對蒙戰爭期 高宗의 出陸外交와그 歷史的 性格

강재광 한국중세사학회 2015 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.43

Mongol imposed stubbornly attendance at the Royal Court of Goryeo monarch(高麗國王親朝), as one of Mongol Six Duty(蒙古六事), after the escape to Kanghwa Island of the Goryeo dynasty. To Mongol Emperor, attendance at the Royal Court of Goryeo monarch was a excellent plan to bring Kangdo Court(江都朝廷) to his knees. Kangdo Court built small palace into Seungchunbu(昇天府) for the purpose of replacing attendance at the Royal Court. Seungchunbu palace(昇天闕) was used to the counter for diplomatic negotiation with Mongol envoy. In Mongol’s 4th large scale invasion(1253) Mongol Emperor, Hunjong(憲宗) gave a strict order that Kangdo Court should return to the old capital, Gyegyung(開京) besides attendance at the Royal Court of the monarch. The military ruler of Kanghwa Island denied this order and selected resistance. Yegu(也古), commander-in-chief of Mongol army was defeated into the battle in Chungju mountain fortress(忠州山城). He suggest Seungchunbu landing of king Gojong(高宗) of Goryeo dynasty, as decisive condition of withdrawal of Mongol troops. After all, king Gojong moved forward Seungchunbu palace for the peace negotiations. This is the first Seungchunbu landing of the king of Goryeo dynasty. As the result, Mongol invader withdrew their army. In Mongol’s 5th large scale invasion(1254~1259) Jariltai(車羅大), supreme commander imposed Kangdo Court to returning to Gyegyung(開京還都) as well as attendance at the Royal Court of the monarch. In addition to this, Jariltai asked for Seungchunbu landing of Goryeo military ruler. But Byulchogun(別抄軍) of Kangdo Court and the public resolutely struggled to Mongol army over 5 years. Mongol realized the hardship of military solution against Goryeo dynasty. Therefore, Mongol called off the demand as to attendance at the Royal Court of Goryeo monarch. In exchange, Mongol imposed attendance at the Royal Court of Goryeo crown prince. Also Mongol Emperor admitted to augment stay period about returning to Gyegyung. Result from this, Seungchunbu landing of king Gojong changed to formal diplomacy gradually.

몽골의 ‘복속’ 인식과 蒙麗관계

고명수(Koh Myung-Soo) 고려사학회 2014 한국사학보 Vol.- No.55

13세기 초 몽골제국 건립 시기 몽골 지배층은 세상의 모든 지역·사람들을 정복과 지배의 대상으로 인식하는 독자적인 세계관을 형성했다. 그리고 주변국 군주의 친조를유일한 복속의 표시로 간주하고, 그 순서에 따라 복속국 군주의 공적과 지위에 차등을 두었다. 이러한 세계관과 대외정책 방식에 입각하여 주변국에게 국왕친조를 조건으로 하는 ‘실제적’복속을 요구하고, 거부할 경우 혹독한 군사정벌을 단행하여 유라시아 대부분을 정복·지배했다. 몽골은 건국초기 개시된 고려와의 관계에서도 그들의 전통적 세계관과 대외정책 방식을 그대로 적용시켰다. 강동성전투 시기 양국의 첫 접촉 후 그들은 줄곧 고려에게 국왕친조를 요구하고, 고려가 그것을 회피하자 여러 차례 군대를 일으켜 고려를 침공했다. 전쟁 기간 고려는 전통적 조공책봉체제 인식 틀 안에서 강동성전투 시기 이미 복속했다고 주장했으나, 몽골은 국왕친조를 결여한 고려의 복속을 인정하지 않았다. 이러한 양측 인식의 불일치가 30년 전쟁의 주된 요인으로 작용했다. 1260년 쿠빌라이와 고려태자 왕전의 만남 후 원종이 몽골에 친조하여 고려의 ‘실제적’ 복속이 이루어졌다. 그러나 무신집권기 고려가 출륙환도와 조군의 요구를 성실하게 이행하지 않자 몽골은 고려복속의 진정성을 의심했다. 결국 몽골의 지원을 받은 고려왕실이 무신정권을 타도한 후 출륙환도, 삼별초 진압, 왕실통혼, 일본정벌 과정을 겪으면서 고려복속에 대한 몽골 지배층의 의구심과 불신감이 해소되어 비로소 양국관계가 안정되었다. 그러나 쿠빌라이 치세 말기까지 몽골 지배층은 여전히 고려가 오랜 항전 후 늦게 복속했다는 인식을 갖고 있었다. 쿠빌라이 사후 고려는 칭기스칸 시기 몽골에 가장 먼저 복속했다는 ‘솔선귀부’ 기억을 생산하여 몽골과 교섭할 때 적극 활용했다. 몽골 역시 카안과 황실의 위상을 높이기 위해 고려와 우호관계를 유지할 필요가 있었으므로 그것을 쉽게 수용할 수 있었다. 이러한 고려의 외교활동은 몽골 지배층의 인식을 변화시켜 외교분쟁 시기 그들이 고려의 입장을 지지하도록 유도하기도 했다. 솔선귀부 기억은 고려가 몽골과 교섭할 때 자신의 입장을 관철하는 효과적인 수단으로 작용했다. 그러므로 솔선귀부 기억의 생산과 활용은 몽골에 대한 고려의 능동적·성공적 외교활동 사례로 평가될 만하다. When the Mongol Empire was established, its ruling class formed its unique world view to regard all regions and peoples in the world as the target of conquest and domination, and considered audience of the kings of the surrounding nations(親朝) as the only symbol of subjection. Based on which, it forced its neighbor countries to ‘actually’ subject themselves to it under the condition of direct rule by Mongol, and in case they resisted, it carried out harsh military conquest and subjugated and governed most of Eurasia. Mongol also applied its traditional world view and foreign policy to its relation with Goryeo. Accordingly, Mongol kept demanding Goryeo to accept its direct rule, but when Goryeo avoided it, the country rose up an army and invaded Goryeo several times. During the wars, Goryeo argued that it had already subjected itself to Mongol at the time of Gangdongseong(江東城) battle, but Mongol didn’t acknowledge its submission without direct rule. This disagreement for understanding of the two became the main reason for the Thirty years War. As Wonjong(元宗) accepted the direct rule by Mongol after the meeting of Khubilai and Wangjon(王?)-the crown prince of Goryeo-in 1260, the ‘actual’ subjection of Goryeo was completed. However, when Goryeo during the rule by military officials didn’t faithfully fulfill Mongol’s demands, Mongol doubted the sincerity of Goryeo’s subjection. Eventually, its suspicion was resolved while Goryeo’s royal family went through the returning to the capital from Ganghwa to Gaegyeong(出陸還都), suppression of Sambyeolcho(三別抄), intermarriage between royal families, and conquest of Japan after overthrowing the military regime. Finally the relation between the two countries was stabilized. Yet, until the end of Khubilai’s rule, they thought that Goryeo submitted to them too late after a long period of resistance. After the death of Khubilai, Goryeo produced the memory of ‘the first voluntary subjection’(率先歸附) and made good use of it when negotiating with Mongol. Mongol also needed to maintain friendly relation with Goryeo in order to enhance the status of Qa’an and the imperial family, so Mongol could accept it easily. The memory of ‘the first voluntary subjection’ worked as an effective means for Goryeo to carry through its position when negotiating with Mongol. Therefore, its production and use can be evaluated as an active and successful case of Goryeo’s diplomatic activity targeting Mongol.

金俊政權의 蒙古六事 이행 推移와 政權의 向背-高麗武人執權期 金俊政權 硏究(二)-

강재광 한국중세사학회 2014 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.39

The military ruler, Kim Jun(金俊) established peace negotiations with Mongol in 1259, on condition of Taejachinjo(太子親朝). In the beginning of military rule, Kim Jun could not capture government power, completely. So, He aimed to prevent invasion of Mongol Army, implementing the majority of Mongol Six Duty(蒙古六事). Kim Jun’s political power fulfilled to Taejachinjo, payment of annually tribute(歲貢), installation of relay stations(驛站), and dispatch of Darugachi(達魯花赤) out of Mongol Six Duty. But Kim Jun put off Jogun(助軍) and census(籍民), fundamental duty of Mongol Six Duty. This attitude of Goryeo military ruler resulted from following reasons. First, Mongol Emperor, Kubirai(忽必烈) imposed Jogun and census to Goryeo dynasty for the purpose of preventing resistance against Mongol. Second, Kubirai intended to bring down Kim Jun’s political power through the pressure on perfect performance towards Mongol Six Duty. The latter half of Kim Jun’s political power, Mongol Empire forced strongly to fulfill Jogun and census to Kangdo Court(江都 朝廷). Military ruler, Kim Jun was up for transferring the capital to strategic island which was located on the southern part. But his plan failed eventually, because of refusal of the king Wonjong(元宗) and peace claimers within Kangdo Court. After this, Kim Jun’s secret plan was reported to Mongol Emperor by Goryeo envoy. In 1268, Mongol Empire dispatched a large scale of envoy group by way of excuse for expedition to Japan. Mongol envoy pressured Kim Jun’s political power mostly, claiming personnel mobilization, provisions procurement, and battleship production. At that time, Wonjong succeeded in assassinating Kim Jun and his brother Kim Seungjun(金承俊), mobilizing a lot of eunuchs in Kangdo palace. Also, Wonjong won success to eliminate Kim Jun’s family and his faction, instigating Im Yeon(林衍) who was a adopted son of Kim Jun. As the result, Kim Jun’s political power collapsed and the resistance of Goryeo military rule against Mongol was weakened.

고려 원종대의 수군 재정비

이창섭 한국중세사학회 2019 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.57

During Goryeo-Mongol war, Goryeo naval forces defended against Mongolian military that had threatened several islands including Ganghwa Island which was temporary capital during evacuation, and protected its sea routes. Thanks to it, Goryeo could engage in prolonged war against Mongol. However, Goryeo could not withstand the Mongol’s attack which lasted for about 30 years and concluded peace treaty under unfavorable conditions. Then when it tried to return to the original capital, Gaegyeong, Sambyeolcho(three carefully selected crack troops) caused a revolt. As a number of warships and naval forces took sides with Sambyeolcho then, Goryeo naval force’s military strength significantly decreased. Before long, Goryeo naval force recovered the numbers of warships and troops to a certain degree, but they were recovered only as much as Mongol needed and according to the demands of Mongol rather than Goryeo military’s needs. Mongol, which had been greatly hindered in the execution of operation during the Goryeo-Mongol war due to the outstanding performance of Goryeo naval force, directly controlled the reconstruction of Goryeo naval force. While it was preparing for the suppression of Sambyeolcho and the first expedition to Japan, it asked Goryeo government to provide a large number of warships and naval forces to the extent that Goryeo could not afford it. It was difficult for Goryeo to meet Mongol’s excessive demand because it could not fully restore the ravages of Goryeo-Mongol war. However, Goryeo could not reject the demand of Mongol because it intended not to stimulate Mongol which was worried that Goryeo could betray, move the capital back to Ganghwa Island and resist Mongol again. Naval force was positively necessary to move the capital to Ganghwa Island and protect it. Therefore, if Goryeo did not satisfy the Mongol's demand to provide warships and naval forces, Mongol could have suspected that Goryeo would preserve its naval force's power to fight against Mongol. So Goryeo made Mongol trust Goryeo by providing warships and naval forces as required by Mongol. Since the Goryeo naval forces reconstructed by the demand of Mongol and provided to Mongol was under Mongolian control, it did not affect the strengthening of Goryeo military later on.

몽골제국 시기 티베트의 역참 운용 연구

최소영 동양사학회 2022 東洋史學硏究 Vol.160 No.-

The Mongol Empire subjugated most of Eurasia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Tibet was also under the control of the Mongols and the Sakyapa became the ruler of Tibet with the support of the Mongols. However, it is not well known how the Mongol government ruled Tibet. It is also not clear what the Sakyapa did and what kind of levies the Mongol government imposed on the Tibetan people. This is due to the lack of Tibetan records on worldly affairs, which is the common practice in Tibetan writings. Furthermore, the Chinese sources are also reticent about Tibetan affairs during this period. Therefore, it is interesting that a lot of Chinese records on the postal system, the jam(Ch.站), mention about Tibetan monks. These records repeatedly criticized the extremely large number of Tibetan monks invited to Dadu by the Mongol ruling class. They were using post horses lavishly and thus, brought about the breakdown of the Mongol postal system in China. From the fact that postal households in the Chinese area suffered from compulsory service for the monks from Tibet to Dadu and vice versa, we can deduce that the situation of the Tibetan postal stations might have been the same. What is more important is that because the Tibetan population was small, but the dominions was vast, the situation was worse than in China. We see records that Tibetan postal households became so impoverished that they could not redeem their postal duty. Most of Tibetan condemnations against the Mongols and the Sakyapa regime made mention of the ulag (’u lag, postal horses or postal labor). As is well known, the Mongol government established thirteen myriarchies in Tibet. What is interesting is that the Archives from China and Tibet which the Wise like: Mirror Illuminating the World (Rgya bod kyi yig tshang mkhas pas dga’ byed chen mo ‘dzam bu gling gsal ba’i me long) in 15th century recorded that several myriarchies in Tibet worked solely for the postal stations. In addition, there were two kinds of postal stations in Tibet: one is large station('jam chen), the other is small station('jam chung). The biggest problem was that when the monks came back to Tibet, they had enormous amounts of offerings by the Mongol ruling class. For example, in 1270, when Khubilai was initiated from Lama Phagpa, he offered one thousand ding (Ch. 錠) of silver and fifty-nine thousand rolls of silk to Phagpa. Since Phagpa, lots of Tibetan monks were invited to the Mongol court and returned to Tibet with huge offerings from the Mongols and they wanted to carry the offerings to Tibet on the postal horses. Several records mention that some Tibetan monks were found guilty of overloading postal horses with the huge offerings on their way home but absolved soon by the order of the Khan. The facts that an absolute majority of Tibetan households worked for the postal system and ulag was considered as one of the heaviest burdens imposed by the Mongols show that the maintenance of the postal stations was the most critical duty for the Tibetan people. In addition, it is also noteworthy that the number of households in charge of each of large station ('jam chen) is set at almost 3,000. In some cases, the number of households in the individual myriarchy itself was 3,000, all of whom were entrusted with postal stations. But even when several myriarchies were collected and entrusted with one large station, the Mongols and the Sakya regime also set the number of the households to be in charge of one large postal station at 3,000. Through this, we can say that Mongolian and Sakya regimes saw it appropriate that 3,000 Tibetan households had jurisdiction over one large stations. Then, who had jurisdiction on the Tibetan postal system? It was Khubilai’s high official who came to Tibet and decided the locations of Tibetan post stations and the Mongol court in Dadu sent alms to Central Tibet when the postal households fell into poverty. However, the pönchen (lay governor) o...

여몽 관계의 성격과 동아시아의 국제관계 - 중국 학계의 '책봉과 조공' 관계 연구의 한계와 문제점을 중심으로

윤은숙 동북아역사재단 2012 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.35

The appearance of the Mongol Empire brought great changes in the East Asian international order, to a degree not found in earlier history. The unitary rule of the Mongols required a complete revision of the Confucian proprieties referring to “investiture-tribute” that had been recognized as the existing East Asian international order. The external frame of “investiture-tribute” was accepted in the Great Mongol Empire period, but it has intrinsic differences in the sense of “tribute and investiture” recognized as the global order the Chinese perceive. Chinese scholars such as Pu Baichen, Huang Songjun, and others interpret the diplomatic relations between Goryeo and the Mongols as the cruelest example of “tribute and investiture” relations. They argue that the “investiture-tribute” system was considered to be crueler than that of other Chinese dynasties and the essence of “investiture-tribute”was actualized by the Mongols when the “investiture-tribute” system of the Mongols was applied to Goryeo, emphasizing the fact that the Mongols were the original Chinese dynasty in order to strengthen their logic. However, this logic made a mistake in stretching the meaning of the true nature of the “investiture-tribute” system and overlooking the nomadic attributes and aims. The diplomatic relations between Goryeo and Mongol have important issues to be interpreted only as a simple “investiture-tribute” system. First, the brotherhood alliance of the two nations was based on the anda system of the Mongols, which was the nomadic order in the background of the equality, and completely different from tribute based upon the premise of inequality according to the Confucian order. The preferential goal of the Mongols before the war with the Jin Dynasty was the establishment of friendly relations with Goryeo and the surrounding nations. Therefore, the Mongols did not request tribute of Goryeo upon the establishment of the brotherhood alliance. Rather, the fact that Goryeo attempted to provide a certain amount of tribute based upon prior examples of East Asian international relations cannot be stretched for its meaning and described as “tribute.” This enabled the Mongols to change according to the later situation, but the brotherhood alliance itself was not a relationship formed under the premise of “the tribute system.”Second, even though the Great Mongol Empire borrowed the external frame of Chinese system for “investiture-tribute,” the diplomatic relations between the two countries cannot be explained only through “investiture-tribute.” In particular, the fact that the king of Goryeo had dual positions as a monarch and as a son-in-law of the imperial family shows that it was not a relationship for a power doctrine, but the actual relationship. The dual position of the Goryeo king was connected as an opportunity provided to participate in the overall politics of the Great Mongol Empire. The king of Goryeo could discuss major national issues from the selection of the Khan to foreign expeditions and the right of succession for the next ruler, and could prepare the chance to analyze the future state of affairs by grasping internal trends at the Mongols’imperial court. Third, the Great Mongol Empire’s requests to Goryeo for tribute were noticeably reduced after the inter-marriage. In other words, the requisition of goods to Goryeo was reduced, the size and the frequency of the bestowed goods were increased and the general offerings were increased. This is verified as very different from the insistence of China that the typical tribute was conducted through forced request of tribute and acceptance. Therefore, the relations between the two countries went through a diverse range of changes according to the practical necessities of each country, rather than through a unitary system. If explaining the relations of the two countries formed and changed as the result of complicated mutual reactions,...

13~14세기 몽골의 침입과 지배에 대한 티베트인들의 인식

최소영 ( Choi Soyoung ) 중앙아시아학회 2018 中央아시아硏究 Vol.23 No.1

After the Mongol invasion of Tibet in 1240, the abbot of the Sakyapa (Sa-skya-pa) sect was dispatched to show submission to the Mongols. After that, this sect ruled Tibet with the support of the Great Khans until the end of the Empire even though there were ups and downs. From then on, this political system which was established by connecting with outside force, namely Patron and Priest Relationship (Tib. yon-cho, yon-mchod), formed the basis of the Tibetan politics. In this sense, the Mongol Empire period has significance in Tibetan history. However, while there are lots of studies on the Persian or Chinese records of the Mongol invasion, there have been practically no researches on the Tibetan perceptions of the Mongols. It was the first time that Tibet was invaded by ‘alien’ power since the Tibetan Empire period (618-842) so it would have been a shock to the Tibetan people, too. Therefore, it would be worth examining what the Tibetan people thought of the Mongol invaders during the Mongol Empire period. This thesis suggests several points about the Tibetan perceptions of the Mongols. Firstly, on the 'invasion', non-Sakyapa records tell that high monks of their sects repelled the Mongol enemy with the power of Buddhism, stone rain for example. On the other hand, Sakyapa records emphasized that the Mongols were brutal and stupid, which the Sakya leaders could not just ignore. So the leaders should go and submit to the Mongols in order to educate the barbarians with Buddhism. In short, the monks who were summoned to Mongol court said that it was for the spread of Buddhism, especially Tibetan Buddhism against Christianity and Chinese Buddhism. What is noticeable next is that the Tibetans blamed Tibetan people who visited the Mongols and got the power, rather than the Mongols. Many records that repeatedly mentioned the inevitability of visiting and serving the Mongols are the counterevidence that there were criticisms of those monks. While non-Sakyapa sources didn't criticize famous Phagpa('Phags-pa), the Sakyapa's writing records that he was criticized severely. Thirdly, we can see that Tibetan people complained the heavy tax and corvee imposed by the Mongols. Especially the compulsory post service ('u lag) was said to be the heaviest burden for them. For example, most of the households of some myriarchies were postal-households (站戶) to sustain the post stations, which is one of the main features of Tibetan situation during the Mongol period. Lastly, the Sakyapa sect firstly opened the door to a new political system, yon-cho (yon-mchod), which provoked criticism among contemporary Tibetan people. But in the long run, it became the feature of Tibetan politics. About two hundred years later, the newly-risen Gelukpa (Dge-lugs-pa) sect, did not have to counter-argue about her relations with the Altan Khan of the Mongol Tumeds like the predecessor, the Sakyapa.

고려의 對蒙 대응 논리와 ‘大國이미지’

김보광(Kim, Bo-Kwang) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.61

이 글은 1차 고려-몽골 전쟁을 전후한 1231, 1232년의 상황이 고려-몽골 관계에서 중요한 계기가 되었다는 판단 아래, 이 시기 고려의 대응논리를 자세히 다뤄보고자 했다. 우선 이 기간 동안 모두 19통의 몽골 문서가 고려로 왔음을 유추해내었다. 약 1년 정도의 시간 동안 19통의 문서를 몽골이 보냈다는 사실에서 몽골이 고려에 매우 적극적으로 외교 활동을 벌였음을 알 수 있다. 구체적으로 몽골은 국왕의 친조나 강화도로부터의 출륙을 항복의 증거로 요구하였고, 공물만이 아니라 인질, 군대의 동원, 호구 점검 등도 요구하였다. 여기에는 1231년의 1차 고려-몽골 전쟁과 뒤이은 고려의 강화도로의 천도가 큰 영향을 주었다. 전쟁 이후 몽골은 고려를 실질적인 복속국으로 보고 일방적인 의무를 이행할 것을 본격적으로 요구하기 시작하였던 것이다. 같은 시기에 고려가 몽골로 보낸 외교 문서도 18통에 달한다. 몽골의 요구 사항 변화로 유발된 고려-몽골 관계로 인해 표문 작성 방식도 기존과는 달리 화려한 수사보다는 직설적이고 안건이 나열되는 방식으로 변하였다. 이 과정에서 고려는 몽골의 요구를 거부하거나 이행하지 않을 수 있도록 몽골을 설득하기 위해 보다 적극적으로 대응 논리를 개발해냈다. 그것은 거란이나 여진과 전쟁을 회피하기 위해 사용하던 사대외교의 방식을 적극적으로 사용하는 것이었다. 고려는 스스로를 몽골에 사대하는 존재로 낮추면서 몽골을 ‘대국’으로 대접하였다. 그리고 몽골에 대국으로서의 역할을 주지시키면서 ‘소국’인 고려의 입장을 이해하여야 한다는 당위를 강조하였다. 즉 몽골에 ‘大國이미지’를 입히려 한 것이다. 하지만 중국적 문화전통과는 전혀 다른 배경을 지닌 몽골에게 그러한 논리는 수용되지 않았다. 사대외교의 방식 안에서 움직인 고려의 이 시기 대응 방식은 한계가 분명했지만, 이 같은 노력으로 인해 기존과 같은 외교적 대응 방식으로는 몽골을 설득할 수 없음을 확인하였다. 이제 고려는 몽골에 대응할 새로운 틀을 요구받게 되었다. In this paper, I studied on the Koryo’s responses to the Mongol empire, based on the perception that political circumstances in 1231-32 around the time of the First Mongol invasion largely determined the relationship between the two countries. First of all, I derived that a total of 19 Mongol documents were sent to Koryo royal court during this period. The fact that Mongol sent 19 documents in approximately one year suggests that the Mongol was very active in its diplomatic activities with Koryo. Specifically, the Mongol demanded that Koryo king pays a visit to Mongol emperor or that Koryo return to the inland from Ganghwa Island, as a proof of surrender, and also demanded hostages, military aid, and household survey in addition to offering of tributes. This was largely affected by the First Mongol invasion in 1231 and the Koryo royal court’s move to Ganghwa Island that ensued. After the war, the Mongol treated Koryo as its subordinate country in effect, and began to relentlessly demand Koryo to fulfill its obligations as such. During this period, Koryo sent 18 diplomatic documents to the Mongol. Due to Mongol’s changing demands on Koryo and subsequent relationship between the two countries, the style of the documents also changed from an eloquent, rhetorical writing to a listing of agendas in a straightforward manner. The Koryo royal court developed logics and responses to persuade the Mongol, so that it could refuse and not implement demands of the Mongol. The strategy was an active use of submissive diplomacy that was used before to avoid a war with the Khitan or the Jurchen. Koryo lowered itself as a country that obeyed the Mongol, and treated the Mongol as a ‘Great State’ with confucian moral and very understanding. In the documents, it reminded the Mongol of its role as a great state, and emphasized that the Mongol should be considerate to the position of Koryo as a smaller country. That is, Koryo tried to persuade the Mongol with a lofty image of a ‘Great State.’ However, the Mongol was not the least persuaded by such logic, as it was a country with wholly different cultural backgrounds from China. Koryo’s political responses to the Mongol during this time within the framework of submissive diplomacy clearly had limitations, and yet, due to these efforts, it became clear that the old way of diplomatic response was ineffective in persuading the Mongol. Now Koryo had to develop a new diplomatic framework to respond to Mongol.

對蒙戰爭期 서·남해안 州縣民의 海島入保抗戰과 海上交通路

강재광 부경역사연구소 2012 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.30

In the period of the war against Mongol(1231~1259), heroes in the true sense of the word were peasants, slaves and Chojeok(草賊) that had struggled against Mongol Army. For 30 years, their vigorous resistance relieved Goryo dynasty. And those fighting forced Mongol Empire to conclude peace negotiation with Goryo Court on condition of attendance at the Royal Court of the crown prince. In the term of Mongol 5-(2)ㆍ(3)th invasion, Juhyunmin(州縣民) refuged in strategy islands, as like Jodo(槽島)ㆍAbhaedo(押海島)ㆍAedo(艾島) etc, defeated Mongol naval forces at the several maritime battles. As the result, marine transportation system could be retained and Kangdo(江都) was defended to the last death. The marine transportation route(漕運路) that were utilized to Juhyunmin dwelling in the west and south seacoast, was the established seashore route(沿岸航路). Main strategy islands(戰略海島) of Goryo lied near to the mouth of big river. They accomplished a role of stepping stones linking the seashore route to Kangdo. Strategy islands protected seashore route. One step more advanced, they were estimated to substitute the function of the marine transportation system temporary, when the marine transportation system of 13 Jochang(漕倉) paralyzed in the end of the war against Mongol. Juhyunmin sheltered in appointed islands to the Ju(州)ㆍHyun(縣) unit by Kangdo Court. They cultivated developed land, Dunjeon(屯田) and constructed Sea bank and bastion inside islands. In addition to this, they should implement maritime battles against if Mongol naval forces invade strategy islands. The economical pressure and social control toward Juhyunmin of Goryo dynasty were very cruel in the latter period of the war against Mongol. Kangdo Court had to stimulate expansionary economic policy on people refuged in strategy islands. First, it offered a piece of land to Juhyunmin dwelling in strategy islands. Second, it exempted from taxes on that particular occasion for 45th year of the king Gojong’s reign. These economic policy were not enough to maintain voluntary resistance of Juhyunmin. In the period of the war against Mongol(1231~1259), heroes in the true sense of the word were peasants, slaves and Chojeok(草賊) that had struggled against Mongol Army. For 30 years, their vigorous resistance relieved Goryo dynasty. And those fighting forced Mongol Empire to conclude peace negotiation with Goryo Court on condition of attendance at the Royal Court of the crown prince. In the term of Mongol 5-(2)ㆍ(3)th invasion, Juhyunmin(州縣民) refuged in strategy islands, as like Jodo(槽島)ㆍAbhaedo(押海島)ㆍAedo(艾島) etc, defeated Mongol naval forces at the several maritime battles. As the result, marine transportation system could be retained and Kangdo(江都) was defended to the last death. The marine transportation route(漕運路) that were utilized to Juhyunmin dwelling in the west and south seacoast, was the established seashore route(沿岸航路). Main strategy islands(戰略海島) of Goryo lied near to the mouth of big river. They accomplished a role of stepping stones linking the seashore route to Kangdo. Strategy islands protected seashore route. One step more advanced, they were estimated to substitute the function of the marine transportation system temporary, when the marine transportation system of 13 Jochang(漕倉) paralyzed in the end of the war against Mongol. Juhyunmin sheltered in appointed islands to the Ju(州)ㆍHyun(縣) unit by Kangdo Court. They cultivated developed land, Dunjeon(屯田) and constructed Sea bank and bastion inside islands. In addition to this, they should implement maritime battles against if Mongol naval forces invade strategy islands. The economical pressure and social control toward Juhyunmin of Goryo dynasty were very cruel in the latter period of the war against Mongol. Kangdo Court had to stimulate expansionary economic policy on people refuged in strategy islands. First, it offered a piece of land to Juhyunmin dwelling in strategy islands. Second, it exempted from taxes on that particular occasion for 45th year of the king Gojong’s reign. These economic policy were not enough to maintain voluntary resistance of Juhyunmin.

‘몽골’-「貊高麗」, 유목형 ‘고구려’ 世界帝國考

周采赫(Chu, Chae-Hyok) 백산학회 2006 白山學報 Vol.- No.76

" Maek(貊)+Khori(高麗: Mongol)= Maek Khori(貊高麗). It requires a few dialectic steps to reach the conclusion that Mongol is “Nomadic Koguryo, the World Empire”. Those who hunted mainly raccoons (貊: Maek:: elbenkü) and lived on the tops of mountains in the Food Collection Stage learned to herd reindeer (馴鹿: chaabog=khori or qori) in the pastures in the Food Production Stage. Through the developmental stage, they were called Mongol. The name, Khori, originates from Koguryo. The ancestors of the Koguryo were the Chosun (朝鮮) and those of the Mongol were the Xianbi(鮮卑). By the way, the main food of the Chosun or Sunbi was the reindeer pastures (鮮=сопка: Soyon) that were covered with lichens (蘚=niokq). That is, as both lived on the grass on the plateau, which were the pastures of lichens (蘚 : son), they were pastoral nomads (鮮人). In the process of transitioning to horseback riding, the nomads who used bronze or iron tools, conquered agricultural and pastoral areas and established an ancient nomadic empire. Obviously, it has been proven that in the name, Chosun, the meaning of Cho in Chinese is Chao, which means “seeking”, not Zhao, which means “morning”. Chao comes from chaad, a verbal infinitive of chaa from chaa bok, meaning “go toward” and it was translated by the sound. In the summer of 2006, we saw on the Handiga Abggida Taiga Tundra, the reindeer herding pastoral area in the summer in Saha. It was located on the upper area of the Aldan River, which is the branch of the Lena River in Saha. In the lower area of the Yenisay River to the Lena River lichens(蘚) spread out in abundance, which is the main fodder for reindeer. It is the site of the large reindeer herding pastoral plains in Eurasia. As large sized reindeer herding has been done mainly in the Tundra area in the Arctic Ocean Zone, the Taiga Tundra in the lower area of the Yenisay River to the Lena River must have been the Chosun Tundra and the Koguryo Tundra as well as the Mongol Tundra, considering the historic basis. Because the Yenisay River and the Lena River start from Lake Baikal, the Khori who were the reindeer herding nomads gathered around Lake Baikal. The Burqan(不咸) Rock on Olkhon Island tells the story as there was the myth of the birth of the founding fathers of the Khori. The water of the Great Manchu(大滿洲) zone along the mountain ranges, which was called Wyai Xing An Ring(外興安嶺) by the Han (漢) tribes, flows into the Pacific Ocean and it is not so cold that turtles live there, unlike the Rena River which flows into the Arctic Ocean. The two areas are connected by the Lake Hulun Buir (呼倫貝爾)Zone, the north part of the Great Xing An Mountains. It is connected with the fertile pastoral plains of Manchu and also it is the outpost that advances to the great Mongol steppes. Thus, the place was the basis of the economy and the military where the ancient nomadic empire was built. All the nomadic empires of ancient northeastern Asia, after the Xiong Nu(匈奴), Khori(槁離), Buyeo(夫餘), and Gochosun(古朝鮮) were built based on these areas. In my opinion, the Maek Khori(貊槁離)were named through the historical changes of Maek Khori→Maek Goryo(貊高麗)→‘Mongori(蒙古里: Mongol)’. Regardless of Xiong Nu, Buyeo, Koguryo, Balhae(渤海), Qidan(契丹), and Mongol, all northern empires that were related to the business for living, such as raccoons for the Maek(貊: elbenkü) and reindeer for the Khori might be called such. As the Mongol word, Khan, is the essence of those nomadic empires, I dare to insist that the Mongol is the nomadic Koguryo world empire. The Gooli Khan Huncholoo statue (the human stone statue of Sage King Dong myung: 東明聖王), that Prof. B. Sumiyabaatar pointed out to be the axis of the Mongol Korean relationship is located it the southern area of Lake Buir. The statue symbolizes the common hero of the reindeer herding nomadic tribes.