현 지방정책의 추진과 그 제한점 : 북방정책의 현실과 한계 : 국내외 제약요인을 중심으로

김유남 한국국민윤리학회 1989 倫理硏究 Vol.28 No.1

Russia의 對 韓半島 戰略展望

金裕南 한국전략문제연구소 1992 한국전략문제연구소 연구보고서 Vol.- No.-

한국전쟁과 동북아 냉전체제

김유남 圓光大學校 政治外交學科 1990 政治外交論叢- 圓光大學校 政治外交學科 Vol.4 No.-

聯邦制度의 形成過程 比較硏究 : 美國과 蘇聯의 事例

金裕南 中齋 張忠植博士 華甲記念論叢刊行委員會 1992 中齋 張忠植博士 華甲記念論叢 Vol.2 No.-

러시아 聯邦共和國

金裕南 단국대학교 미소연구소 1993 미소연구 Vol.6 No.-

蘇聯邦의 해체와 獨立國家聯合(CIS)의 형성 및 중앙아시아의 動搖

金裕南 韓國地域硏究協議會 1992 地域硏究論叢 Vol.4 No.1

88 서울올림픽大會와 韓·蘇關系 發展展望 : 하나의 對蘇올림픽 外交 硏究 A Case of Korea's Olyimpic Diplomacy's toward the Soviet Union

金裕南 단국대학교 1989 論文集 Vol.23 No.-

This is a descriptive study on Korea's "Olympic Diplomacy" toward socialist countries whith whom Seoul has no official diplomatic relations in general, and a case study of "Sports Diplomacy" toward the Soviet Union in particular. By "Olympic Diplomacy," I mean that Korea's efforts to utilize the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games for its diplomatic effects on countries without diplomataic relations, i.e., countries in the socialist world who recognize North Korea only. By "Sports Diplomacy," I mean that Korea's foreign policy success to make use of the Soviet State Committee for Physical Culture and Sports as its Chairman Marat V. Gramov and Deputy Chairman Vladimir M. Gavrilin for political dialogues during the Seoul Olympic Games. These and other Soviet sports officials who approached Seoul in the name of sport contacts during and after the Seoul Olympics all had worn many hats in different official functions in their government and Party as well. Seoul maximized political implications of the sports and the olympic contacts to improve relations with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. The study find an implicational fact that the Seoul Olympic Games of 1988 marks the beginning of Korea's "Nordpolitik"(or "Northern Policy"). The Nordpolitik is the Korean version of West Germany's Ostpolitik of the early 1970's. West Germany, during and after the 1972 Muncheen Olympic Games, had brodened its political perspective and reached out to Moscow and other East Euopean countries in an attempt to establish a normal relationship with them. The Northern Policy of Seoul wanted to accomodate Pyongyang and other socialist countries in order to establish political relations and expand economic exchanges. In short, the Northern Pocicy of Korea has been embodied in the Olympic Diplomacy of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games. The study employs, among others, a method of extensive interviews. At four(4) different occasions in Seoul and Moscow, the author was fortunate to meet and discuss with Soviet government and Party officials, scholars, and other intellectuals related to Moscow's decision to participate in the 1988 Seoul Olymic Games. The Study finds circumstantial evidences throughout the interview which suggest that the Soviets foresaw a political breakthrough is inevitable after the Olympics. The Soviet decision to come to the Seoul Olympics marked a new chapter in the history of Korean-Soviet relations since the end of World War Ⅱ. Seoul also anticipated it when it had won the ticket to host the 1988 Olympics in Baden-Baden, West Germany, at the 84th conference of the International Olympic Committee(IOC) on September 30, 1981. The study also argues that, by hosting the games, Korea hand a political ambition on the part of ruling elites of the 5th Republic. The new republic began in March 1981 after a period of fourteen months in political turmoil following the assassination of President Park Chung Hee in October 1979. The new republic, severely curtailed in its political legitimacy, wanted to build up a popular leadership based on a sense of national pride for hosting the Olympic games. In a sence, this was the 5th Republic's "political game' as well as a "Korean Dream" for its ordinary people. The study concludes that the "Olympic Diplomacy" toward the Soviet Union was successful to the extent of improving Korean-Soviet relations in trade and other nonpolitical relations. It also changed Moscow's pro-Pyongyang stereotypes and marked a new beginning for the Soviet Union in the Korean Peninsula. The Soviet Union under Mikhail Gorbachev wants to pursue its perestroika policy in the Korean Peninsula. It means a structure of "new thinking' on the Korean Peninsula. Moscow sees Korea's northern policy fits for its foreign policy perestoika. The study warns that Korea should applaud Gorbachev's change of foreign policy perestroika but not finance it. The sudden Soviet change of attitude toward Seoul poses a number of questions as to what prompted Gorbachev to change his mind for "new thinking." Thus far Soviet policy has concentrated on rebuilding ties and influence in North Korea, while watching closely the rapid changes in south Korea, and doing so whith an impressive sophistication of obwervation, analysis, and approaches to Seoul whenever Moscow finds an opportunity to do so. In the final analysis, the study concludes that it was the 1988 Seoul Olympics which enabled Seoul reach out to the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. This a success story of Korea's "Olymic Diplomacy." On the eve of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, Mikhail Gorbachev in his Krasnoyarsk statement, on September 17, 1988, called for the establishment of a Korean-Soviet trade and economic relationship in a mode of "New Thinking." In mid-October 1988, immediately after the closing of the Seoul Olympic Games, Deputy Chairman of the Soviet Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Vladimir Kolanov visited Seoul to deliver a memorandum to establish trade office in Seoul and Moscow in due course of contacts.

美國과 蘇聯의 聯邦制度 : 聯邦形成過程의 比較 A Case Study of American and Soviet Experiences

金裕南 단국대학교 미소연구소 1991 미소연구 Vol.5 No.-

This is a preliminary case study on comparative federalism applied to both the United States and the Soviet Union. It attempts to examine the origin, cntinuity, and change of federalism practiced in both of the countries. As for the process of the formation of federalism in the United States, the study takes a look into the three periods of ⑴ the colonial stage, ⑵ the articles of Confederation, and ⑶ the founding of the united States of America up to the early 1960s. The study also examines the course of Soviet experiences in reference to ⑴ the early stage of Moscow, ⑵ the tsar Russia, and ⑶ the Soviet Union up to the middle of the Brezhnev era. The historical examination of the courses of imperial, confederal, and federal development found a great deal of structural simliarities between America and Russia. A clear difference found in their experiences is the point of departure for federalism. American federalism was “a union from the below.” whereas the Russians was “a union from the above.” The study employed a theoretical framework of functional federalism in a comparative perspective. With a few cases examined, the study concludes that American federalism has been developing from dual to cooperative federalism. The Soviet experience, in the other hand, has been developing from cooperative to dual federalism. The study presents a general statement that a modern federalism may have to be based on cooperative federalism in which the central (federal)government becomes the major source of services and protection of the people. If a benefit is less likely by remaining in a federal system, the component units of the federal system will tend to leave the union. On the other hand, if a benefit is more likely by joining a federal system, there will be more incentive to join a federal system.

특집좌담 : 소련공산주의 붕괴와 21세기의 세계 ; 앞으로의 이념은 안정과 복지에 관한 것이라야

김유남,조영환,여영무 평화문제연구소 1991 통일한국 Vol.94 No.-

西强체제와 한.소관계

김유남 단국대학 1984 檀苑 Vol.14 No.1