조선후기 동성촌락 구성원의 통혼 양상

권내현(Kwon Nae-Hyun) 한국사연구회 2006 한국사연구 Vol.132 No.-

The nobility of Joseon period intended to maintain their social position through marriage with people whose surname were prominent. They also concentrated on establishing marriage relations with specified surnames in accord with their own families through accumulated experiences between generations. Concentrated on 16 surnames were more than half the 117 surnames of Andong Kwons' female spouses, the subjects of analysis. This phenomenon became generalized only after the 17th century when the base for the single-lineage village was beginning to be established. Because a circle to offer marriage could not be concentrated unless a surname group who asserts a certain figure to be its famous ancestor in a specified area resided and the trend that other family prefers such member as a spouse extended. Though there was a time gap, close corelation existed between the development of the single-lineage village and concentration of a circle to offer marriage. Seeing from the standpoint of a marriage area, the nobility wanted to obtain their spouses as from far as possible. But, due to the influence of famous the single-lineage village formed in their neighborhood, they obtained most of their spouses from nearby area(Gun, Hyeon) or, even at the farthest, within province(Do). In case of the Andong Kw?n families, marriage within Myeon was 7.4%, marriage within Gun was 26.7% and the remains were expected to be marriage within Do including nearby Gun and Hyeon. The ratio similar to such ratio showed in the late Joseon period as well as in a recent famous the single-lineage village. This is another case where the tradition of the late Joseon period was handed down to today. In the meantime, it was revealed that the ratio of remarried couples who came from the same Gun and Hyeon was very high compared with that of remarried couples whose spouses came from other area. In case of remarriage, a circle to offer marriage was more limited to the inside of an area, which was related to the discrepancy in age between husbands and wives and the social standing of their families. That is, the average gap in age of husbands and wives who got married for the first time was 3.4 years old, but in case of most of remarried couples, the husbands were older than wives and the gap in age was 12.3 years old. Also, from the viewpoint of economical power based on the scope of retaining servants or social standing judged through production of central government officials, in most cases, the families of the subjects of remarriage were inferior in strength to those of the subjects of first marriage. Unlike remarriage, a concubine was not acknowledged as a formal wife and thus her descendant was treated discriminatively. Illegitimate lines of the Andong Kwon lineage in this area accounted for 28% of the total members, showing high ratio. The illegitimate lines whose social standing were lower than legitimate lines were restricted in marriage and even the ratio of remarriage were only half of that of legitimate lines. But, illegitimate lines formed the single-lineage village on the basis of the same identity, kinship relation, and certain economical power, maintaining their own circle to offer marriage. Instead a village whose solidarity based on kinship relation and economical power is weak and where legitimate and illegitimate lines were mixed, the scope of selecting a spouse were more restricted.

17-18세기 조선의 화폐 유통과 은

권내현 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2017 民族文化硏究 Vol.74 No.-

17세기 동아시아 국제 관계의 재정립을 거치며 일본 은이 조선으로 본격 유입되었다. 일본 은은 조선과 중국 사이의 무역에서 국제 화폐로 사용되었고 국내 상거래에서도 화폐로 활용되었다. 조선 내부에서는 지역과 계층에 따라 포목, 미곡, 동전, 은으로 구성된 다층적 화폐 시스템이 운영되었고, 이 가운데 동전과 은은 상품 화폐의 영역을 잠식하면서 상평통보의 주전으로 이어졌다. 상평통보의 전면적 주조와 보급은 다층적 화폐 구조를 동전 중심으로 일원화하려는 시도에 따른 것이었다. 동전이 중심 화폐로 부상하고 일본에서 은의 유입이 감소하면서 화폐로서 은의 기능은 점차 위축되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 은은 동전의 확산에 기여하였으며 동전의 가치를 규정하는 수단으로도 활용되었다. 하지만 은의 상대적 가치가 계속 상승하고 국내에서의 유통량이 감소하면서 동전의 가치를 은으로 결정하는 것 자체가 무의미해지고 있었다. 18세기 전반 일본 은의 유입 감소가 지속되면서 이를 보완한 것은 국내산 은이었다. 문제는 조선에서 중국으로 은의 유출이라는 원심력이 구심력보다 항상 강하게 작용하고 있었다는 점이었다. 조선 내부에서는 청나라에 대한 반감과 경제적 피해론을 명분으로 조선 은의 중국 유출을 반대하는 분위기가 팽배하였다. 더욱이 은의 유출 파장이 동전의 부족 현상과도 연결되자 조선 왕조는 국내산 은의 유출을 강력하게 규제하고 국내 고액 거래에서 은의 화폐 기능을 회복시키려 하였다. 하지만 대청 외교와 무역에서 은을 대체할 상품을 찾기 힘든 상황에서 국내산 은의 유출 규제는 실효를 거두기가 어려웠다. 또한 국가 공인의 규격화된 은화 발행 시도도 은의 유입과 생산 감소, 은의 지속적 유출에 대한 우려 때문에 현실화하지 못하였다. In 17th century, by reestablishment of international relations in East Asia, Japanese silver had been brought into Joseon. Japanese silver was used as international monetary between Joseon and China and also for domestic business transaction. Within Joseon, multi-layered monetary system was operated by being composed of linen and cotton, rice, coin, silver differentiated by areas and classes. Among them, coin and silver encroached the area of money used for merchandise, which were led to the main monetary of Sangpyeong Tongbo. The creation and distribution of Sangpyeong Tongbo were due to the attempt of standardizing the monetary structure into coin. As coins rise as the major monetary and as the inflow of Japanese silver was decreased, the function of silver was also weakened. Even so, silver contributed to the distribution of coin and was also used as the standard for deciding the value of coin. However, as the relative value of silver was increased and amount of circulation was decreased, it had become meaningless to decide the value of coin by silver. During the first part of 18th century, as the inflow of Japanese silver was decreased, it was domestic silver that supplemented the lack of supply. The problem was that outflow of silver from Joseon to China. Within Joseon, the hostility and economic damage by Qing dynasty were spread in the country and most of the official opposed the outflow of silver from Joseon to China. Even more, when outflow of silver was led to the lack of coins, the Joseon dynasty strictly regulated the outflow of domestic silver and attempted to restore the function of silver as monetary means. But since it was difficult to find other products to replace silver for diplomacy and trade with Qing, the actual effect of regulating outflow of silver was minimal. In addition, the attempt of circulating nationally certified silver coins was not realized because of reduced production and inflow of silver, and concerns on consistent outflow of silver.

내재적 발전론과 조선 후기사 인식

권내현(Kwon, Nae-Hyun) 역사비평사 2015 역사비평 Vol.- No.111

Internal Development Theory has long kept its status as a logic representing the science of history of modern Korea. In the teeth of pungent criticism from some of today’s academia, the meaning of Internal Development Theory as a history of historiography can not be underestimated. However, unless the theoretical, empirical limit underlying the theory and interpretational fallacy derived from it or its one-sidedness are overcome, one can hardly expect the science of Korean history to advance. Study of the history of the later Chos?n dynasty based on disassembly of the medieval society and the sprout of capitalism also find it hard to create new logic. To overcome this predicament, we should be open to the possibility of varied imagination regarding the modern time. In this light, not just interest in disassembly of the medieval society but, much more exploration of its structure should be resumed and the burden for detecting the embryo of capitalism should be removed. Besides, beyond the perspective of a one-nation history, Chos?n’s process of pursuing its identity in relation to the surrounding nations and how internal self-contradiction is accumulated along with historical development should be understood together.

한국사 교과서 조선시대 신분제 서술의 함의와 오류

권내현 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 역사교육학회 2022 역사교육논집 Vol.81 No.-

The contents of the status system of the Joseon Dynasty described in Korean history textbooks did not change much for a long time. The main narrative underlying it was the dissolution of the status system due to the rapid increase in yangban. This is the logic of accepting the internal development theory that the medieval society transitions to the modern society through the dissolution of the land ownership system and the status system. Nevertheless, textbooks vaguely described the relationship with the status system by defining the Joseon Dynasty as a society that was one step more advanced than the middle ages. Recent textbooks reserved the division of times and used the expression of agitation rather than the collapse of the status system to relieve meaning. However, they did not accept the academic research results that the rapid increase in yangban and the background were errors. Overcoming the delay between academic research and textbook descriptions, there is a need for a narrative change that pays more attention to the social changes that occurred in the process of liberation and growth of the lower classes, including nobi(slaves).

[조선후기] 팽창, 다양화, 모색

권내현(Kwon, Nae-hyun) 역사학회 2011 역사학보 Vol.0 No.211

The study on history in the late period of Joseon Dynasty during 2009~2010 is, above all, characterized by quantitative expansion. Recently, studies related to the late period of Joseon Dynasty continuously shows increasing trends, which seems to continue for some time in the future. An increase in the number of researchers, expansion of outside assistance of this study, emphasis of quantitative evaluation of universities, etc. applied to this study. Next, in the study of the late period of Joseon Dynasty during this time, a variety of materials and methodologies applied. The study area continuously has expanded through discovery of new materials including king Jeonjo"s letter, and translation and computerization of existing materials. Through this, a political history got to be able to re-recognized, study scopes of local finance or foreign relation history and utilization scope of a family register have been expanded. Lastly, it can be enumerated that new attempt of comparison study for objectively analyzing position of Joseon in East Asia. This partly contributed to finding features of Joseon society that has been insufficient up to the present time. However, it is difficult to say that the study has been improved in quality beyond the quantitative expansion. The study for finding the character of Joseon society through long-term efforts and prospect was also insufficient. Accordingly, the task in the study on the history in the late periods of Joseon Dynasty is in diversification of study methods, consistent attempt to newly seeking and raising the level of products to be obtained through this.

홍경래 난' 연구의 쟁점

권내현(Kwon Nae-hyun) 한국인물사연구소 2009 한국인물사연구 Vol.11 No.-

조선후기 민중운동에 대한 연구자들의 관심이 전반적으로 줄어들었음에도 불구하고 홍경래 난에 관한 연구는 최근까지 지속되었다. 이는 삼남 지역에 비해 연구가 저조하였던 평안도 사회에 대한 분석이 본격화하고 홍경래 난에 대한 관심이 해외 학계로까지 확대된 데에서 비롯되었다. 이와 관련한 성과들은 평안도 사회와 홍경래 난에 대한 새로운 사실들의 축적은 물론 연구 시야의 확대를 가능하게 하였다. 하지만 저항의 배경과 주체, 성격 문제에 대해서는 여전히 많은 논란과 쟁점이 남아 있는 것 또한 사실이다. 그것은 19세기 조선사회의 일반적인 모순과 평안도의 지역적 특성을 어떠한 방식으로 이해할 것인 가의 문제이다. 또한 저항을 주도한 세력은 과연 누구이며 이와 관련하여 오늘날 저항의 성격을 어떻게 파악할 것인가의 문제이기도 하다. 전반적으로 홍경래 난은 사회구조와 변동을 해명하기 위한 이론적 틀에 초점을 맞추었다가 실증을 통한 사실의 재구성으로 논점이 옮겨가고 있다. 이 과정에서 평안도 사회의 전반적인 변화와 연관시켜 저항의 다양한 측면을 조망해 보려는 시도가 나타나고 있으며 이는 다시 지역 사회에 대한 관심으로 전환되고 있는 것이다. Researchers, up to recently, have published not a few articles on the Hong Kyŏngnae rebellion contrary to the overall declination of scholarly attention to the people's movement during the later half of the Chosŏn dynasty. The steady attention to this rebellion is mainly encouraged by the advanced analyses on the P'yŏngan province community through which further understanding on the area has been achieved also, overseas scholars expanded their fields of interest to this subject. As the result new facts on the P'yŏngan province community and the rebellion have been revealed and new aspects rediscovered. The background, the subjects, and the characteristics of the resistance, however, still reserve many disputes and issues to be met. Considerations on the background of the Hong's rebellion are related to the viewpoints how we see the general contradictions of the nineteenth Chosŏn society and how we understand the attributes of the P'yŏngan province community. As the same manner, the matter of the subjects of the resistance shows how we locate the Hong Kyŏngnae rebellion in the landscape of revolutionary history. Summing up, the foci of the studies on the Hong Kyŏngnae rebellion has been transferred to reestablishment of the facts from the conventional tendency examining the rebellion according to the theoretical analyses of the social structure and its reformation. Attempts to relocate the Hong's rebellion in the context of the P'yŏngan province community so to view the dynamic aspects of the rebellion also have been carried on, and have inspired researches on the local societies of the Chosŏn dynasty.

양반을 향한 긴 여정

권내현(Kwon, Nae hyun) 역사비평사 2012 역사비평 Vol.- No.98

The lowborn people of the Chos?n society strove both for resistance and imitation in order to promote their social status. As the contradiction of the yangban-centered ruling system intensified, they resisted collectively. On the other hand, they tried to improve their economic power by which means they were eventually able to imitate the internal and external conditions set for the status of the yangban class. With a great amount of time and effort required, the act of imitation was stimulated by the desperate motive of liberation from the fetters of social status. Particularly, the slaves (nobi) from the lowborn classes would have two choices: either running away or securing economic power to achieve an advancement in status. A slave named Subong offered grain to the government and an honorary post was conferred. At this time, rising from his lowborn status, he obtained a surname, which was allowed for anyone belonging to the social status of commoner or above. Since then, his descendents were able to live as commoners who not only had a surname and clan seat, but also held themselves responsible for the military duty in public service. A hundred years after Subong was liberated from slavery in the seventeenth century, his descendents were waived from the military duty owing to another promotion up to a middle stratum of occupational service. Still, their final objective was to reach the higher occupational service of yuhak which had been monopolized by the yangban families. Finally in the mid-nineteenth century, most of his descendents, listed in the household registers, were able to use the title of yuhak. Subong’s descendents had pursued ways in which to heighten simultaneously their occupational service [for the state] and their social status. Given that any change in surname was fairly difficult, the labor taken even to change their clan seat reflected their ongoing desire for a higher promotion in social status. They chose a new, attractive clan seat which was of immense authority and rooted to the yangban families. At this juncture, they started imitating the kinship order of the yangban families. Along with the promotion of social status, they came to assimilate themselves gradually to the yangban culture so as to narrow the social gap between the yangban and themselves. This climbing process continued into the modern period in which the names of Subong’s descendents were added to the genealogy of a leading surname and their lineage was remembered as the descendents of a yangban family with great dignity.

북한의 한국사 연구와 남한 학계의 인식

권내현 ( Kwon Nae-hyun ) 역사교육학회 2017 역사교육논집 Vol.62 No.-

The trends of historical studies of North Korea have changed from simple introduction to analysis and comparison and then to critical evaluation in South Korea. Since the late 1980s, the interest in the historical studies of North Korea increased influenced by the academic movement for promoting understanding of the North Korean society and preparation work for reunification. The atmosphere continued until the 1990s, but it turned around since 2000s. It was probably because that it was difficult to discover anything new from the historical studies of North Korea which were stagnant and regressing. One of the things South Korean scholars can do apart from verifying and criticizing the differences of North and South Korean historical studies is to reaffirm the homogeneity between two Koreas. By identifying the homogeneity, North and South Korea may find a lot more commonalities in various areas. In fact, North-South historical exchange which first took place in the beginning of 2000s had expanded based on the consensus on the homogeneity between the two Koreas. Promoting mutual exchange is a realistic and inevitable option for co-existence of North and South Korea.

조선 초기 노비 상속과 균분의 실상

권내현(Kwon Nae-hyun) 고려사학회 2006 한국사학보 Vol.- No.22

이 연구는 균분 상속이 철저하게 실시되었던 조선 초기 노비 분재의 방식과 실상을 분석한 것이다. 균분 상속은 제사나 결혼의 풍습과 맞물린 조선의 독특한 사회적 관행이었다. 현존하는 15세기의 분재기에서도 적극적으로 균분을 추구하려고 했던 당시인들의 의지가 잘 드러나 있다. 하지만 살아 움직이는 생명체인 노비를 기계적으로 동일하게 나눈다는 것은 원천적으로 불가능하였다. 분재기 상에서 자녀들이 상속받은 노비 수는 균분이라는 개념에 막연하게 동의할 수 있는 수준이었지 실제로 동질적이지는 않았던 것이다. 물론 몇 가지 변수들을 제외하면 수적 균분에 접근하며, 그럼에도 불구하고 차이가 나는 부분은 노비의 연령을 고려한 질적 균분의 과정에서 나타난 것으로 이해할 수 있다. 그러나 자녀들이 상속받은 노비의 연령 분포를 구체적으로 비교해 보면 더 철저한 균분이 실현될 여지가 있었음을 발견하게 된다. 여기에서 균분이란 의식은 물론 그 실현 의지를 제약했던 다양한 조건들이 동시에 존재하였음을 알 수 있다. 무엇보다도 노비의 연령 분포가 고르지 않아 자녀들이 상속받은 노비의 연령대에 불균형이 초래될 수 있었다. 이러한 불균형은 노비 가족을 완전하게 해체하여 균분을 실현하지 않고 그들의 결합 상속을 일부 용인함으로써 발생하기도 하였다. 또한 상속 과정에서 재주인 부모의 의지가 작용할 수 있었고, 일부 분재기에서는 자녀들 간에 합의에 의한 선택이 이루어졌을 가능성도 존재한다. 다분히 의도적이었던 것으로 보이는 상속 노비의 성비나 거주지의 불균형이 그 한 예이다. 이는 분재 방식이 ‘제비뽑기’와 같은 기계적인 균분만을 추구하지는 않았음을 보여 준다. 균분 의식은 철저하였고 이를 실현하려는 노력도 뒤따랐지만 균분이라는 전제를 훼손하지 않는 범위 내에서 질적 균분을 일정 부분 제약했던 다양한 조건들이 존재하였다는 사실 역시 부인할수 없는 것이다. This study analyzed the methods and real aspects of servant equal-division in the early Chos?n dynasty in which equal succession was thoroughly conducted. Equal division succession was a peculiar social practice of the Chos?n dynasty which was linked to ancestral rites and a marriage. Reviewing the heritage document in the 15th century, you will also find the will of the then current people who positively tried to pursue equal division. However, it was basically impossible to mechanically and equally divide servants which are living and moving creatures. The number of servants inherited to children was a level, vaguely similar with but actually not equal to the concept of equal division. Of course, except for several variables, it can be understood that the servants are equally divided in number and unavoidably a few differences occurred in the process of qualitative equal division in consideration of the age of servants. But, concretely comparing age distribution of servants inherited to children shows that there was a little room for realization of more thorough equal division. Here, we can know that there existed consciousness of equal division and various conditions that restricted such will for realization. Above all, the age distribution of servants was not equal, so that imbalance could be brought in a range of age. Such imbalance used to also occur not by realizing equal division through complete dissolution of a servant family but by partly accepting their combination succession. Also, a possibility exists that the will of parents, an owner of servants, could apply to the process of inheritance, and some inheritance documents imply that a possibility of selection by agreement between children being performed. For example, the ratio of gender of inherited servants or imbalance of residential places seeming to have been highly intentional can be given. This shows that a method of dividing property did not pursue mechanical equal division such as ‘deciding by lot’. The consciousness of equal division was thorough and the efforts for realizing such consciousness was made, but it is not deniable that various conditions existed that partly restricted qualitative equal division within the range in which a premise of equal division was not damaged.

조선후기 호적에 대한 이해

권내현(Kwon, Nae-Hyun) 한국사연구회 2014 한국사연구 Vol.- No.165