법정사 항일운동의 불교사적 의의

김광식 한국민족운동사학회 2009 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.59

The Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement which was occurred at Seoguipo and Jungmun regions in Jeju Island on October 7th, in 1918 was an Anti-Japanese Movement with armaments that monks, lay buddhists and regional farmers etc led and evolved. It is important that this resistance was led by monks who lived or related to Bupjeongsa in the modern buddhist history of the Independence Movement in position of Bupjeongsa in a buddhist temple. Recently the results of history, local history, anthropology, sociology, law etc. and various fields with new materials which were excavated studies on the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement has been developed. But the existing study was in lack of macroscopic and total approach and valuation because of staying at microscopic approach and prejudiced understanding. However I tried the whole arrangement that the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement in the six principles in acceptance of the results for the existing study and further made buddhist idea and thought clear being appeared on the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement. At first I looked into the point of time when the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement what was occurred and period, place, the main body of resistance, purpose of resistance, the way of resistance, the cause of resistance in dividing them into six items in relation to the whole understanding. Through this I made the buddhist resistance clear that the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement was taken part in centering around monks such as Kim Il-yeon(abbot of the Bupjeong Temple), Kang Chang-gyu, Bang Dong-hwa and supported in representative of Bocheongyo(Seondogyo) as a layman Park retired gentleman and farmers and slash-and-burn farmers around the Bupjeong Temple in a base on the Bupjeong Temple. Further on the purpose of resistance the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement was recovering National Right and arrival of the Messiah and co-existing buddhist propagation namely, I looked into the movement which intended to social change through Anti-Japanese resistance National movement and religion. On the other hand, the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement is in spite of the buddhist movement it is shown to be different from the exiting Anti-Japanese movements in the buddhist field in choosing the force as an away of resistance. The resistance was occurred on October in 1918. That period was the time to hold the farming village in Korea after being ended the project of the land examine in Korea by the Japanese Empire. The project of the land examine brought the result that it deprive farmers of their ground of the living. The Japanese Empire’s such plundering became a catalyzer’s role for the resistance of the farmers centering around the Bupjeong Temple. The study trough the above whole analyzing, I proved the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement was practical movement of the Mahayana Buddhism in order to preserve People and Nation where it is all living beings and society, in detail all living beings ground of the living. Finally there is embodied the idea of the national buddhist theory that the modern buddhism intended among the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement. I think that these discussions are meaningful for one more step from the former research as examining buddhist thoughts what the Bupjeong Temple’s Anti-Japanese Movement was included closely. 법정사 항일운동은 1918년 10월 7일, 제주도 서귀포 중문지역에서 승려, 불교신자, 지역농민 등이 전개한 항일무장투쟁이다. 이 항쟁은 법정사라는 사찰을 거점으로 하여, 법정사에 거주하거나 혹은 법정사와 연고가 있는 승려들이 주도했다는 점에서 독립운동사의 측면에서 뿐만 아니라 불교사적인 측면에서 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 최근 새로운 자료발굴과 함께 역사, 지방사, 인류학, 사회학, 법학 등 다양한 분야의 학자들의 연구 결과, 법정사 항일운동에 대한 일정한 연구가 성취되었다. 그러나 이들의 기존연구는 미시적인 접근과 편향적 이해에 머물러 거시적이고 총체적인 접근이나 평가가 부족했다. 본 연구는 기존 연구의 성과를 수용하면서 법정사 항일운동을 6하 원칙에서 총체적인 정리를 시도하고, 나아가 법정사 항일운동에 나타난 불교적 이념이나 사상을 밝히고자 하였다. 먼저 총체적인 이해와 관련해서 법정사 항일운동이 일어난 시점 및 기간, 장소, 항쟁의 주체, 항쟁의 목적, 항쟁의 방법, 항쟁의 원인의 6가지로 나누어 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 법정사 항일운동은 법정사라는 사찰을 근거지로 하여, 김연일(법정사 주지), 강창규, 방동화와 같이 승려들이 중심이 되어 박처사로 대표되는 보천교(선도교)가 동조하고 법정사 주변의 불교신도들인 농민들과 화전민들이 참여한 불교계의 항쟁임을 밝혔다. 나아가 항쟁의 목적에서는 법정사 항일운동이 국권회복과 더불어 종교적 메시아의 도래, 불교의 포교가 공존하는, 즉 항일 민족운동과 종교를 통한 사회의 변혁을 지향했던 운동이었다는 것을 살펴보았다. 한편 법정사 항일운동은 불교계의 운동임에도 불구하고, 무력을 저항의 방법으로 택함으로써 기존의 불교계의 항일운동과 뚜렷한 차이를 보인다. 항쟁은 1918년 10월에 일어났는데, 이 시기는 일제가 조선토지조사사업을 마무리함으로써 한국의 농촌을 장악한 시기이기도 했다. 토지조사사업은 법정사 주변의 대부분의 신도들의 생활의 터전을 빼앗는 결과를 낳았다. 일제의 이러한 수탈은 법정사를 중심으로 한 농민들의 저항운동의 촉매제 역할을 했다. 이상의 총체적인 분석을 통해 본 연구는 법정사 운동이 중생과 사회, 구체적으로는 중생의 삶의 터전인 민족과 국가를 보전하기 위한 대승불교의 실천운동임을 논증하였다. 마지막으로 법정사 항쟁에는 근대불교가 지향했던 민족불교론의 이념이 구현되었다. 이러한 논의들은 법정사 운동에 담겨있는 불교사상을 규명함으로써, 기존의 연구에서 진일보한 의미를 갖는다고 생각한다. 나아가, 법정사 항일운동은 그간의 근대불교사에 대한 재인식을 촉구케 할 여지가 다분하다. 즉 친일불교로 단정하였던 연구 경향을 성찰케 하고, 1910년대 불교사의 흐름의 다양성, 호국불교의 재검토 등이 그것이다. 추후에는 여기에서 나타난 특성을 근대 불교사에 적절하게 반영하는 노력이 수반되어야 할 것으로 본다.

1920-30년대 길선주의 종말론적 부흥운동 - 종말론적 내연과 신사참배 저항의 외연을 중심으로 -

김유준 ( You-joon Kim ) 한국대학선교학회 2016 대학과 선교 Vol.31 No.-

1920-30년대 일제의 탄압과 수탈이 심해지는 상황에서 길선주는 종말론적 부흥운동을 통해 암울한 시대에 종말의 새로운 희망을 품게 했다. 하지만 길선주의 부흥운동은 현실 도피적인 신앙형태로 사회와 민족에 대한 책임을 다하지 못했다고 평가받아왔다. 그러한 인식은 종종 기독교인들의 사회참여를 거부하는 역사적 근거로 제시되었다. 하지만 이러한 기존의 몰역사적이라는 평가와 달리, 길선주의 부흥운동은 1930년대 말 일제에 대한 강력한 저항으로 나타났다. 민족의식이 고취된 종말론적 부흥운동이 현상적으로는 신사참배 저항이라는 강력한 항일의 민족운동으로 나타났다. 이에 필자는 2장에서 1920-30년대 일제의 문화통치 시기와 한국교회의 상황을 기술했다. 3장에서는 길선주의 종말론적 부흥운동의 특징과 신학을 다루었다. 그중에서도 그의 묵시문학적 종말론과 전천년왕국설에 담긴 차세성에 주목했다. 4-5장에서는 길선주의 부흥운동을 통한 민족의식의 종말론적 내연이 1930년대 말 신사참배 저항이라는 외연으로 강력한 항일로 현상화 되었음을 논증했다. 이 논문은 기존의 일제하 민족운동을 무력항쟁이나 사회경제적 차원으로 만 본 것과 달리, 종교적 차원의 종말신앙이 현상학적으로는 더 강력한 항일의 수단이었고, 최후까지 일제에 저항한 세력임을 밝혔다. 결국, 이 논문은 1920-30년대 길선주의 종말론적 부흥운동을 민족운동의 차원으로까지 해석할 수 있는 새로운 해석의 지평을 열어주었다. Reverend Gil, Seon-Ju gave the new hope of apocalyptic end to the Korean Christians through the eschatological revival movements in the 1920-30s. However, Reverend Gil`s revival movements have been evaluated that did not fulfill the responsibility towards society and the nation as a form of escapism faith. Such perception was often presented as historical evidence to reject the participation of the Christian community. Unlike this non-historical evaluation, Reverend Gil`s revival movements showed a strong resistance against the Japanese Emperor system in the end of the 1930s. The revival movements were inspired national consciousness appeared phenomenally as strong national movements towards anti-Japanese Emperor system, especially resistance to the Shinto shrine service. In chapter two, I showed the cultural domination by Japan and the situation of Korean churches in the 1920-30s. In chapter three, I dealt with the characteristic and theology of Reverend Gil`s eschatological revival movements. Among them, I paid attention to this world which was based on the apocalyptic literature in his eschatology and the doctrine of the pre-millennium kingdoms. And in the chapter four and five, I have proved that through Reverend Gil`s revival movements, the eschatological internal combustion of national consciousness was phenomenal as a powerful extension of a strong resistance to the Shinto shrine service at the end of the 1930s. In this article, I have shown that the eschatological faith in a religious dimension was phenomenologically a more powerful means of the anti-Japanese Emperor, and the resistance forces in Japanese Emperor until the end. Therefore, this article opened up new horizons of interpreting the eschatological revival movements of Reverend Gil as the national movements in the 1920-30s.

독일 68운동의 전사(前史), 베를린 학생운동

정대성,임주탁 한국독일사학회 2019 독일연구 Vol.- No.40

This article deals with the demonstrations and resistance of students in West Berlin, which is a background to the history of the German ‘68 movement. These critics and resistance of the mid-1960s, which began in Berlin as the front city of the East-West Cold War, was an important Prehistory of the ’68 movement in Berlin in June 1967. Through this resistance, the German ‘68 movement will undergo a full-fledged preparatory period and secure the potential of protests and mobilization thereafter. Thus, when describing the German ‘68 movement, Berlin resistance is an indispensable premise. To this end, two major events are restructured. One is demonstrations and protests against the state visit of the 1964 Congo dictator Moise Tshombe, and the other is demonstrations and resistance at Liberty University in 1965-66. In the former, students alleged solidarity with the Third World and raised the voice of anti-colonialism, which is recorded as the first political demonstration of Berlin students. The latter incident, which shook the free college, meant demands and resistance for students to defend the right to free speech and to ensure the practical participation of institutions within the university. The protests and resistance of West Berlin in the mid-‘60s, centered on free university students, were on the one hand a rehearsal of the German ‘68 movement and its early days. On the other hand, however, it was also the first crack in the massive ice shelf of the Cold War in the intense confrontation of the East and West Cold War. Because the protests and resistance of the students of West Berlin planted seeds of a small change in the cold frozen land of the cold war through a different voice than the conservative anti-communist mainstream public opinion. 본고는 독일 68운동의 전사와 배경이 되는 서베를린 학생들의 시위를 다룬다. 동서 냉전의 전선도시 베를린에서 시작된 1960년대 중반의 이런 비판과 저항은 1967년 6월, 다시 베를린에서 폭발하는 68운동의 중요한 전사를 이룬다. 이들 저항을 통해 독일 68은 본격적인 준비기를 거치며 이후 시위와 동원의 잠재력을 확보하는 것이다. 따라서 독일 68운동을 설명할 때 베를린 저항은 필수불가결한 전제를 이룬다. 이를 위해 두 가지 주요한 사건이 재구성된다. 하나는 1964년 콩고 독재자 모이세 촘베의 국빈방문에 맞선 항의와 시위이고, 다른 하나는 1965-66년 자유대학에서 집회와 저항이다. 제3세계와 연대하며 식민주의 반대의 목소리를 높인 전자의 사건은 베를린 학생들이 벌인 최초의 정치적 시위로 기록된다. 자유대학을 뒤흔든 후자의 사건은 학생들이 자유발언의 권리를 지키고 대학 내 기구의 실질적인 참여를 확보하기 위한 저항으로, 68운동의 주요한 쟁점을 예고한 것이었다. 자유대학 학생들이 중심에 선 60년대 중반 서베를린의 시위는 한편으로, 67년 6월 2일 사건으로 폭발할 독일 68운동의 전사이자 예행연습이었다. 하지만 다른 한편으로 이는 동서냉전의 격심한 대립 속에서 보수적인 반공주의 주류 여론과 다른 목소리를 냄으로써, 냉전의 거대한 빙벽에 최초의 균열을 내는 일이기도 했다. 왜냐하면 서베를린 학생들의 저항이 보수적인 반공주의 주류 여론에 문제를 제기하고 다른 목소리를 냄으로써 냉전으로 얼어붙은 동토의 땅에 조그만 변화의 씨앗을 심었기 때문이다.

Sixty Years of Korean Social Movements

김경일 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2020 Korea Journal Vol.60 No.3

South Korea has witnessed major social movements about every 20 years. In the period since liberation in 1945, the April 19 Revolution of 1960 and the 1980 Gwangju People’s Resistance significantly impacted modern Korean social movements. Alongside with rapid industrialization, Korean democratization has been touted repeatedly as the major South Korean achievement since the 1960s. From the latter half of the 20th century, Korean democratization movements continuously focused their attentions on the twin themes of national unification and class problems. Since the demise of the democratization movement, Korean social movements have faced new challenges and tended to differentiate into various areas. The successors to Korean social movements face the task of pursuing change in totally different conditions than before. A series of candlelight vigils have developed activism at a fundamentally different level so as to change the definition of social movement itself. Even as the younger generation plays the central role in raising the questions of these movements, the South Korean population composition is paradoxically aging. Most importantly, all of these issues and challenges are not limited to Korea as before, but are also closely linked to the issues facing other regions and countries, both neighboring and remote. Outlining the trajectories of the twin issues of national and class problems that post-liberation social movements have pursued, this essay focuses on underclass and women’s issues as two particularly important areas of focus that have lasting significance for the future of Korean social movements.

고려중기 삼국부흥운동의 ‘地域性’과 ‘抵抗性’

신안식 한국중세사학회 2016 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.47

This paper is about Three Kingdoms Revival Movement in the Military Regime of Middle Goryeo Dynasty. The important issue was the recognition of local communities of the central government, and the recognition of local itself. And the conflict between the central government and local communities were understood as issues of ‘Locality’ and ‘Resistance’. In the locality of Revival Movement, it examined as integrated or conflictual sides of central government and local communities. In the resistance of Revival Movement, it was tracking the phase of Silla‧Goguryeo Revival Movement in the resistance type of the Military Regime. The recognition of local communities of the central government, approached in a way that recognizes the pluralistic area. Local system of the Goryeo Dynasty, was built as the Gyeonggi(京畿)‧Yanggae(兩界)‧Odo(五道) system of greater units, and was built as the Ju(州)‧Gun(郡)‧Hyeon(縣) of lower units. Gaegyeong was located in the center of Gyeonggi System. Seogyeong was located in the center of Yanggae System. Donggyeong or Namgyeong was located in the center of Odo System. It could enhance the centrality of the capital Gaegyeong. On the other hand, Seogyeong and Donggyeong zones could be relatively neglected. Because when the conflict intensified in these areas is massive resistance occurred in these regions. Moreover, the negative forces have appeared on the Dynasty. But the emergence of the negative forces of the Dynasty could actually increase the cohesion of centralized power. It was also an opportunity to strengthen its position as the guardian of the Dynasty. In the self-awareness of local community, it investigated the background of Silla‧Goguryeo Revival Movement through the collectivity and exclusivity of the local community. The collectivity was an important element of the regimentation and spread of the rebel forces. The exclusivity has acted in conflict elements of areas or within the rebel forces, this point was also a reason to discourage rather resistant. Eventually, Silla and Koguryo Revival Movement occurred on collectivity of specific local community. But the resistance of Seogyeong‧Donggyeong was not overcome exclusivity within the local community. In other words, the resistance was the foundation that was able to rally a lot of response forces in the early stages of the resistance. Contrary, the exclusivity acted as the limits of internal competencies that could not spread further the resistance.

한국사와 68운동; 확장된 이해와 시선 ― 1960~1970년대 초 한국사회 저항운동을 중심으로 ―

고지수 ( Koh Ji-soo ) 수선사학회 2018 史林 Vol.0 No.66

This study is a highly adventurous attempt to understand the world's 68 movement in 1968 and the Korean society's ‘silent of resistance’ in the same time year. And the author also knows that the study will have to faithfully reflect the subjective views of Korean history researchers. The start of the world-wide resistance movement in 1968 was a reality full of contradictions but the object, purpose and content of the protests were as different and special as the differences between historical constructions in each country. From the point of view of the 68 movement, the silence of Korean society in 1968 was a very different phenomenon, and could it be included in the diversity of the 68 movement? This study began with this question. Although similar in terms of student-centered leadership, resistance to authoritarianism, and expression of resistance, there were different specialities in the resistance concept, purpose and content as different as historical space. To this end, this study tried to weave three themes that penetrated Korean society since and after 1968 into the context of Korean history: assignments of modernization and democratization, liberal democracy as resistance concepts, division systems of the Korean Peninsula and security issues. The results of the study will show that the implementation of modernization and the democratization of the 1960s are comprehensive tasks that cannot be completed solely by the slogan of ‘modernizing our country’ and the growth logic of economic development. The ‘nonhumanizing phenomenon’, which began to emerge behind the economic growth of the 1970s, proves that the issue of transitioning democracy goes beyond ‘political institutionalization’ and is directly related to the problems of the human condition itself. Above all, the Cold War structure in Korean society was the most effective means of suppressing resistance in the 1960s and 1970s. This study explained in this context the ‘silent’ phenomenon of Korean society in 1968.

일제 말 한국성결교회와 일본의 식민통치 ―‘저항’과 ‘복종’의 관점에서

김성호 서울신학대학교 기독교신학연구소 2019 神學과 宣敎 Vol.56 No.-

This study shed light on the Korean Evangelical Holiness Church during Japan’s colonial rule of Korea from the perspectives of “resistance” and “obedience” used to understand the life of Dietrich Bonhoeffer by Bethge. “Resistance” and “obedience” was according to the will of God. The Korean Evangelical Holiness Church showed more aspects than “obedience” whose sole purposes were ministry, revival and evangelical preaching like the early days of Japan’s colonial rule of Korea. They were actively resistant in most cases even though they were unfortunately passive at the moments when they should resist the issues against God's words and confession of faith. What tasks did their resistance and obedience leave for the Korean Evangelical Holiness Church here and now? The first task is to restore the passion for pure evangelical work that the Gospel Mission Hall sought after and also obedience, prayer, devotion, and service demonstrated by the members of the Evangelical Holiness Church during Japan's colonial rule of Korea. The second task is to inherit the spirit of “resistance” of Kim Bok-hee and the children at the Ganggyeong Church that had to give up a comfortable life and endure expulsion before the issues of confession of faith and belief. The Evangelical Holiness Church should inherit the spirit of nonviolent resistance like Kim Bok-hee and the children at the Ganggyeong Church and resist the era of mammonism and desire in the belief of holiness and purity even in attacks like Mammon's tsunami whose weapon is desire. And the third task is to perform obedience and resistance shown in the process of merger of the press and school and closure of churches at the end of Japan’s colonial rule of Korea in a way that is fit for the reality and timely. Today’s Christians need to have spiritual discernment about the types of obedience and resistance for what is happening to them and the phenomena taking place in the South Korean society based on the Fourfold Gospel of Regeneration, Sanctification, Divine Healing, and Second Coming. As it was closer to the end of Japan’s colonial rule of Korea, the Korean Evangelical Holiness Church resisted the Japanese demands to keep their faith and church and eventually made the “lilies of the thornbush” blossom. The Korean Church of the 21st century and especially the Korean Evangelical Holiness Church face a historical task of “new resistance” and “new obedience” fit for the will of God based on the timely harmony of resistance and obedience at the Korean Evangelical Holiness Church at the end of Japan's colonial rule of Korea under the Fourfold Gospel of Regeneration, Sanctification, Divine Healing, and Second Coming. 본 논문은 일제치하의 한국성결교회를, 베트게(Bethge)가 디트리히 본회퍼(Dietrich Bonhoeffer)의 삶을 조명했던 ‘저항’과 ‘복종’의 관점을 빌려, 하나님의 뜻에 따른 ‘저항’(resistance)과 하나님의 뜻에 따른 ‘복종’(obedience)의 관점에서 조명했다. 한국성결교회는 일제치하 초기처럼 목회, 부흥, 복음전도만 목적으로 하는 ‘복종’ 일면도의 모습만 보이지 않았다. 하나님의 말씀과 신앙고백에 반하는 문제에 대해 저항해야 했던 순간에는 소극적이었던 아쉬운 면도 있지만, 대부분 적극적인 저항을 했다. 지금, 여기에서 일제치하 성결교회의 저항과 복종이 남긴 성결교회의 과제는 무엇인가? 첫째, 복음전도관이 지향했던 순수 복음전도를 향한 열정, 일제치하 선배 성결교인들이 보여주었던 복종과 기도, 헌신과 섬김을 회복해야 한다. 둘째, 신앙고백과 믿음의 문제 앞에서, 자신의 삶의 안락을 포기하고 퇴학을 감수해야 했던 김복희 선생과 강경교회 어린이들의 ‘저항’정신을 계승해야 한다. 욕망을 무기로 하는 맘몬의 쓰나미 같은 공격에도 성결교회는 김복희와 강경교회 어린이들처럼 비폭력 저항의 정신을 계승하고, 물질만능주의와 욕망의 시대에 맞서 성결의 믿음으로 저항해야 한다. 셋째, 일제 말 언론과 학교 통폐합 그리고 교회가 폐쇄되는 과정에서 보여주었던 복종과 저항을 현실적합하고 시의적절하게 수행해야 한다. 오늘 우리에게는 자신에게 발생하는 일과 한국사회에서 벌어지는 현상들에 대해 중생, 성결, 신유, 재림의 사중복음을 근거로 어떤 복종을 하고 어떤 저항을 해야 하는지 영적 분별이 요구된다. 일제 말로 가면서 한국성결교회는 분명 일제의 요구들에 대해 그때마다 믿음과 교회를 지켜내기 위한 저항을 하며 결국 ‘가시밭의 백합화’를 피워냈다. 일제 말에 진행되었던 한국성결교회의 저항과 복종의 어우러짐을, 중생, 성결, 신유, 재림이라는 사중복음 아래 시의적절하게 조화를 이루며, 하나님의 뜻에 합당한 ‘새로운 저항’과 ‘새로운 복종’을 펼쳐나가는 것이 21세기의 한국교회, 특히 기독교대한성결교회에 부여된 역사적 과제일 것이다.

The Morphology of Resistance: Korean Resistance Networks 1895-1945

신은경 강원대학교 사회과학연구원 2022 사회과학연구 Vol.61 No.2

In this article, I examine the relational underpinnings that make large-scale mobilization possible under conditions of severe repression. Despite the prevalence of resistant movements throughout our history, very little is known about the relational structure of resistant movements. How do poorly equipped people with a high heterogeneity successfully sustain to resist a powerful and repressive regime? What kind of network structures foster covert mobilization? The context is Korea from 1895 to 1945. Using over 50 years of network data extracted from 1,624 biographies of activists, I explore the morphology of resistance. Based on prosopographic network analysis, this article shows a novel way to navigate and investigate historical digital archives, weaving textual data with numerics and graphs. The morphometry of resistance shows that modular network structures can be effective for a large-scale resistance. The lessons learned from the Korean case help make sense of other cases of covert collective action.

저항의 도구-식민지 민족해방운동과 철도

尹相元(Yun, Sang-Won) 역사교육연구회 2014 역사교육 Vol.129 No.-

Fundamentally, the railroad and train are the tools which are used by ruling class. However, if they are used carefully and properly, railroad and train can be the useful means for resistance. The purpose of this article is to elucidate that the railroad had been used not as the object of resistance but as the method of resistance. Japanese imperialism tried to prevent the resistance of the Korean patriots from occurring by the consistent inspection and arrestment on the railroad and train. However, the Korean patriots who kept thinking of more effective ways came up with some tricks to avoid the inspection of the Japanese police. And through these ways, the patriots wanted to establish the nationwide movement network. Also, they tried to connect all of the independence movements within and outside of the country, by the help of nationwide spread railway network. The railroad is the symbol of modern history and the messenger of modern civilization and thought. On the other hand, it is the embodiment of the imperialism invasion history. This can be applied to the railroad of Korean peninsula as well. Until now, the history education regarding the development of railway has solely focused on this point of the railroad. However, by slightly turning the point of view, we can capture the veiled side that the railroad had been used not as the object of resistance but as the method of resistance.

일제강점기 간호사들의 독립운동 - 1919년 전후한 시기를 중심으로 -

강영심 한국민족운동사학회 2023 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.- No.115

A nurse is the representative professional job for women that appeared in the early modern era of Korea. Although nurses were guaranteed socio-economic stability with modern professional education during the Japanese colonial period, they fought their way for the independence of their country, armed with national consciousness, the spirit of anti-Japanese movement, and professional medical skills. Therefore, we need to review the independence movement of nurses to discover, restore, and historically evaluate the movement and re-examine their role as female social leaders. In this study, we focus on the independence movement of nurses around the March First Movement in 1919, when the independence movement of nurses prevailed as the most active. Nurses played a significant role in 1919, accounting for most Korean Patriotic Women's Association members. After that, however, they failed to form a prominent organization for struggle. In Korea, on the other hand, there was a trend of nurses increasingly participating in the feminist movement closely connected to the women's rights movement. Considering these changes, we cover the movement up to about 1920. The following are the characteristics of the independence movement of nurses revealed in this research: (a) Nurses provided professional medical support to treat people injured majorly or minorly at the scene of struggles and protests. They armed themselves with a sense of national consciousness and anti-Japanese struggle with their experience treating wounded soldiers when the Imperial Korean Armed Forces disbanded in 1907. They continued treating the injured at the site of March First Movement in 1919. Since the nurses served similarly during Independence War in Manchuria 1920s, it is necessary to understand those kinds of medical activities. (b) Nurses took the lead in nursing, participating in the Manse Demonstration and delivering the Declaration of Independence in March First Movement. In particular, four nurses of Severance Hospital led the protesters in the demonstration before the Deamyo on December 2, 1919. (c) By organizing resistance groups or becoming a member, nurses worked in various fields, such as military fundraising, social movements, and espionage. The Korean Patriotic Women's Association, active from April to November 1919, is the most representative organization. We can observe the fighting spirit of nurses from the facts that 51% of the confirmed members were nurses and that Lee Jung-sook, the leader of nurses, achieved the desired results due to her dedication to expanding the organization. (d) In overseas, nurses focused on nursing education at the Korean Red Cross under the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai. Examples include the Red Cross Nursing School in Shanghai and the nurse training course provided by the Women's Union for Independence in the Russian Maritime Province. Although the course was intensive, it fulfilled the cause of training medical reserve forces in preparation for the independence war. We can see some evidence of policies connecting the courses with the Red Cross to gain international recognition as a part of effective educational management.