조선후기 동성촌락 구성원의 통혼 양상

권내현(Kwon Nae-Hyun) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.132 No.-

The nobility of Joseon period intended to maintain their social position through marriage with people whose surname were prominent. They also concentrated on establishing marriage relations with specified surnames in accord with their own families through accumulated experiences between generations. Concentrated on 16 surnames were more than half the 117 surnames of Andong Kwons' female spouses, the subjects of analysis. This phenomenon became generalized only after the 17th century when the base for the single-lineage village was beginning to be established. Because a circle to offer marriage could not be concentrated unless a surname group who asserts a certain figure to be its famous ancestor in a specified area resided and the trend that other family prefers such member as a spouse extended. Though there was a time gap, close corelation existed between the development of the single-lineage village and concentration of a circle to offer marriage. Seeing from the standpoint of a marriage area, the nobility wanted to obtain their spouses as from far as possible. But, due to the influence of famous the single-lineage village formed in their neighborhood, they obtained most of their spouses from nearby area(Gun, Hyeon) or, even at the farthest, within province(Do). In case of the Andong Kw?n families, marriage within Myeon was 7.4%, marriage within Gun was 26.7% and the remains were expected to be marriage within Do including nearby Gun and Hyeon. The ratio similar to such ratio showed in the late Joseon period as well as in a recent famous the single-lineage village. This is another case where the tradition of the late Joseon period was handed down to today. In the meantime, it was revealed that the ratio of remarried couples who came from the same Gun and Hyeon was very high compared with that of remarried couples whose spouses came from other area. In case of remarriage, a circle to offer marriage was more limited to the inside of an area, which was related to the discrepancy in age between husbands and wives and the social standing of their families. That is, the average gap in age of husbands and wives who got married for the first time was 3.4 years old, but in case of most of remarried couples, the husbands were older than wives and the gap in age was 12.3 years old. Also, from the viewpoint of economical power based on the scope of retaining servants or social standing judged through production of central government officials, in most cases, the families of the subjects of remarriage were inferior in strength to those of the subjects of first marriage. Unlike remarriage, a concubine was not acknowledged as a formal wife and thus her descendant was treated discriminatively. Illegitimate lines of the Andong Kwon lineage in this area accounted for 28% of the total members, showing high ratio. The illegitimate lines whose social standing were lower than legitimate lines were restricted in marriage and even the ratio of remarriage were only half of that of legitimate lines. But, illegitimate lines formed the single-lineage village on the basis of the same identity, kinship relation, and certain economical power, maintaining their own circle to offer marriage. Instead a village whose solidarity based on kinship relation and economical power is weak and where legitimate and illegitimate lines were mixed, the scope of selecting a spouse were more restricted.

조선후기 입양의 확산 추이와 수용 양상

권내현(Kwon Nae-hyun) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.73

The Joseon people of the higher social stratum were much concerned about instituting the patriarchal family and establishing the order of kinship from the beginning of the dynasty. Adoption was one example of their efforts to settle down the family succession without much difficulties. In Danseong area of the Gyeongsang province the case of the adoption for family succession could be traced early in the 16th century. However, this new custom was yet to be instituted for the mighty clans until 17th century, and for the rest of the Yangban class until 18th century. Thus, from the 19th century onward, the failure of family succession became very exceptional among the general Yangban class. The adoption for family succession was soon diffused to the people from the middle class who were relatively close to the Yangban class through blood and who could afford another family member. The commoners and the lower class, on the other hand, were not able to follow this new family culture both in social and economic conditions. They needed two strategies: one is to elevate their social position by promoting their Jikyeok(occupational classification), and another is to imitate or adapt the family culture of the Yangban class. The matrimonial process or the successional procedures of the Yangban class was diffused to some of the lower class, and they also adapted the adoption for family succession from the late 18th century onward. The overall soaring number of the adopted sons in the early 19th century was also partly contributed by the adaptation of the adoption by the lower class. In conclusion, the patriarchal family order, which the Yangban class had been institutionalizing for a long period of time, was introduced to some of the lower class who had been successful in obtaining higher social status in the late 18th century, and then the patriarchal family order was gradually spread to the general Korean family system in the 19th century and beyond.

조선후기 호조의 평안도 재정 활용

권내현 ( Nae Hyun Kwon ) 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2004 동양학 Vol.35 No.-

조선후기 평민 동성촌락의 성장

권내현 ( Nae Hyun Kwon ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2010 민족문화연구 Vol.52 No.-

Today traces of a single-lineage village remains in places in Korea, and an investigation in 1930s also revealed that villages corresponding to almost half the total were single-lineage villages. It is difficult to explain such a phenomenon from the viewpoint in the late Joseaon Dynasty that a single-lineage village is regarded as a nobility one and a non-single-lineage village is a commoners` village. A single-lineage village does not occur only among the nobility(Yangban), so that after the 19th century, there began to appear many cases even among non-nobility classes where they took the leadership of a village by accepting agnate order and through collective living of the single-lineage people. The common people, during their collective living, controlled a marriage of the same surname & family origin to which the nobility already adhered and formed their own circle to offer marriage. However, their circle to offer marriage or living is narrower than the nobility, mostly concentrated on a single-lineage village and its surrounding. They positively made efforts for increasing their social position in line with formation of their single-lineage villages. The earliest generation of the people who formed single-lineage villages consisted of commoners and servants, but after the middle 18th century, the village members increased in their position to the middle class, and almost to the upper class by the late 19th century, all of which resulted from formation of a strong paternal group. Some of the common people in the late Joseon Dynasty positively accepted family culture established by the nobility, while they attempted to advance their social position by collectively living in a certain village. All of such efforts did not give all the groups success. But, it is difficult to deny the fact that it resulted from the common people`s continuous efforts for a long time that the tendency of the single-lineage people collectively living appeared in lots of villages in modern times.

17-18세기 조선의 화폐 유통과 은

권내현 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2017 민족문화연구 Vol.74 No.-

In 17th century, by reestablishment of international relations in East Asia, Japanese silver had been brought into Joseon. Japanese silver was used as international monetary between Joseon and China and also for domestic business transaction. Within Joseon, multi-layered monetary system was operated by being composed of linen and cotton, rice, coin, silver differentiated by areas and classes. Among them, coin and silver encroached the area of money used for merchandise, which were led to the main monetary of Sangpyeong Tongbo. The creation and distribution of Sangpyeong Tongbo were due to the attempt of standardizing the monetary structure into coin. As coins rise as the major monetary and as the inflow of Japanese silver was decreased, the function of silver was also weakened. Even so, silver contributed to the distribution of coin and was also used as the standard for deciding the value of coin. However, as the relative value of silver was increased and amount of circulation was decreased, it had become meaningless to decide the value of coin by silver. During the first part of 18th century, as the inflow of Japanese silver was decreased, it was domestic silver that supplemented the lack of supply. The problem was that outflow of silver from Joseon to China. Within Joseon, the hostility and economic damage by Qing dynasty were spread in the country and most of the official opposed the outflow of silver from Joseon to China. Even more, when outflow of silver was led to the lack of coins, the Joseon dynasty strictly regulated the outflow of domestic silver and attempted to restore the function of silver as monetary means. But since it was difficult to find other products to replace silver for diplomacy and trade with Qing, the actual effect of regulating outflow of silver was minimal. In addition, the attempt of circulating nationally certified silver coins was not realized because of reduced production and inflow of silver, and concerns on consistent outflow of silver.

조선 후기 호적, 호구의 성격과 새로운 쟁점

권내현(Kwon Nae-Hyun) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.135 No.-

For a long time, household registers from the Joseon Dynasty have been used as evidence of class mobility. Most studies, however, statistically have processed the data without critically assessing these historical documents. The recent computerization of the household register from the Danseong area has dramatically expanded the range of the use of such data, even making it possible to analyze the nature of household registers as data. Since then, research on household registers has taken an entirely new direction. New research on household registers stresses the fact that household registers were used as data for the imposition of corvee and taxes during the Joseon Dynasty. In relation, some scholars particularly see the households in household registers not as naturally formed but as artificially organized households. This has been perceived as an immense threat by researchers who have analyzed social class and forms of family based on the naturally formed households. Consequently, there is active debate among academics on the nature of household registers and households. On the other hand, household registers are being actively used for research on families, kinship, and villages. Such studies have provided other data and attempted comparative analysis through materials such as genealogies to supplement the imperfection of household registers. In the process, the errors of existing studies, which have interpreted social phenomena simply based on household registers, are being corrected. In addition, new research methods are being sought, and it is possible to say that the horizons of research have been expanded.

역사학의 관점에서 본 16세기 유연 사건

권내현 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2020 민족문화연구 Vol.88 No.-

Inheritance in Joseon society in the 16th century maintained the practice of equalized inheritance among children. At the same time, it was a process of gradually increasing the share of family successors. Equalized inheritance contributed to the expansion of financial capacity through marriage. As such, among upper class men, there were many who were interested in the property of their wife. At this time, clan rules were not yet fully settled, and if the eldest son died without children, there was a conflict over the inheritance and family succession between the eldest son’s wife and the second son. The Yuyeon case shows an interesting illustration of the inheritance practices and conflicts at that time. In addition, this case reveal facts that were hidden by the changed political reality of the emergence of the Neo-Confucian literati. By gathering relevant data and tracking the interrelationships between characters in connection with political and social realities at that time, the meaning of this case can be grasped objectively from a historical perspective.

조선후기 단성지역의 사회상 ; 조선후기 입양의 시점과 범위에 대한 분석

권내현 ( Nae Hyun Kwon ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2008 대동문화연구 Vol.62 No.-

19세기 조선 사회의 계층 이동 양상 ― 유학호와 비유학호의 비교를 중심으로

권내현 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2018 대동문화연구 Vol.103 No.-

Explaining increase of yuhak is one of the major issues in the study of status change and military operation of Choson society. It is evident that yuhak who grew rapidly in the nineteenth century, included a non-yangban class, but it is not clear who was or was not yuhak. This study traced entire households recorded in the household register of a specific area in the 19th century, and analyzed the characteristics and occupational change of yuhak households and non-yuhak households. In addition, positive impacts of economic power and collective effort and negative effects of long-standing prejudice and discrimination on the class mobility were examined. Based on these facts, the theory of status change in the late Choson period was reinterpret.

성장과 차별, 조선 후기 호적과 신분

權乃鉉 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2020 대동문화연구 Vol.110 No.-

Many yuhaks in the 19th-century household registers grew up in non-upper class households. While many wanted to avoid the required military service, more and more people simply imitated the culture and way of life of the upper classes. Some of them passed the state examination and served as state officials. However, it was very difficult for the non-upper class to be incorporated into the ruling class, and the traditional upper classes suppressed their growth in by way of discrimination and exclusion. It was also a conservative response of the upper class to the changed political and social realities. The state did not recognize the perpetual privileges of royalty or bureaucratic groups and controlled the hard occupation. During this process, some of the lower classes gained opportunities for growth, and some were restricted by discrimination. The household registers of the late Chosŏn Dynasty show not only an increasing number of yuhaks, but also various aspects of status structure and change. This also meant the downward movement of privileges previously held by the upper class and an increase of the non-upper class' imitation of the upper class.