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The nobility of Joseon period intended to maintain their social position through marriage with people whose surname were prominent. They also concentrated on establishing marriage relations with specified surnames in accord with their own families through accumulated experiences between generations. Concentrated on 16 surnames were more than half the 117 surnames of Andong Kwons' female spouses, the subjects of analysis. This phenomenon became generalized only after the 17th century when the base for the single-lineage village was beginning to be established. Because a circle to offer marriage could not be concentrated unless a surname group who asserts a certain figure to be its famous ancestor in a specified area resided and the trend that other family prefers such member as a spouse extended. Though there was a time gap, close corelation existed between the development of the single-lineage village and concentration of a circle to offer marriage. Seeing from the standpoint of a marriage area, the nobility wanted to obtain their spouses as from far as possible. But, due to the influence of famous the single-lineage village formed in their neighborhood, they obtained most of their spouses from nearby area(Gun, Hyeon) or, even at the farthest, within province(Do). In case of the Andong Kw?n families, marriage within Myeon was 7.4%, marriage within Gun was 26.7% and the remains were expected to be marriage within Do including nearby Gun and Hyeon. The ratio similar to such ratio showed in the late Joseon period as well as in a recent famous the single-lineage village. This is another case where the tradition of the late Joseon period was handed down to today. In the meantime, it was revealed that the ratio of remarried couples who came from the same Gun and Hyeon was very high compared with that of remarried couples whose spouses came from other area. In case of remarriage, a circle to offer marriage was more limited to the inside of an area, which was related to the discrepancy in age between husbands and wives and the social standing of their families. That is, the average gap in age of husbands and wives who got married for the first time was 3.4 years old, but in case of most of remarried couples, the husbands were older than wives and the gap in age was 12.3 years old. Also, from the viewpoint of economical power based on the scope of retaining servants or social standing judged through production of central government officials, in most cases, the families of the subjects of remarriage were inferior in strength to those of the subjects of first marriage. Unlike remarriage, a concubine was not acknowledged as a formal wife and thus her descendant was treated discriminatively. Illegitimate lines of the Andong Kwon lineage in this area accounted for 28% of the total members, showing high ratio. The illegitimate lines whose social standing were lower than legitimate lines were restricted in marriage and even the ratio of remarriage were only half of that of legitimate lines. But, illegitimate lines formed the single-lineage village on the basis of the same identity, kinship relation, and certain economical power, maintaining their own circle to offer marriage. Instead a village whose solidarity based on kinship relation and economical power is weak and where legitimate and illegitimate lines were mixed, the scope of selecting a spouse were more restricted.
The Joseon people of the higher social stratum were much concerned about instituting the patriarchal family and establishing the order of kinship from the beginning of the dynasty. Adoption was one example of their efforts to settle down the family succession without much difficulties. In Danseong area of the Gyeongsang province the case of the adoption for family succession could be traced early in the 16th century. However, this new custom was yet to be instituted for the mighty clans until 17th century, and for the rest of the Yangban class until 18th century. Thus, from the 19th century onward, the failure of family succession became very exceptional among the general Yangban class. The adoption for family succession was soon diffused to the people from the middle class who were relatively close to the Yangban class through blood and who could afford another family member. The commoners and the lower class, on the other hand, were not able to follow this new family culture both in social and economic conditions. They needed two strategies: one is to elevate their social position by promoting their Jikyeok(occupational classification), and another is to imitate or adapt the family culture of the Yangban class. The matrimonial process or the successional procedures of the Yangban class was diffused to some of the lower class, and they also adapted the adoption for family succession from the late 18th century onward. The overall soaring number of the adopted sons in the early 19th century was also partly contributed by the adaptation of the adoption by the lower class. In conclusion, the patriarchal family order, which the Yangban class had been institutionalizing for a long period of time, was introduced to some of the lower class who had been successful in obtaining higher social status in the late 18th century, and then the patriarchal family order was gradually spread to the general Korean family system in the 19th century and beyond.
The trends of historical studies of North Korea have changed from simple introduction to analysis and comparison and then to critical evaluation in South Korea. Since the late 1980s, the interest in the historical studies of North Korea increased influenced by the academic movement for promoting understanding of the North Korean society and preparation work for reunification. The atmosphere continued until the 1990s, but it turned around since 2000s. It was probably because that it was difficult to discover anything new from the historical studies of North Korea which were stagnant and regressing. One of the things South Korean scholars can do apart from verifying and criticizing the differences of North and South Korean historical studies is to reaffirm the homogeneity between two Koreas. By identifying the homogeneity, North and South Korea may find a lot more commonalities in various areas. In fact, North-South historical exchange which first took place in the beginning of 2000s had expanded based on the consensus on the homogeneity between the two Koreas. Promoting mutual exchange is a realistic and inevitable option for co-existence of North and South Korea.
16세기 조선 사회의 상속은 자녀 간 균분 상속의 관행을 유지하면서도 가계 계승자의 몫을 점차 늘려나가는 과정이었다. 균분 상속은 결혼을 통한 경제력의 확대에 기여 하였으므로 양반 남성들 가운데에는 상속 재산을 두고 처가와 갈등을 일으키는 이들 이 있었다. 한 집안 내부에서 가계 계승을 둘러싸고 갈등이 일어나는 일도 있었는데, 이 역시 상속과 연관된 경우가 많았다. 유연 사건은 그러한 갈등 양상을 흥미롭게 보여준다. 이 사건을 주로 다룬 국문학계의 연구는 16세기 사회상이나 역사상에 대한 충분한 이해를 통해 이루어지지 않았다. 또한 「유연전」 이외의 자료에 대한 분석이나 인물들 사이의 상호 관계에 관한 탐구도 부족하였다. 16세기에 종법은 아직 완전하게 정착하지 않아 장남이 자식 없이 사망하면 장남의 부인(총부)과 차남 사이에서 가계 계승 및 상속을 둘러싸고 갈등이 일어나기도 하였다. 유연 사건도 이러한 갈등을 내포하고 있었다. 또한 이 시기에 정치적으로는 사림의 전면적 등장이라는 권력 구조의 변화가 나타났다. 유연 사건을 두고 전혀 다른 결론을 내린 두 차례의 재판이 열린 것은 이러한 정치 변동과도 연관이 있었다. Inheritance in Joseon society in the 16th century maintained the practice of equalized inheritance among children. At the same time, it was a process of gradually increasing the share of family successors. Equalized inheritance contributed to the expansion of financial capacity through marriage. As such, among upper class men, there were many who were interested in the property of their wife. At this time, clan rules were not yet fully settled, and if the eldest son died without children, there was a conflict over the inheritance and family succession between the eldest son’s wife and the second son. The Yuyeon case shows an interesting illustration of the inheritance practices and conflicts at that time. In addition, this case reveal facts that were hidden by the changed political reality of the emergence of the Neo-Confucian literati. By gathering relevant data and tracking the interrelationships between characters in connection with political and social realities at that time, the meaning of this case can be grasped objectively from a historical perspective.
The studies on the household registers of late Chos?n Dynasty have so far drawn out rich results. In previous studies, heated disputes have been unfolded surrounding the viewpoints on the household registers and the households and the characteristics of a Yuhak (or a Confucian who doesn’t have official post or rank). As a result, it was revealed that households in the household registers were not naturally formed households, but that they were regimented households, related to the imposition and collection of taxes, and that Yuhaks who drastically increased in number were related to the operation of taxation, rather than were due to the aspect of changes of the status. The positions of the state, local government offices and the people complexly worked in the preparation of the household registers, while compromises were being sought between the ideologies, principles, reality and custom. Against the strengthening of the control of the state and the local government officials, the Yangban developed agnate communities on the one hand, and partially cooperated with the local power on the other, trying to get their social positions ratified. Different from the Yangban’s defensive responses, the commoners tried to enhance their status aggressively and actively, while they follow the old customs of the rural communities. The future studies of the household registers should investigate in what way the interests of such diverse main agents changed in accordance with the periods and were reflected in the household registers. This enlarges the necessity to utilize diverse data together, beyond the analysis of the household registers data themselves. And beyond investigating the contents of the regimentation of the household registers, we should pay more attention to finding out what is the nature of the ruling order and the social changes of Chos?n Dynasty which they ultimately mean.
The study on history in the late period of Joseon Dynasty during 2009~2010 is, above all, characterized by quantitative expansion. Recently, studies related to the late period of Joseon Dynasty continuously shows increasing trends, which seems to continue for some time in the future. An increase in the number of researchers, expansion of outside assistance of this study, emphasis of quantitative evaluation of universities, etc. applied to this study. Next, in the study of the late period of Joseon Dynasty during this time, a variety of materials and methodologies applied. The study area continuously has expanded through discovery of new materials including king Jeonjo"s letter, and translation and computerization of existing materials. Through this, a political history got to be able to re-recognized, study scopes of local finance or foreign relation history and utilization scope of a family register have been expanded. Lastly, it can be enumerated that new attempt of comparison study for objectively analyzing position of Joseon in East Asia. This partly contributed to finding features of Joseon society that has been insufficient up to the present time. However, it is difficult to say that the study has been improved in quality beyond the quantitative expansion. The study for finding the character of Joseon society through long-term efforts and prospect was also insufficient. Accordingly, the task in the study on the history in the late periods of Joseon Dynasty is in diversification of study methods, consistent attempt to newly seeking and raising the level of products to be obtained through this.
17세기 동아시아 국제 관계의 재정립을 거치며 일본 은이 조선으로 본격 유입되었다. 일본 은은 조선과 중국 사이의 무역에서 국제 화폐로 사용되었고 국내 상거래에서도 화폐로 활용되었다. 조선 내부에서는 지역과 계층에 따라 포목, 미곡, 동전, 은으로 구성된 다층적 화폐 시스템이 운영되었고, 이 가운데 동전과 은은 상품 화폐의 영역을 잠식하면서 상평통보의 주전으로 이어졌다. 상평통보의 전면적 주조와 보급은 다층적 화폐 구조를 동전 중심으로 일원화하려는 시도에 따른 것이었다. 동전이 중심 화폐로 부상하고 일본에서 은의 유입이 감소하면서 화폐로서 은의 기능은 점차 위축되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 은은 동전의 확산에 기여하였으며 동전의 가치를 규정하는 수단으로도 활용되었다. 하지만 은의 상대적 가치가 계속 상승하고 국내에서의 유통량이 감소하면서 동전의 가치를 은으로 결정하는 것 자체가 무의미해지고 있었다. 18세기 전반 일본 은의 유입 감소가 지속되면서 이를 보완한 것은 국내산 은이었다. 문제는 조선에서 중국으로 은의 유출이라는 원심력이 구심력보다 항상 강하게 작용하고 있었다는 점이었다. 조선 내부에서는 청나라에 대한 반감과 경제적 피해론을 명분으로 조선 은의 중국 유출을 반대하는 분위기가 팽배하였다. 더욱이 은의 유출 파장이 동전의 부족 현상과도 연결되자 조선 왕조는 국내산 은의 유출을 강력하게 규제하고 국내 고액 거래에서 은의 화폐 기능을 회복시키려 하였다. 하지만 대청 외교와 무역에서 은을 대체할 상품을 찾기 힘든 상황에서 국내산 은의 유출 규제는 실효를 거두기가 어려웠다. 또한 국가 공인의 규격화된 은화 발행 시도도 은의 유입과 생산 감소, 은의 지속적 유출에 대한 우려 때문에 현실화하지 못하였다. In 17th century, by reestablishment of international relations in East Asia, Japanese silver had been brought into Joseon. Japanese silver was used as international monetary between Joseon and China and also for domestic business transaction. Within Joseon, multi-layered monetary system was operated by being composed of linen and cotton, rice, coin, silver differentiated by areas and classes. Among them, coin and silver encroached the area of money used for merchandise, which were led to the main monetary of Sangpyeong Tongbo. The creation and distribution of Sangpyeong Tongbo were due to the attempt of standardizing the monetary structure into coin. As coins rise as the major monetary and as the inflow of Japanese silver was decreased, the function of silver was also weakened. Even so, silver contributed to the distribution of coin and was also used as the standard for deciding the value of coin. However, as the relative value of silver was increased and amount of circulation was decreased, it had become meaningless to decide the value of coin by silver. During the first part of 18th century, as the inflow of Japanese silver was decreased, it was domestic silver that supplemented the lack of supply. The problem was that outflow of silver from Joseon to China. Within Joseon, the hostility and economic damage by Qing dynasty were spread in the country and most of the official opposed the outflow of silver from Joseon to China. Even more, when outflow of silver was led to the lack of coins, the Joseon dynasty strictly regulated the outflow of domestic silver and attempted to restore the function of silver as monetary means. But since it was difficult to find other products to replace silver for diplomacy and trade with Qing, the actual effect of regulating outflow of silver was minimal. In addition, the attempt of circulating nationally certified silver coins was not realized because of reduced production and inflow of silver, and concerns on consistent outflow of silver.