, Wongudan was essentially an altar in line with the traditional cosmology and political philosophy deeply rooted in East Asia. Yet its reestablishment by King Gojong was a statement of challenging the existing world view that placed China in the center and Korea in a marginal area. Traditionally the rulers of the Joseon dynasty was content with the title “king” in a nominal acknowledgement of the sovereignly of Chinese emperors, who were only entitled to communicate directly with heaven. In the late nineteenth century, however, in an attempt to achieve the political status of the dynasty elevated to a modern sovereign state, King Gojong declared himself “Emperor” and performed a series of ceremonies which had been allowed only for Chineseemperors. Thus, Wongudan may well remembered as a visual monument that commemorates the Daehan Empire`s gaining the fully independent status in the world order. Wongudan visually embodies the traditional idea in East Asia that the earth is square and the heaven is round. Its structure consists of round steps and a square fence. In its north was placed Hwanggungu, an octagonal three-story pavilion for rituals to worship the heaven, earth, and ancestors. It also incorporates ideas from the Buddhist octagonal hall, the residence of gods, and the auspicious diagrams of the Taegeukgi, Korean national flag, which symbolizes the principle circulation of the universe. By effectively representing visually the East Asian understanding of the world view and the newly-gained consciousness of independency, the Daehan Empire attempted to project its image as a modem state to the Western world.