조선후기 동성촌락 구성원의 통혼 양상

권내현(Kwon Nae-Hyun) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.132 No.-

The nobility of Joseon period intended to maintain their social position through marriage with people whose surname were prominent. They also concentrated on establishing marriage relations with specified surnames in accord with their own families through accumulated experiences between generations. Concentrated on 16 surnames were more than half the 117 surnames of Andong Kwons' female spouses, the subjects of analysis. This phenomenon became generalized only after the 17th century when the base for the single-lineage village was beginning to be established. Because a circle to offer marriage could not be concentrated unless a surname group who asserts a certain figure to be its famous ancestor in a specified area resided and the trend that other family prefers such member as a spouse extended. Though there was a time gap, close corelation existed between the development of the single-lineage village and concentration of a circle to offer marriage. Seeing from the standpoint of a marriage area, the nobility wanted to obtain their spouses as from far as possible. But, due to the influence of famous the single-lineage village formed in their neighborhood, they obtained most of their spouses from nearby area(Gun, Hyeon) or, even at the farthest, within province(Do). In case of the Andong Kw?n families, marriage within Myeon was 7.4%, marriage within Gun was 26.7% and the remains were expected to be marriage within Do including nearby Gun and Hyeon. The ratio similar to such ratio showed in the late Joseon period as well as in a recent famous the single-lineage village. This is another case where the tradition of the late Joseon period was handed down to today. In the meantime, it was revealed that the ratio of remarried couples who came from the same Gun and Hyeon was very high compared with that of remarried couples whose spouses came from other area. In case of remarriage, a circle to offer marriage was more limited to the inside of an area, which was related to the discrepancy in age between husbands and wives and the social standing of their families. That is, the average gap in age of husbands and wives who got married for the first time was 3.4 years old, but in case of most of remarried couples, the husbands were older than wives and the gap in age was 12.3 years old. Also, from the viewpoint of economical power based on the scope of retaining servants or social standing judged through production of central government officials, in most cases, the families of the subjects of remarriage were inferior in strength to those of the subjects of first marriage. Unlike remarriage, a concubine was not acknowledged as a formal wife and thus her descendant was treated discriminatively. Illegitimate lines of the Andong Kwon lineage in this area accounted for 28% of the total members, showing high ratio. The illegitimate lines whose social standing were lower than legitimate lines were restricted in marriage and even the ratio of remarriage were only half of that of legitimate lines. But, illegitimate lines formed the single-lineage village on the basis of the same identity, kinship relation, and certain economical power, maintaining their own circle to offer marriage. Instead a village whose solidarity based on kinship relation and economical power is weak and where legitimate and illegitimate lines were mixed, the scope of selecting a spouse were more restricted.

조선후기 부계 가족·친족의 확산과 몇 가지 문제

권내현(Kwon, Nae-Hyun) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.62

한국사회의 부계 가족·친족 체계는 고대사회 이래 지속적으로 강화된 것인지, 아니면 양변적 친족 체계가 17세기 들어 부계 중심으로 전환된 것인지 논란이 있다. 이 논쟁은 제도와 관행 가운데 무엇을 우위에 두고 가족·친족 체계를 이해할 것인가라는 문제와 관련이 있다. 한편으로 한국학계는 일반적으로 부계 가족·친족의 형성, 확산에 영향을 미친 가장 중요한 요소를 유교 이념으로 보고 있다. 이러한 견해가 잘못된 것은 아니지만 지역 양반층의 영향력, 경제력 하락과 일부 평민층의 성장과 같은 사회경제적 요인을 경시하게 할 우려가 있다. 더구나 부계 가족·친족은 삼남으로부터 서북지역으로 확산되는 지역적 편차가 존재했으며 양반 지배층으로부터 평민으로 확산되는 계층적 편차도 존재했다. 특히 19세기 활발하게 전개된 평민의 부계 가족· 친족 체계 수용은 양반 문화의 모방을 통한 사회적 성장의 방편이 되기도 했다. 이 글에서는 부계가족과 친족을 이해하는 몇 가지 요소를 통해 조선시대의 사회와 문화에 대한 새로운 이해를 시도해 보았다. There is the controversy over whether the patrilineal system of family&relatives in Korean society has been continuously intensified since ancient societies or bilateral systems has turned into patrilineage-centeredness since the 17th century. This controversy is related with the question of which should be placed first between a system and a customary practice to understand the system of family&relatives. On the other hand, Korean academic circles generally regard confucianism as the most important factor to influence the formation and the proliferation of patrilineal family&relatives. Even though this kind of view is not wrong, it is apprehended to take little of socio-economic factors, such as the fall of the local yangban’s influence and economic power and the growth of a portion of commoners. Moreover, there existed some local difference as patrilineal family&relatives proliferated from the south to the north-west provinces. There also existed some hierarchical difference of proliferation from the yangban of ruling class to commoners. In particular, commoners’ active adoption of the patrilineal system in the 19th century was an expedient of their social growth by imitating the yangban’s culture. The purpose of this study is to make a new attempt to understand the society and the culture of the Joseon Dynasty era through several elements to comprehend patrilineal family&relatives.

조선 초기 노비 상속과 균분의 실상

권내현(Kwon Nae-hyun) 고려사학회 2006 한국사학보 Vol.- No.22

이 연구는 균분 상속이 철저하게 실시되었던 조선 초기 노비 분재의 방식과 실상을 분석한 것이다. 균분 상속은 제사나 결혼의 풍습과 맞물린 조선의 독특한 사회적 관행이었다. 현존하는 15세기의 분재기에서도 적극적으로 균분을 추구하려고 했던 당시인들의 의지가 잘 드러나 있다. 하지만 살아 움직이는 생명체인 노비를 기계적으로 동일하게 나눈다는 것은 원천적으로 불가능하였다. 분재기 상에서 자녀들이 상속받은 노비 수는 균분이라는 개념에 막연하게 동의할 수 있는 수준이었지 실제로 동질적이지는 않았던 것이다. 물론 몇 가지 변수들을 제외하면 수적 균분에 접근하며, 그럼에도 불구하고 차이가 나는 부분은 노비의 연령을 고려한 질적 균분의 과정에서 나타난 것으로 이해할 수 있다. 그러나 자녀들이 상속받은 노비의 연령 분포를 구체적으로 비교해 보면 더 철저한 균분이 실현될 여지가 있었음을 발견하게 된다. 여기에서 균분이란 의식은 물론 그 실현 의지를 제약했던 다양한 조건들이 동시에 존재하였음을 알 수 있다. 무엇보다도 노비의 연령 분포가 고르지 않아 자녀들이 상속받은 노비의 연령대에 불균형이 초래될 수 있었다. 이러한 불균형은 노비 가족을 완전하게 해체하여 균분을 실현하지 않고 그들의 결합 상속을 일부 용인함으로써 발생하기도 하였다. 또한 상속 과정에서 재주인 부모의 의지가 작용할 수 있었고, 일부 분재기에서는 자녀들 간에 합의에 의한 선택이 이루어졌을 가능성도 존재한다. 다분히 의도적이었던 것으로 보이는 상속 노비의 성비나 거주지의 불균형이 그 한 예이다. 이는 분재 방식이 ‘제비뽑기’와 같은 기계적인 균분만을 추구하지는 않았음을 보여 준다. 균분 의식은 철저하였고 이를 실현하려는 노력도 뒤따랐지만 균분이라는 전제를 훼손하지 않는 범위 내에서 질적 균분을 일정 부분 제약했던 다양한 조건들이 존재하였다는 사실 역시 부인할수 없는 것이다. This study analyzed the methods and real aspects of servant equal-division in the early Chos?n dynasty in which equal succession was thoroughly conducted. Equal division succession was a peculiar social practice of the Chos?n dynasty which was linked to ancestral rites and a marriage. Reviewing the heritage document in the 15th century, you will also find the will of the then current people who positively tried to pursue equal division. However, it was basically impossible to mechanically and equally divide servants which are living and moving creatures. The number of servants inherited to children was a level, vaguely similar with but actually not equal to the concept of equal division. Of course, except for several variables, it can be understood that the servants are equally divided in number and unavoidably a few differences occurred in the process of qualitative equal division in consideration of the age of servants. But, concretely comparing age distribution of servants inherited to children shows that there was a little room for realization of more thorough equal division. Here, we can know that there existed consciousness of equal division and various conditions that restricted such will for realization. Above all, the age distribution of servants was not equal, so that imbalance could be brought in a range of age. Such imbalance used to also occur not by realizing equal division through complete dissolution of a servant family but by partly accepting their combination succession. Also, a possibility exists that the will of parents, an owner of servants, could apply to the process of inheritance, and some inheritance documents imply that a possibility of selection by agreement between children being performed. For example, the ratio of gender of inherited servants or imbalance of residential places seeming to have been highly intentional can be given. This shows that a method of dividing property did not pursue mechanical equal division such as ‘deciding by lot’. The consciousness of equal division was thorough and the efforts for realizing such consciousness was made, but it is not deniable that various conditions existed that partly restricted qualitative equal division within the range in which a premise of equal division was not damaged.

조선후기 호적에 대한 이해

권내현(Kwon, Nae-Hyun) 한국사연구회 2014 한국사연구 Vol.- No.165

17세기 전반 對淸 긴장 고조와 平安道 방비

권내현(Kwon Nae-hyun) 고려사학회 2002 한국사학보 Vol.- No.13

조선후기 평민 동성촌락의 성장

권내현 ( Nae Hyun Kwon ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2010 민족문화연구 Vol.52 No.-

Today traces of a single-lineage village remains in places in Korea, and an investigation in 1930s also revealed that villages corresponding to almost half the total were single-lineage villages. It is difficult to explain such a phenomenon from the viewpoint in the late Joseaon Dynasty that a single-lineage village is regarded as a nobility one and a non-single-lineage village is a commoners` village. A single-lineage village does not occur only among the nobility(Yangban), so that after the 19th century, there began to appear many cases even among non-nobility classes where they took the leadership of a village by accepting agnate order and through collective living of the single-lineage people. The common people, during their collective living, controlled a marriage of the same surname & family origin to which the nobility already adhered and formed their own circle to offer marriage. However, their circle to offer marriage or living is narrower than the nobility, mostly concentrated on a single-lineage village and its surrounding. They positively made efforts for increasing their social position in line with formation of their single-lineage villages. The earliest generation of the people who formed single-lineage villages consisted of commoners and servants, but after the middle 18th century, the village members increased in their position to the middle class, and almost to the upper class by the late 19th century, all of which resulted from formation of a strong paternal group. Some of the common people in the late Joseon Dynasty positively accepted family culture established by the nobility, while they attempted to advance their social position by collectively living in a certain village. All of such efforts did not give all the groups success. But, it is difficult to deny the fact that it resulted from the common people`s continuous efforts for a long time that the tendency of the single-lineage people collectively living appeared in lots of villages in modern times.

조선 후기 호적, 호구의 성격과 새로운 쟁점

권내현(Kwon Nae-Hyun) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.135 No.-

For a long time, household registers from the Joseon Dynasty have been used as evidence of class mobility. Most studies, however, statistically have processed the data without critically assessing these historical documents. The recent computerization of the household register from the Danseong area has dramatically expanded the range of the use of such data, even making it possible to analyze the nature of household registers as data. Since then, research on household registers has taken an entirely new direction. New research on household registers stresses the fact that household registers were used as data for the imposition of corvee and taxes during the Joseon Dynasty. In relation, some scholars particularly see the households in household registers not as naturally formed but as artificially organized households. This has been perceived as an immense threat by researchers who have analyzed social class and forms of family based on the naturally formed households. Consequently, there is active debate among academics on the nature of household registers and households. On the other hand, household registers are being actively used for research on families, kinship, and villages. Such studies have provided other data and attempted comparative analysis through materials such as genealogies to supplement the imperfection of household registers. In the process, the errors of existing studies, which have interpreted social phenomena simply based on household registers, are being corrected. In addition, new research methods are being sought, and it is possible to say that the horizons of research have been expanded.

북한의 한국사 연구와 남한 학계의 인식

권내현 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 역사교육학회 2017 역사교육논집 Vol.62 No.-

The trends of historical studies of North Korea have changed from simple introduction to analysis and comparison and then to critical evaluation in South Korea. Since the late 1980s, the interest in the historical studies of North Korea increased influenced by the academic movement for promoting understanding of the North Korean society and preparation work for reunification. The atmosphere continued until the 1990s, but it turned around since 2000s. It was probably because that it was difficult to discover anything new from the historical studies of North Korea which were stagnant and regressing. One of the things South Korean scholars can do apart from verifying and criticizing the differences of North and South Korean historical studies is to reaffirm the homogeneity between two Koreas. By identifying the homogeneity, North and South Korea may find a lot more commonalities in various areas. In fact, North-South historical exchange which first took place in the beginning of 2000s had expanded based on the consensus on the homogeneity between the two Koreas. Promoting mutual exchange is a realistic and inevitable option for co-existence of North and South Korea.

조선후기 입양의 확산 추이와 수용 양상

권내현(Kwon Nae-hyun) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.73

The Joseon people of the higher social stratum were much concerned about instituting the patriarchal family and establishing the order of kinship from the beginning of the dynasty. Adoption was one example of their efforts to settle down the family succession without much difficulties. In Danseong area of the Gyeongsang province the case of the adoption for family succession could be traced early in the 16th century. However, this new custom was yet to be instituted for the mighty clans until 17th century, and for the rest of the Yangban class until 18th century. Thus, from the 19th century onward, the failure of family succession became very exceptional among the general Yangban class. The adoption for family succession was soon diffused to the people from the middle class who were relatively close to the Yangban class through blood and who could afford another family member. The commoners and the lower class, on the other hand, were not able to follow this new family culture both in social and economic conditions. They needed two strategies: one is to elevate their social position by promoting their Jikyeok(occupational classification), and another is to imitate or adapt the family culture of the Yangban class. The matrimonial process or the successional procedures of the Yangban class was diffused to some of the lower class, and they also adapted the adoption for family succession from the late 18th century onward. The overall soaring number of the adopted sons in the early 19th century was also partly contributed by the adaptation of the adoption by the lower class. In conclusion, the patriarchal family order, which the Yangban class had been institutionalizing for a long period of time, was introduced to some of the lower class who had been successful in obtaining higher social status in the late 18th century, and then the patriarchal family order was gradually spread to the general Korean family system in the 19th century and beyond.

17-18세기 조선의 화폐 유통과 은

권내현 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2017 민족문화연구 Vol.74 No.-

In 17th century, by reestablishment of international relations in East Asia, Japanese silver had been brought into Joseon. Japanese silver was used as international monetary between Joseon and China and also for domestic business transaction. Within Joseon, multi-layered monetary system was operated by being composed of linen and cotton, rice, coin, silver differentiated by areas and classes. Among them, coin and silver encroached the area of money used for merchandise, which were led to the main monetary of Sangpyeong Tongbo. The creation and distribution of Sangpyeong Tongbo were due to the attempt of standardizing the monetary structure into coin. As coins rise as the major monetary and as the inflow of Japanese silver was decreased, the function of silver was also weakened. Even so, silver contributed to the distribution of coin and was also used as the standard for deciding the value of coin. However, as the relative value of silver was increased and amount of circulation was decreased, it had become meaningless to decide the value of coin by silver. During the first part of 18th century, as the inflow of Japanese silver was decreased, it was domestic silver that supplemented the lack of supply. The problem was that outflow of silver from Joseon to China. Within Joseon, the hostility and economic damage by Qing dynasty were spread in the country and most of the official opposed the outflow of silver from Joseon to China. Even more, when outflow of silver was led to the lack of coins, the Joseon dynasty strictly regulated the outflow of domestic silver and attempted to restore the function of silver as monetary means. But since it was difficult to find other products to replace silver for diplomacy and trade with Qing, the actual effect of regulating outflow of silver was minimal. In addition, the attempt of circulating nationally certified silver coins was not realized because of reduced production and inflow of silver, and concerns on consistent outflow of silver.