청아치과병원 교정과에 내원한 환자의 분포와 부정교합의 유형

김남중,이청재 대한치과기공학회 2007 대한치과기공학회지 Vol.29 No.2

With the development of orthodontics and increasing concerns on physical appearance, the number of patients has been steadily increasing. It is quite important not only to make effective cure plans and accurate diagnoses but also to have a thorough grasp of patients’ malocclusion types and their occurrence frequency, in addition to patients' personality in order to cure the patients appropriately. This study is based on 946 malocclusion patients who had visited Chong-A Dental Hospital from 1999 to 2004 and investigated their aspects of malocclusion and characteristics of their gender, age and residence. The results are as follows. 1. The number of patients per year had been decreased until 2001, after which year the number had fluctuated. The number was the largest in 1999, 169 and the smallest in 2001, 140. Female occupied 68.0% of the total, twice as many as male, 32.0%) 2. Based on the Angle’s classification, 19 or over year - old group was the largest of the total, 59.3% and 6 or younger year - old group, the smallest, 0.5%. The 19 or over year old group was less than a half of the total (47.4%) in 2003 and there were no patients who belonged to the 6 or younger year - old group in 2003 and 2004. 3. Distributions on the types of malocclusion have shown that 39.9 % of the total are in the Class I, the largest, 31.0% in the Class and 29.2 in the Class , the smallest. 1) The number of the ClassI was 73, the largest, that of the Class being 35, the smallest in 1999. On the whole, the number of the Class accounted for the largest part of the total. 2) The number of male patients in the Class was the smallest, generally being the largest in the Class . In case of female, that of the Class was the smallest. 3) Based on the age, the Class was the highest in between 7 and 13 age group, the Class the lowest. The Class occupied the largest around 40%. 4) In the shape of physiognomy, the meso occupied the largest part among all the Class, of which the Class was the highest, 64.2%. The bracy was the largest in the Class , and the dolicho in the Class. 5) In the profile, the convex shape was the largest in the Class and , and especially in the Class , over 3/4 of the total, 75.4%. In contrast, the direct shape was the largest in the Class and the sunken shape occupied 33.3%, which was nearly ten times more than the case of the Class and. 6) In the asymmetry of physiognomy, the number of patients of the Class was the largest, 34.1% and that of the Class , the smallest, 19.5%. It was found that about one fourth of the malocclusion patients were under the asymmetry of physiognomy. 4. In the distribution of patients’ residence, 81.4% were from the Seoul Metropolis and 48.2% from Gangnam-Gu where Chong-A Dental Hospital is located and Seocho-Gu and Songpa-Gu which are adjacent to Gangnam-Gu.

치관 보철물 제작에 사용되는 치과용 금속의 변연 적합도 비교

김남중,황경숙,박용덕 대한치과기공학회 2003 대한치과기공학회지 Vol.25 No.1

This study was aimed to verify a comparison by dental alloys upon the marginal fitness of dentalprosthesis. Firstly, we waxed up on 45 epoxy resin dies, pressed the margin with hands, andidentified the marginal fitness with microscope. And we made a single direct spruing system typeof sprue by 3 dental alloys - metal crown alloys, PFM crown alloys, and gold crown alloys - each15, total 45 waxing up, adjusting W/P ratio and invested the cast ring. Then, we made the dentalprosthesis using the electric casting machine. In these processes we followed the manufacturer'sinstructions, in order to maintain the other conditions from the inner and outer, which includedinvestment and burning out. After we tried on the dental prosthesis on epoxy resin dies, we havegot the means of marginal gap at 9 points with same distances, around the cervical line which waschecked already, using microscope(300). The results of this study were as follows :1. Metal crown alloys showed 2.9% better in marginal fitness than PFM crown alloys, and thedifference was not statistically significant(P=0.497). 2. Gold crown alloys showed 31.3% better in marginal fitness than Metal crown alloys, and thedifference was statistically significant(P=0.004).3. Gold crown alloys showed 32.4% better in marginal fitness than PFM crown alloys, and thedifference was statistically significant(P=0.002).4. We saw that Gold crown alloys was the best dental alloys in the marginal fitness among thethree.(P=0.049).

고정성 분할 브릿지의 연결 어태치먼트

김남중 대한치과기공학회 2002 대한치과기공학회지 Vol.24 No.1

There are some cases that dental prosthesis does not operate as properly as expected in oral mouth. The reasonsare such as a distortion of the mandibular, a fault of impression taking system or an extrusion of remaining teeth.One of dental prostheses to consider in the situations is the attachment which connects segment bridge. Active discussions are managed on theoretical side of this field but few on clinical side of it, which must beconsidered first. Accordingly I'd like to suggest a theoretical background for connect attachment of fixedsegmented bridge.1. As a bridge gets longer, burden on dental ligament is increased and the hardness of a bridge is lessened.2. The flexibility of a bridge increases in ratio to 3 multiplication of the length and decreases in ratio to 3multiplication of the width of occlusal surface and base of pontic.3. Precision rest is needed to cope with the shake of teeth and the difference of axis direction among abutments.4. Female part of the precision rest should be on middle abutment distal and male one on mesial of pontic. 5. Segmented attachment can be efficiently used to cope with long span bridgework and also in case that onepiece casting can't be done because of slant of abutment.

치과 환자의 만족도에 영향을 미치는 요인 - 치과의원에서 기공실의 개설여부에 따라 -

김남중,황경숙 대한치과기공학회 2000 대한치과기공학회지 Vol.22 No.1

청아치과병원 교정과에 내원한 환자의 분포와 부정교합분류에 관한 연구

김남중,이태정 대한치과기공학회 1999 대한치과기공학회지 Vol.21 No.1

교합고경의 인위적인 증가에 따른 저작계의 반응에 관한 연구

김남중,이성복,최대균,박남수,Kim, Nam-Jung,Lee, Sung-Bok,Choi, Dae-Gyun,Park, Nam-Soo 대한치과보철학회 1995 대한치과보철학회지 Vol.33 No.4

This study was performed to research the changes of masticatory system subsequent to randomly increasing the vertical dimension. The subjects were twenty seven persons, twenty two men and five women, with a mean age of 24.3(age ranged from 22 to 26). The subjects had a complete or almost complete set of natural teeth and reported no subjected symptoms of pain or dysfunction in the masticatory system. The occlusal splint increased vertical dimension was made on semiadjustable articulator. The subjects were randomly divided to three groups according to the vertical dimension, at which the occlusal splint was made. Group I occlusal splints were made at 2mm form the occlusal vertical dimension, group II occlusal splints at 5mm, group III occlusal splints at 8mm. The occlusal splints were almost weared for 2 weeks except meal-time. Clinical examination, muscle activity, changes of free-way space, movement of mandible and articular condyle were recorded and analyzed by means of biopak system(Bioresearch Inc, Millwakee Wisconsin.) and radiograph. 1. In clinical examination, various symptoms were reported by all subjects immediately after the placement of occlusal splint. At the end of experiment, symptoms were lasted by 1 subject in Group I, 2 subjects in Group II, 6 subjects in Group III. At the other subjects, the most of symptoms were disappered within 2-4 days after the placement of occlusal splints. 2. The average free-way space before the startof experiment was 1.77mm in all twenty seven subjects. Immediately after the placement of occlusal splints, 0.67mm at Group I, 0.49mm at Group II, 0.41mm at Group III, At 2 weeks after the placement of occlusal splint 0.93mm, 0.79mm, 0.78mm each other, 1.94mm, 1.77mm, 2.3 mm at immediately after the removal of occlual splint. At 1 week after the removal of occlusal splint, free-way space was recovered to the pre-experimental state 3. In cephalometric radiograph, following either the placement or the removal of the occlusal splints, the movements of mandible in an antero-posterior direction were not statistically significant(p>0.05). 4. In transcranial radiograghs of TMJ, 1 week after the placement of occlusal splint the movement of most superior position on condyle in all group shoed antero-inferior position than before the experiment(p<0.001) and also showed antero-inferior position in mandibular postural rest position than in certric occlusion(p<0.001). Following either the placement or the removal of the splints, the amount of movement of most superior position on condyle was group III. group II and group I in order(p<0.001). 5. In anterior temporal and superficial masseter muscle, muscle activity at postural rest position decreased at 2 weeks after the placement of occlusal splint in group I and group II (p>0.05), but significantly increased in group III(p<0.001). At 1 week after the removal of the occdusal splint, muscle activity at postural rest position was recovered preconditional state 6. In anterior temporal and superficail masseter muscle, muscle activity at clenching in all group was significantly decreased after placement of the occlusal splint, slightly increased during experimental period and recovered to the original state at 1 week after removal of the occlusal splint. But was not statistically significat(p>0.05)s.

準王系 韓王에서 목지국 辰王으로의 세력 교체 과정

김남중 한국고대사탐구학회 2022 한국고대사탐구 Vol.42 No.-

This paper reviewed the period of power change from han’s king of king jun’s lineages(han dynasty) to jin’s king in mokjiguk(jin dynasty). From the clay-band rim pottery culture related to ancient joseon, it can be seen that han’s king was a force in western jeollabukdo. The mokjiguk, ruled by jin’s king, was a country that exerted influence in western and southern gyeonggido, chungcheongdo, and western jeollabukdo, and this area was the place where the clay-band rim pottery culture disappeared and beating patterned pottery suddenly emerged. The area of jeollanamdo, where the conversion of clay-band rim pottery, hard plain pottery, and beating patterned pottery gradually appeared, was related to sinunsinguk. From the aspect of the change from clay-band rim pottery to beating patterned pottery, it can be seen that there was a change of power from han’s king to jin’s king. The radical transition from clay-band rim pottery to beating patterned pottery can be seen in relation to he records of samguksagi that king onjo of baekje expanded his territory to gosaburi castle(jeollabukdo jeongeup). The military activity at this time was an incident in which the forces of jin’s king of mokji state(including baekje) subjugated mahan(orignal mahan) around the western part of jeollabukdo. The forces in incheon, gwangju (including gangnam, seoul), northwest of the han river, and cheonan formed a force and subjugated mahan of king jun’s lineages. However, since the jin’s king forces formed a federation in the form of a feudal system in xizhou, many countries are mentioned in samguksagi. It can be seen that jinhan(jinguk) occupied the status of han’s leader through the yeomsachak and horae incident in dihuang annual(20-23). Meanwhile, there was an incident in which jinguk was involved in the dispatch of envoys to changan, china, along with the kitakyushu forces, japan and the forces of yeongnam’s southeastern region, in yuanshi 2-4(2-4), the fact that it was known as jin, not han, shows that han’s king of king jun’s lineages still existed. In the end, it can be said that the period of power transition from han’s king to jin’s king was between yuanshi 2-4 and dihuang annual. This is roughly consistent with the period(A.D. 9) of the annexation of mahan by baekje of king onjo of samguksagi. 이 글은 準王系 韓王(韓王朝)과 목지국 辰王(辰王朝)의 교체 시기를 검토하였다. 고조선과 관련 있는 점토대토기 문화를 통해 한왕은 전북 서부 일대 세력이었음을 알 수 있다. 진왕이 다스린 목지국은 경기 서・남부, 충청, 전북 서부 일대에 영향력을 행사했던 국가로, 이 지역은 점토대토기 문화가 단절되고 타날문토기가 갑자기 등장한 곳이다. 점토대토기, 경질무문토기, 타날문토기의 전환이 점진적으로 나타난 전남 일대는 신운신국과 관련된 곳이었다. 점토대토기에서 타날문토기로의 변화 양상에서 볼 때 한왕에서 진왕으로의 세력 교체가 있었음을 알 수 있다. 점토대토기에서 타날문토기로의 급진적 전환 현상은 삼국사기 에서 백제 온조왕이 고사부리성(전북 정읍)까지 강역을 넓힌 것과 관련해서 볼 수 있다. 이때의 군사 활동은 목지국 진왕 세력(백제국 포함)이 전북 서부를 중심으로 한 마한(本 마한)을 복속한 사건이었다. 인천, 광주(서울 강남 포함), 한강 서북부, 천안 일대 세력이 하나의 세력을 이루고 있으면서 준왕계 마한 세력을 복속한 것이다. 다만 진왕 세력은 서주 분봉제 형태로 연맹체를 이루었기 때문에 삼국지 에 다수 국가가 언급되어 있다. 지황 연간(20~23)의 염사착과 호래 사건을 통해 진한(진국)이 한의 맹주 지위를 차지하고 있었음을 알 수 있다. 한편, 원시 2~4년(기원후 2~4) 진국이 일본 북구주 세력, 영남 동남 지역 세력과 함께 전한 長安에 가는 사행에 관여한 사건이 있었는데, 韓이 아닌 辰으로 알려졌다는 점에서 아직 준왕계 한왕이 존재했음을 알 수 있다. 결국 한왕에서 진왕으로의 세력 교체는 원시 2~4년에서 지황 연간 사이에 일어났다고 할 수 있다. 이는 삼국사기 온조왕 기사의 백제의 의한 마한 병합 시기(기원후 9)와 대략 일치한다.

韓-曹魏 전쟁과 韓 사회의 재편

김남중 한국고대사탐구학회 2021 한국고대사탐구 Vol.37 No.-

This article deals with the background and consequences of the war against caowei state in the zhengshi annual(240-249) and the reorganization of han society after the war. The battle of giriyeong took place in the process of exchanging words between caowei and han regarding jinhan's eight countries. At this time, the core of the argument was that the perspective of caowei on han was different from that of han themselves. Caowei recognized han from the perspective of the surrounding forces, namely jinhan in the yeongnam area, who had interacted with lelangjun. In response to this, shinbungo kingdom and other supporters of the jin king in mokgi were angry, considering it as a "disregard for the authority of the jin king and a plan for the division of han society." Jin king in mokgi did not interact directly with lelangjun, so their perception of han was not properly reflected in china. In the end, shinbungo kingdom, who heard this firsthand, started a war, and supporters of the jin king in mokgi participated in it. Although sanguozhi described han as "destroying", in reality caowei did not obtain any compensation from han. This shows that even after the war, han was a threat to caowei. In response, caowei appointed wangqi, who had made great contributions to the war against goguryeo, as the minister of daifang, to resolve the problems in han. However, wangqi and daifangjun officials did not achieve particular results in their countermeasures against han. So they seem to have tried to wrap things up by posting a report that emphasized that the han region was neither a threat nor a help to caowei. In this regard, the appearance of mahan society described in the sanguozhi han-zhuan is a little lacking in objectivity. It can also be inferred that the caowei policy on han has not been successful in that daifangjun had no choice but to publish such a report. The war led to the decline of the jin king forces in the han and the growth of baekje. As a result of the battle of giriyeong, jin king in mokgi declined, and forces near daifangjun chose baekje for fear of caowei invasion. In the mid-3rd century, during king goi's reign, baekje became a lord through the support of neighboring forces, not by force. However, the forces that were far from china did not support baekje and made a different choices. As a result, han was reorganized into a system of confrontation between baekje, silla, gaya confederation, and mahan confederation. The fact that some parts of honam did not have the power of the baekje can be seen through a construction article on byeokgol reservoir in samguksagi sillabongi, and activities of shinmi kingdom. 이 글은 정시 연간(240~249) 조위와 전쟁의 배경과 결과, 전후 이루어진 한 사회의 재편을 다루었다. 기리영 전쟁은 진한 8국과 관련하여 조위와 한 사이에 말을주고받는 과정에서 일어났다. 이때 언쟁의 핵심은 한을 바라보는 조위의 입장과한 자신들의 입장 차이에 있었다. 조위는 낙랑군과 교류했던 영남의 진한 즉 주변부 세력의 입장에서 한을 인식하였던 것이다. 이를 신분고국 등 목지국 진왕 측세력은 진왕의 권위 무시와 한의 분열 획책으로 간주하고 분노하였다. 목지국 진왕은 낙랑군과 직접 교류하지 않았기 때문에 한에 대한 이들의 인식이 중국 측에 제대로 반영되지 못했던 것이다. 결국 이를 직접 들은 신분고국이 전쟁을 일으켰고목지국 진왕을 지지하는 세력이 여기에 참여하였다. 삼국지에는 한을 멸하였다고 표현하였지만 실제 조위는 한으로부터 어떠한 배상도 얻어내지 못하였다. 이는 전쟁 후에도 한이 조위에 위협적이었음을 보여준다. 이에 조위는 고구려와 전쟁에서 큰 공을 세운 왕기를 대방태수로 임명하여 한문제를 해결하고자 하였다. 그러나 왕기와 대방군 관리들은 對韓 정책에서 특별한성과를 거두지 못하였다. 이에 한 지역은 조위에 위협이 되지도 않고 도움도 되지않음을 강조하는 보고서를 올려 상황을 마무리하려 했던 듯하다. 이런 점에서 삼국지 한전에 묘사된 마한 모습은 객관성이 약간 결여된 것이라 할 수 있다. 또한대방군에서 이러한 보고서를 올릴 수밖에 없었다는 점에서 조위의 대한 정책이 성공적이지 못했음을 유추할 수 있다. 전쟁으로 한 지역에서는 진왕 세력이 쇠퇴하고 백제가 성장하였다. 기리영 전쟁으로 목지국 진왕이 쇠퇴하면서 대방군에 가까운 지역에 있던 세력들이 조위의침공을 두려워하여 백제를 선택한 것이다. 3세기 중엽 고이왕 무렵으로, 백제는 무력이 아닌 주변 세력의 지지를 통해 맹주가 된 것이다. 다만 중국에서 멀리 떨어져있던 세력들은 백제를 지지하지 않고 다른 선택을 하였다. 이로 인해 한은 백제, 신라, 가야 연맹, 마한 연맹 등 몇몇 세력이 대립하는 체제로 재편되었다. 호남의일부 지역에 백제의 힘이 미치지 않았다는 점은 신미국 등의 활동, 삼국사기 신라본기의 벽골제 축조 기사 등을 통해 파악할 수 있다

『魏略』 韓傳의 특징과 『三國志』・『三國史記』와의 관계 -박씨왕 초기 신라의 대외 관계 이해를 위한 사료 검토-

김남중 한국고대사탐구학회 2018 한국고대사탐구 Vol.28 No.-

The annotation of Hanwon Samhan-Jeon has something unique, it is that the contents for Jinhan mainly are cited in Yilyag, but the contents for Mahan are quoted in Huhanseo. This is because Yilyag Han-Jeon has been described with much emphasis on Jinhan. In other words, Yilyag Han-Jeon was mainly written about Jinhan. Samgugji Han-Jeon contains many contents of Yilyag, but description of Jinhan is the opposite. In Yilyag, Jinhan is described as a heterogeneous society with china, while in Samgugji, Jinhan people are associated with Qin people & Nakrang, and portray Jinhan as a country that knows courtesy. This means that the local residents of Nakrang area migrated to Jinhan long before Samgugji was written. Next, I dealt with the selecting time of the Jinhan records cited in Yilyag Han-Jeon. Yilyag contains records that Jinhan people yeomsachag had negotiated with Lelang county at Dihuang time(A.D. 20~22). Yilyag Han-Jeon is written on the basis of data obtained through yeomsachag, it can be said to be based on the beginning of the first century. Comparing Yilyag with Samgugsagi Silla-Bongi, which contains the events at the first century, there is no difference in content. In other words, the external status of Jinhan(Silla)’s king which appeared in the two texts was not different. The Yilyag also says that the king of Jinhan was a Mahan person, which seems to reflect the fact that a person from Old Joseon related to Mahan became Jinhan(Silla)’s king. Samgugsagi tells us that 5,000 Nakrang state residents who lost their country due to the invasion of Gogulyeo in the 14th year of Yuli-Isageum(A.D. 37) had been exiled to Silla, this explains the change between Yilyag's original source for Samhan and the Samgugji article. These conclusions imply that the records of Samgugsagi Silla-Bongi before the first century are not far from the records of the chinese history books. This means that Samgugsagi Silla-Bongi records from initial period of kings with Park(朴)'s family name are can be trusted somewhat. 『한원』 삼한전의 注文에는 독특한 특징이 보이는데, 진한에 대한 내용은 주로 『위략』을 인용하고 있지만 마한에 대한 내용은 『후한서』를 인용하고 있다는 것이다. 이것은 『위략』 한전이 진한에 많은 비중을 두어 기술되어 있었기 때문이다. 즉 『위략』 한전은 진한 위주로 기술되었다. 『삼국지』 한전은 『위략』의 내용을 많이 담고 있지만 진한에 대해서는 정반대로 묘사하고 있다. 『위략』에서는 진한을 중국과 이질적인 사회로 묘사하고 있는 반면, 『삼국지』에서는 진한이 秦人・낙랑과 관련이 있으며 예의가 있는 사회로 묘사하고 있다. 이것은 『삼국지』가 기술되기 훨씬 이전에 낙랑 지역 주민의 진한으로의 이주가 있었음을 의미한다. 다음으로 『위략』 한전에 인용된 진한 기사의 채록 시기를 다루었다. 『위략』에는 진한인 염사착이 地皇 연간(기원후 20~22)에 낙랑군과 교섭한 내용이 실려 있다. 『위략』 한전은 진한인 염사착을 통해 얻은 자료가 기초가 된 것으로, 1세기 초를 배경으로 한 자료라고 할 수 있다. 1세기 초를 배경으로 한 『위략』과 『삼국사기』 신라본기 초기 기록을 비교해보면 내용상 별 차이가 없다. 즉 두 사서에 나타난 진한(신라) 수장의 대외적 위상은 다르지 않았다. 또한 『위략』에서 진한의 왕이 마한인이었다고 전하는데, 이것은 마한과 관련 있는 고조선 세력이 진한(신라)의 왕이 된 사정을 반영하는 것으로 보인다. 『삼국사기』에는 유리이사금 14년(기원후 37)에 고구려에 멸망한 낙랑국 주민 5천 명이 신라로 망명해 왔음을 전하는데, 이것은 『위략』의 삼한에 대한 원 자료와 『삼국지』 기사 사이의 변화를 설명해 준다. 이상의 내용은 1세기 이전 『삼국사기』 신라본기 기사가 중국 사서의 기록과 동떨어져 있지 않음을 의미한다. 『삼국사기』 신라본기는 박씨왕 초기 기록부터 어느 정도 신뢰성을 갖추고 있는 것이다.

Trend in CD4+ Cell Counts at Diagnosis in Human Immunodeficiency Virus-Infected Persons in Korea

김남중 대한감염학회 2017 Infection and Chemotherapy Vol.49 No.2