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The nobility of Joseon period intended to maintain their social position through marriage with people whose surname were prominent. They also concentrated on establishing marriage relations with specified surnames in accord with their own families through accumulated experiences between generations. Concentrated on 16 surnames were more than half the 117 surnames of Andong Kwons' female spouses, the subjects of analysis. This phenomenon became generalized only after the 17th century when the base for the single-lineage village was beginning to be established. Because a circle to offer marriage could not be concentrated unless a surname group who asserts a certain figure to be its famous ancestor in a specified area resided and the trend that other family prefers such member as a spouse extended. Though there was a time gap, close corelation existed between the development of the single-lineage village and concentration of a circle to offer marriage. Seeing from the standpoint of a marriage area, the nobility wanted to obtain their spouses as from far as possible. But, due to the influence of famous the single-lineage village formed in their neighborhood, they obtained most of their spouses from nearby area(Gun, Hyeon) or, even at the farthest, within province(Do). In case of the Andong Kw?n families, marriage within Myeon was 7.4%, marriage within Gun was 26.7% and the remains were expected to be marriage within Do including nearby Gun and Hyeon. The ratio similar to such ratio showed in the late Joseon period as well as in a recent famous the single-lineage village. This is another case where the tradition of the late Joseon period was handed down to today. In the meantime, it was revealed that the ratio of remarried couples who came from the same Gun and Hyeon was very high compared with that of remarried couples whose spouses came from other area. In case of remarriage, a circle to offer marriage was more limited to the inside of an area, which was related to the discrepancy in age between husbands and wives and the social standing of their families. That is, the average gap in age of husbands and wives who got married for the first time was 3.4 years old, but in case of most of remarried couples, the husbands were older than wives and the gap in age was 12.3 years old. Also, from the viewpoint of economical power based on the scope of retaining servants or social standing judged through production of central government officials, in most cases, the families of the subjects of remarriage were inferior in strength to those of the subjects of first marriage. Unlike remarriage, a concubine was not acknowledged as a formal wife and thus her descendant was treated discriminatively. Illegitimate lines of the Andong Kwon lineage in this area accounted for 28% of the total members, showing high ratio. The illegitimate lines whose social standing were lower than legitimate lines were restricted in marriage and even the ratio of remarriage were only half of that of legitimate lines. But, illegitimate lines formed the single-lineage village on the basis of the same identity, kinship relation, and certain economical power, maintaining their own circle to offer marriage. Instead a village whose solidarity based on kinship relation and economical power is weak and where legitimate and illegitimate lines were mixed, the scope of selecting a spouse were more restricted.
The Joseon people of the higher social stratum were much concerned about instituting the patriarchal family and establishing the order of kinship from the beginning of the dynasty. Adoption was one example of their efforts to settle down the family succession without much difficulties. In Danseong area of the Gyeongsang province the case of the adoption for family succession could be traced early in the 16th century. However, this new custom was yet to be instituted for the mighty clans until 17th century, and for the rest of the Yangban class until 18th century. Thus, from the 19th century onward, the failure of family succession became very exceptional among the general Yangban class. The adoption for family succession was soon diffused to the people from the middle class who were relatively close to the Yangban class through blood and who could afford another family member. The commoners and the lower class, on the other hand, were not able to follow this new family culture both in social and economic conditions. They needed two strategies: one is to elevate their social position by promoting their Jikyeok(occupational classification), and another is to imitate or adapt the family culture of the Yangban class. The matrimonial process or the successional procedures of the Yangban class was diffused to some of the lower class, and they also adapted the adoption for family succession from the late 18th century onward. The overall soaring number of the adopted sons in the early 19th century was also partly contributed by the adaptation of the adoption by the lower class. In conclusion, the patriarchal family order, which the Yangban class had been institutionalizing for a long period of time, was introduced to some of the lower class who had been successful in obtaining higher social status in the late 18th century, and then the patriarchal family order was gradually spread to the general Korean family system in the 19th century and beyond.
China and Japan led the silver trade in east Asia since the 16th century. China was the world’s biggest silver importing country and Japan was Asia’s biggest silver exporting country. Joseon was influenced by these two in the silver trade, although only after late 17th century they allowed the international silver trade. At the time as China’s southeast coastal route deteriorated, the silver circulation route was most vibrant via Joseon en route to China’s northeast. At this time Joseon actively exploited the silver that was coming in large quantity from Japan for Chinese diplomacy and trade. Joseon wished to replace the indigenous products to silver for the annual tribute to China, and spent silver for the diplomacy expenses as well. However, above all most imported silver was utilized as the trade fund. As silver was utilized as the trade transaction means, beyond the ruling class’s luxury items production or the diplomacy expenses, Joseon grew up to be one of the principal agents in the east Asia silver trade system. The silver trade system positively contributed to the east Asian economy development, but in the late 18th century drastically shrank and faced the crisis. Each country had to respond either by expediting the domestic production of the imports or by developing new trade products.
한국사회의 부계 가족·친족 체계는 고대사회 이래 지속적으로 강화된 것인지, 아니면 양변적 친족 체계가 17세기 들어 부계 중심으로 전환된 것인지 논란이 있다. 이 논쟁은 제도와 관행 가운데 무엇을 우위에 두고 가족·친족 체계를 이해할 것인가라는 문제와 관련이 있다. 한편으로 한국학계는 일반적으로 부계 가족·친족의 형성, 확산에 영향을 미친 가장 중요한 요소를 유교 이념으로 보고 있다. 이러한 견해가 잘못된 것은 아니지만 지역 양반층의 영향력, 경제력 하락과 일부 평민층의 성장과 같은 사회경제적 요인을 경시하게 할 우려가 있다. 더구나 부계 가족·친족은 삼남으로부터 서북지역으로 확산되는 지역적 편차가 존재했으며 양반 지배층으로부터 평민으로 확산되는 계층적 편차도 존재했다. 특히 19세기 활발하게 전개된 평민의 부계 가족· 친족 체계 수용은 양반 문화의 모방을 통한 사회적 성장의 방편이 되기도 했다. 이 글에서는 부계가족과 친족을 이해하는 몇 가지 요소를 통해 조선시대의 사회와 문화에 대한 새로운 이해를 시도해 보았다. There is the controversy over whether the patrilineal system of family&relatives in Korean society has been continuously intensified since ancient societies or bilateral systems has turned into patrilineage-centeredness since the 17th century. This controversy is related with the question of which should be placed first between a system and a customary practice to understand the system of family&relatives. On the other hand, Korean academic circles generally regard confucianism as the most important factor to influence the formation and the proliferation of patrilineal family&relatives. Even though this kind of view is not wrong, it is apprehended to take little of socio-economic factors, such as the fall of the local yangban’s influence and economic power and the growth of a portion of commoners. Moreover, there existed some local difference as patrilineal family&relatives proliferated from the south to the north-west provinces. There also existed some hierarchical difference of proliferation from the yangban of ruling class to commoners. In particular, commoners’ active adoption of the patrilineal system in the 19th century was an expedient of their social growth by imitating the yangban’s culture. The purpose of this study is to make a new attempt to understand the society and the culture of the Joseon Dynasty era through several elements to comprehend patrilineal family&relatives.
The trends of historical studies of North Korea have changed from simple introduction to analysis and comparison and then to critical evaluation in South Korea. Since the late 1980s, the interest in the historical studies of North Korea increased influenced by the academic movement for promoting understanding of the North Korean society and preparation work for reunification. The atmosphere continued until the 1990s, but it turned around since 2000s. It was probably because that it was difficult to discover anything new from the historical studies of North Korea which were stagnant and regressing. One of the things South Korean scholars can do apart from verifying and criticizing the differences of North and South Korean historical studies is to reaffirm the homogeneity between two Koreas. By identifying the homogeneity, North and South Korea may find a lot more commonalities in various areas. In fact, North-South historical exchange which first took place in the beginning of 2000s had expanded based on the consensus on the homogeneity between the two Koreas. Promoting mutual exchange is a realistic and inevitable option for co-existence of North and South Korea.
The studies on the household registers of late Chos?n Dynasty have so far drawn out rich results. In previous studies, heated disputes have been unfolded surrounding the viewpoints on the household registers and the households and the characteristics of a Yuhak (or a Confucian who doesn’t have official post or rank). As a result, it was revealed that households in the household registers were not naturally formed households, but that they were regimented households, related to the imposition and collection of taxes, and that Yuhaks who drastically increased in number were related to the operation of taxation, rather than were due to the aspect of changes of the status. The positions of the state, local government offices and the people complexly worked in the preparation of the household registers, while compromises were being sought between the ideologies, principles, reality and custom. Against the strengthening of the control of the state and the local government officials, the Yangban developed agnate communities on the one hand, and partially cooperated with the local power on the other, trying to get their social positions ratified. Different from the Yangban’s defensive responses, the commoners tried to enhance their status aggressively and actively, while they follow the old customs of the rural communities. The future studies of the household registers should investigate in what way the interests of such diverse main agents changed in accordance with the periods and were reflected in the household registers. This enlarges the necessity to utilize diverse data together, beyond the analysis of the household registers data themselves. And beyond investigating the contents of the regimentation of the household registers, we should pay more attention to finding out what is the nature of the ruling order and the social changes of Chos?n Dynasty which they ultimately mean.
16세기 조선 사회의 상속은 자녀 간 균분 상속의 관행을 유지하면서도 가계 계승자의 몫을 점차 늘려나가는 과정이었다. 균분 상속은 결혼을 통한 경제력의 확대에 기여 하였으므로 양반 남성들 가운데에는 상속 재산을 두고 처가와 갈등을 일으키는 이들 이 있었다. 한 집안 내부에서 가계 계승을 둘러싸고 갈등이 일어나는 일도 있었는데, 이 역시 상속과 연관된 경우가 많았다. 유연 사건은 그러한 갈등 양상을 흥미롭게 보여준다. 이 사건을 주로 다룬 국문학계의 연구는 16세기 사회상이나 역사상에 대한 충분한 이해를 통해 이루어지지 않았다. 또한 「유연전」 이외의 자료에 대한 분석이나 인물들 사이의 상호 관계에 관한 탐구도 부족하였다. 16세기에 종법은 아직 완전하게 정착하지 않아 장남이 자식 없이 사망하면 장남의 부인(총부)과 차남 사이에서 가계 계승 및 상속을 둘러싸고 갈등이 일어나기도 하였다. 유연 사건도 이러한 갈등을 내포하고 있었다. 또한 이 시기에 정치적으로는 사림의 전면적 등장이라는 권력 구조의 변화가 나타났다. 유연 사건을 두고 전혀 다른 결론을 내린 두 차례의 재판이 열린 것은 이러한 정치 변동과도 연관이 있었다. Inheritance in Joseon society in the 16th century maintained the practice of equalized inheritance among children. At the same time, it was a process of gradually increasing the share of family successors. Equalized inheritance contributed to the expansion of financial capacity through marriage. As such, among upper class men, there were many who were interested in the property of their wife. At this time, clan rules were not yet fully settled, and if the eldest son died without children, there was a conflict over the inheritance and family succession between the eldest son’s wife and the second son. The Yuyeon case shows an interesting illustration of the inheritance practices and conflicts at that time. In addition, this case reveal facts that were hidden by the changed political reality of the emergence of the Neo-Confucian literati. By gathering relevant data and tracking the interrelationships between characters in connection with political and social realities at that time, the meaning of this case can be grasped objectively from a historical perspective.
유학의 증가 양상을 어떻게 설명할 것인가는 조선 사회 신분 변동이나 군역 운영 연구의 주요 쟁점 가운데 하나이다. 19세기 급증한 유학에 비양반층이 포함된 것은 분명한 사실이지만 누가 유학이 되었는지 또는 그렇지 못하였는지는 명확하지 않다. 이 연구는 19세기 특정 지역 호적에 기재된 전체 가계를 추적하여 유학호와 비유학호의 직역 변동 양상과 그 성격을 분석하였다. 그 과정에서 경제력과 집단 노력이 계층 변동에 미친 긍정 영향과 오랜 관념과 차별이 미친 부정 영향을 검토하였다. 이를 통해 조선 후기 신분변동론에 대한 재해석을 시도해 보았다. Explaining increase of yuhak is one of the major issues in the study of status change and military operation of Choson society. It is evident that yuhak who grew rapidly in the nineteenth century, included a non-yangban class, but it is not clear who was or was not yuhak. This study traced entire households recorded in the household register of a specific area in the 19th century, and analyzed the characteristics and occupational change of yuhak households and non-yuhak households. In addition, positive impacts of economic power and collective effort and negative effects of long-standing prejudice and discrimination on the class mobility were examined. Based on these facts, the theory of status change in the late Choson period was reinterpret.