새 자료, 고려본 『자비도량참법』의 석독 구결 분석 및 음독 구결과의 상관성 비교 연구

남경란(Nam, Kyeong-Nan) 한국어문학회 2018 語文學 Vol.0 No.140

This study was conducted to analyze Seokdok Gugyeol in Goryeo ChojuDaejangkyung, ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ discovered at Kirimsa Temple in December 2015. The purpose was to compare and analyze the correlation between Seokdok Gugyeol shown in this new material and Eumdok Gugyeol, which is a previous edition Goryeo period copy. The main study object, ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ from the Kirimsa Temple remains only in chapters 17 to 20 of Volume 4 and it is the crucial information academics are studying due to the discovery of one more Seokdok Gugyeol material dated to the middle of the 13th century. Although the number of Gugyeol letter types in the text is only about 50, it has been paid a great deal of attention in academia because it uses letter types that are quite different from the existing Seokdok materials. In addition, this is very precious data in Korean history because it contains Eumdok Gugyeol data that can not be found in any other existing material. Furthermore, Seokdok Gugyeol and Eumdok Gugyeol can be analyzed at the same time, providing the potential for new discoveries. However, in ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ from Kirimsa Temple, Gugyeol letter types have been erased or destroyed in some main parts of original copy, and it is difficult to clearly judge the original image of the Gugyeol letter types based solely on the released images. In order to more accurately understand the presented information, the researcher used Adobe Photoshop to precisely identify missing or damaged Seokdok Gugyeol letter types. The significance of this study lies in the correlation found between Seokdok Gugyeol and Eumdok Gugyeol in the Goryeo period, via and informaton processing method and comparative analysis of Seokdok Gugyeol of ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ from Kirimsa and Eumdok Gugyeol of ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ from a private collection.

중국 항주·영파 출토 고려 청자 조사 현황

김현정 국립중앙박물관 2015 미술자료 Vol.- No.88

During 2015, in April and October, respectively, the Fine Arts Division of the National Museum of Korea surveyed the shards of Goryeo celadon that were found in the regions of Hangzhou and Ningbo in Zhejiang Province as part of the research project “Study on the Origins of Korean Art – A Comparative Study of the Ceramic Culture of East Asia.” A total of 154 Goryeo celadon shards that had been excavated from Hangzhou and Ningbo were subjects of the two surveys. This study focuses on the 149 pieces that have their findspots identified. Hangzhou and Ningbo were very important international trade ports and centers of politics, economy, and culture of the Song and Yuan dynasties. The Goryeo Dynasty had also traded actively with China through the two cities as evidenced by the extant guesthouse for Goryeo envoys, and ceramics was one of the trading goods that were gathered, traded and consumed there. Therefore, it is natural that Goryeo celadon shards were found in these areas. Jade-green (bisaek) Goryeo celadon, accounting for 66.4 percent of the surveyed shards, were excavated from the site of Lin’an city of the Southern Song period, and in particular the imperial palace site and Empress Yang residence sites. Low-quality Goryeo celadon without inlaid decoration was excavated from areas including Lin’an site, Chengdu Port, and Phoenix Mountain (Fenghuangshan). High-quality celadons with inlaid decorations, accounting for 23.4 percent (35 items), ranging from the 12th to 14th centuries, were excavated from various areas in Hangzhou, including the Northern Song official kiln site, surroundings of West Lake (Xi Hu), Empress Yang residence site, Phoenix Mountain (Fenghuangshan), and Shanzi Port. In terms of shape of the jade-green Goryeo celadon, the maebyeong vase (prunus vase) was greatest in number, followed by bowls, dishes, ewers, lids, small bowls, cups, lidded boxes, incense burners, flower pots, large bowls, pillows, and spittoons. Excluding maebyeong vase, bowls, plates, small bowls, and cups were found the most just like it also had been in Yucheonri, Buan, the production site of the Goryeo celadon in Korea. In terms of decorative design, the excavated celadons yielded the most in the order of dragon, lotus petal, peony, wave, cloud and crane, flowering plants, lotus flowers, parrot, children, and waterfowls and willow design. Among the findings, the celadon maebyeong vase inlaid with dragon design is regarded as the most outstanding example of jade-color celadon ware. Dragon design on the vase was a particular type of pattern that could only be used by the upper classes. Meanwhile, a number of issues were raised from the findings of the surveys. Among the surveyed celadon shards, some of them were similar to Goryeo celadon in terms of shape and glaze color yet different from any of those that had been examined up until now. However, they were also different from the generally known Longquan or Song official kilns celadons. These shards were mostly collected from the Phoenix Mountain (Fenghuangshan) in Lin’an. The Xuneisi official kilns of Laohu Valley assumed to be the Northern Song Guanyao are located at the northern foot of the Phoenix Mountain. In this light, some scholars view the similar Goryeo celadon as “copies of Goryeo celadon” produced at the Northern Song official kiln under the influence of Goryeo celadon. However, there are those who view Goryeo celadon as unrelated to the Northern Song official kiln among researchers of this particular kiln. Are these shards from Goryeo celadon that have not been discovered up to this date? Where could they have they been produced? Moreover, what is the relationship between Goryeo celadon and the Northern Song official kiln celadon? In order to comprehend the general situation, a more in-depth study and investigation of the ceramic shards is necessary, along with confirmation of the number of Goryeo celadon. Moreover, it is essential to gain an understanding of not only the relationship between Northern Song and Goryeo but also the position and characteristics of the celadon of the Goryeo Dynasty in comparison with those produced in other kilns within the Chinese ceramic history. 2015년 4월, 10월 2차례에 걸쳐 미술부에서는 “한국미술 기원조사-동아시아 도자문화 비교연구”의 일환으로, 절강성 일대 항주·영파 출토 고려 청자편을 조사하였다. 조사한 항주, 영파 출토 고려 청자편은 모두 154점이다. 그 가운데 출토지가 분명한 발굴품이거나 수습 자편 149점 을 중심으로 조사내용을 정리하였다. 항주와 영파는 송과 원의 정치, 경제, 문화의 중심지와 교역항으로 매우 중요한 곳이었다. 또 한 도자기의 집산지와 소비지로도 중요한 지역으로 판단된다. 고려와 중국의 교류에 있어서 매우 중요한 지역이었다. 이 지역에서 고려 청자편이 출토되는 것은 당연한 일일 것이다. 조사 자편 중 66.4%에 달하는 비색청자들이 출토된 곳은 남송 임안성유지이다. 특히 남송 황성유지와 공성인렬황후저택유지에서 출토되었다. 상감되지 않은 조질청자는 임안성유지, 성두항, 봉황산 등에서 출토되었다. 23.4%(35점)의 양질-상감청자는 남송관요, 공성인렬황후저택 유지, 봉황산 등 임안성유지에서 서호 주변까지 항주시 여러 곳에서 출토되었다. 시기적으로는12세기부터 14세기까지 있다. 비색청자의 기형은 매병이 가장 많았고 발, 접시, 주자, 뚜껑, 완, 잔, 합, 향로, 화분, 대접, 도침, 타호 등의 순이다. 매병을 제외하고는, 발과 접시, 완과 잔 등이 많다. 주문양은 용문, 연판문, 모란문, 수파문, 국화문, 운학문, 초화문, 연화문, 앵무문, 동자문, 포류문의 순으로 출토되었다. 특히 청자용문매병은 최상급의 비색청자로서 주목된다. 용문양은 높은 신분층이 사용할 수 있는 문양이다. 조사 결과 몇 가지 문제 제기되었다. 조사 청자편에는 고려청자와 매우 기형과 유색이 비슷하지만, 고려청자편과는 다른 자편들이 섞여 있었다. 그렇다고 일반적으로 알려진 용천요나 송대 관요 것은 아니다. 이 자편들은 주로 임안성 내 봉황산에서 집중 발견되었다. 봉황산은 북쪽 산자락에 남송관요로 추정하는 노호동 수내사관요지가 위치한다. 이런 점을 들어 유사 고려 청자를 고려 청자의 영향으로 남송관요에서 제작된 ‘倣高麗靑瓷’로 보는 연구자도 있다. 그러나 남송 관요 연구자 중에는 고려 청자와 남송 관요는 전혀 관계가 없다고 보는 이도 있다. 이런 편들은 이제껏 발견되지 못했던 고려 청자일까? 어디서 제작된 것일까? 나아가 고려 청자와 남송 관요 청자는 관계는 어떤 것일까? 앞으로 조금 더 심도 있는 자편에 대한 기초 조사와 연구가 필요하다. 그리고 중국도자사에서 다른 요장들과 비교하여 고려시대 청자가 갖는 위치와 특성에 대한 이해가 필요하다고 생각한다.

중복판과 인경본 비교를 통한 고려대장경판 보존관리

朴惠仁(Park Hyein) 미술사연구회 2020 미술사연구 Vol.- No.38

The Goryeo Tripitaka woodblocks are the only extant Tripitaka woodblocks carved in Chinese characters, and are included on UNESCO’s Memory of the World Register. 112 of the 81,352 woodblocks that constitute the Goryeo Tripitaka are duplicates a term that refers to woodblocks of which two or more copies exist. 50 of the 112 duplicate woodblocks are thought to be first editions dating from the reign of Goryeo king Gojong (1236~1251); as such, they are highly valuable. These duplicates show various damage due to conservation processes or repeated printing, providing important information about the preservation and repair history of the blocks. In this article, I analyze the current status of duplicate woodblocks and examine the history of their preservation through comparison with printed texts. I begin with brief examination of the current status of duplicate woodblocks. The sutra that accounts for the highest number of duplicates is the Prajñāpāramitā Sutra. But since examination of the entire sutra is not possible, I take a sample of 15 blocks and examine them for signs of damage including whether end blocks (maguri) and metal fasteners (jangseok) are present, and whether repairs have been performed. I then examine prints made from these woodblocks, focusing in particular on whether blocks used to make prints in 1381 were still being used in 1865 by gauging the level of similarity between printed copies from each of these two periods. I compare the sutra now in the collection of Otani University, which was printed in 1381, with the copies at Woljeongsa Temple and Oseam Hermitage, which were printed in 1865, and with the copies at Tongdosa and Haeinsa temples, printed in 1899. In order to gauge changes that occurred between 1381 and 1865, I analyze all 130 volumes of Prajñāpāramitā Sutra, finding that no changes have occurred. This indicates that the Goryeo Tripitaka woodblocks were fundamentally managed in a stable manner until 1865. However, comparison of printed copies does reveal traces of repair to heavily damaged duplicate blocks. The Woljeongsa and Oseam copies show the following signs of repair in duplicate blocks in places where the original blocks have been worn or their corners damaged: cases where damaged parts have been cut off in order to prevent further damage; cases where repair has been attempted after cutting; cases where repairs have been completed after cutting; and cases where repaired parts have been damaged again after repair. These various examples of repair indicate that such measures were taken continuously throughout the Joseon period, especially after 1865. Moreover, examples of supplementary carvings show us that a considerable proportion of duplicate blocks dating from the 1899 prints onwards were supplementary carvings with boundary lines between the columns of characters. I believe these replacement carvings with boundary lines were produced after 1865, in cases where woodblocks that had been repaired were nonetheless deemed unsuitable for printing.

센소지 소장 고려 〈수월관음도〉의 채색표현 고찰을 통한 복원모사

김혜인(金慧印) 한국미술연구소 2018 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.47

Although Buddhist painting of Goryeo was treated with a different status compared to Japanese and Chinese Buddhist painting in Japan, practical research, such as copy restoration, are unexpectedly showing active progress. There are various reasons, including difficulty in interpreting coloring techniques, however, the main reason is because there are probably many denied attempts to copy the principle icon, the main subject of religious beliefs, since Goryeo Buddhist are fundamentally treated as secret statue of ‘Budda’ in Japanese temples and shrines. The purpose of this dissertation is to mainly introduce the ‘moonlight’ among the copy restoration process of the original ‘Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara painting’, which did not receive great attention from the Korean and Japanese researchers in the area of conducting restoration research of Goryeo Buddhist painting. Many coloring techniques. which does not appear on other pieces, besides the gold painting used on the original ‘Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara painting(水月觀音圖)’ indirectly visualizes the moon particularly for the Sensō-ji(淺草寺) collection of Goryeo Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara painting. The author will first study the technical features of the original ‘Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara painting’ in perspective of the 39 of 40 Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara painting pieces verified so far, then the expressive technique features of the Sensō-ji collection and the process of pictorial copying to restore it will be examined.

천산대렵지도(天山大獵之圖) 모사본 제작연구

이광수(Lee, Kwang-Su) 동서미술문화학회 2015 미술문화연구 Vol.6 No.6

규장각 소장의 <천산대렵지도(天山大獵之圖)>는 고려 공민왕(恭愍王: 1330~1374)이 그렸다고 전해지는 백산(白山)또는 설산(雪山)이라고도 불리는 천산(天山)에서의 수렵 장면을 묘사한 그림이다. 본래의 천산대렵도(天山大獵圖)는 횡권 형태였을 것으로 보이는데 현재는 그 조각만이 남아 있다. 지금 까지 전해지는 고려 말의 회화가 극희 드물어 이 유물의 가치는 매우 크며 회화적 의의 또한 크다고 판단되어 모사에서도 큰 의미를 가진다고 볼 수 있다. 본 연구는 <천산대렵지도>의 모사본을 제작하는 과정에서 고려 말의 회화적 특징을 고찰하고, 나아가 실제의 제작 과정을 통하여 한국 전통 회화의 기법을 계승하는 한편, 원본에 대응하는 사본을 남겨 유사시에 대비 하려는 목적을 두고 있다. 따라서 미술사적인 학문적 접근방식보다 실제적인 제작방식 및 기법에 주안점을 두고 있으며, 이에 따라 작가 기량의 제고를 위해 많은 시간을 연습에 할애하여 모사본이 원본에 근접 할 수 있도록 가장 많은 역량을 집중시켰다. 또한 비단 전문가에 의해 비단의 조직을 파악 한 후 원본과 같은 바탕재를 준비하여 최대한 원본에 상은 하는 대체본을 제작하는데 의미를 두었다. 현미경 관찰을 통해 세부적인 안료의 사용을 추측할 수 있었으며, XRF(X선 형광 분석기)의 측정을 통해 당시 사용되었던 안료의 성분을 찾아내 제작에 직접 반영하였다. 모사는 옛 기법을 그대로 전수하는 한편, 원본의 대체본 역할을 하기도 한다. 나아가 유실이나 훼손된 부분의 원형 복원은 여러 전문가의 협업과 연구과정을 통해 이루어지며, 복원 후에도 역사적으로 큰 의미와 성과를 가진다. 이는 단순히 복제하는 수준을 넘어 학문적 연구가 뒷받침 되어야하는 모사만의 중요한 영역이기도 하며 앞으로 발전시켜야할 중요한 문화적 가치이기도 하다. 이러한 모사본 제작을 계기로 전통에 대한 이해와 계승은 물론 문화적 가치와 중요성이 한층 높아지기를 기대해본다. 〈Cheonsandaeryeopgido〉 possessed by Kyujanggak and has been known as drawn by King Kongmin(1330-1374) in Goryeo dynasty, is a painting that described a scene of hunting at Cheonsan which is also called as Baeksan(white mountain) or Seolsan(snow mountain). The Original Cheonsandaeryeopgido seems as a shape of cross winding type, but now only a piece of it was remained. Because of extreme rarity of paintings which have been handed down from the end of Goryeo Dynasty, value of this antiquity is so great, and the meaning as a painting is thought to be great also, so copy of it could have great meaning. The purpose of this study is to consider the characteristic of paintings in the end of Goryeo Dynasty in the process of producing dopied work of Cheonsandaeryeopgido, and meanwhile to inherit the technique of Goryeon traditional painting through the actual process of producing it, and also to prepare for the emergency case by keeping corresponding copy of original work. So this study is focusing on actual method and technique of production rather than focusing on approach of art history and academy, so artist put so many hours for practice and concentrated most of his ability to improve the skill to produce the copy which is closed to the original work. And this study puts meaning to produce replacement which is most corresponding to original work by preparing same material as that of original work for canvas after inspection of the texture of the silk by silk specialist. Detailed pigment used in the original work was estimated by microscope observation, and the components of pigment used at that time were found by XRF(X-ray fluorescence analyzer) and those were directly used for producing copied work. Meanwhile the copied work makes us keep the old technique as it was and does a role of replacement also. And more, restoration of lost or damaged parts of the original work is performed through the cooperation and research with many specialists, and it has great meaning and performance in art history after the restoration. It is important area that only copying work could have, to which academic research must be supported beyond the simple duplication, and it has important cultural value we must develop in the future. I expect that the understanding and inheritance of our tradition along with the value and importance of the culture could be increased much more by this production of copied work.

일본 고세토(古瀨戶)에 보이는 수입도자의 수용

후지사와 료스케 국립중앙박물관 2013 미술자료 Vol.- No.83

Ko Seto (古瀨戶), or Old Seto, is a term referring to the glazed ceramic ware produced in Seto kilns in Japan during the medieval times. It is a well known fact that Ko Seto kilns produced a great variety of vessel types under the influence of the vessels from Southern Song. The difference between the techniques of the two was so great, however, that there has been a lot of controversies on their relationship. All the vessel types of Ko Seto underwent changes on their own, but it would be a subject to be handled after a discussion of the oldest form discovered so far. In this study, I will present a general information of the changes Ko Seto underwent before proceeding to the relationship between the original and the copied by taking one of the representative Ko Seto vessels copied from the original imported from China, and the influence of the Chinese ware upon the Ko Seto vessels. The development of the Ko Seto ware can be divided into three stages: the First Stage (FS, late 12th - late 13th century) marked by the vessels coated only with ash glaze; the Second Stage (SS, late 13th - mid 14th century) by the decoration with iron glaze and a wealth of designs; and the Third Stage (TS, late 14th - late 15th century) by the decline of decorative designs and the mass production of table ware such as bowls, dishes, and plates. The first of the three stages is then subdivided into four phases (PI to PIV) of which the first (PI) is further subdivided into two, a and b, and the second (PII) into three, a to c. The second stage is also subdivided into four phases (PI to PIV), and the third stage into five phases (PI to PIII, Old IV, and New IV). The entire history of Ko Seto started between the mid and late 12th century, a period characterized by the unglazed jar with four lugs, and ended with the Ogama (大窯) stage (late 15th to early 17th century). One of the most famous vessels representing the Seto ware under the influence of imported celadon works, the jar with four lugs, was produced from the earliest to the very last phase. The four-lugged jars produced in the early phase are marked by the narrow and low foot, an inverted trapezoidal or triangular cross section, unglazed surface, and three-tier horizontal lines decorating the upper body. Vessels of the Ia phase of the First Stage feature a wide, flaring foot, oval body, thick and short neck, and everted mouth rim while those of the Ib phase a high and narrow foot, globular body with voluminous shoulder, and narrow and high neck. Meanwhile, the white jars with four lugs excavated in Japan are largely divided into four Groups, GI to GIV, and their appearances suggest that the FS PIa vessels are copied from the white ceramic jars with four lugs in GII and the Ib vessels from those in GIII. The vessels after the FS PII are, however, distinctively different from the white ceramic jars with four lugs in the GIV, revealing that they had taken their own route of changes. Also, some of the early jars with unglazed surface show the foot and body similar to those of the vessels in Group II although the shape of the lugs are hardly seen in the white ceramic jars with four lugs. The production of Ko Seto bottles started from the Ib phase of the First Stage and continued until the New IV phase of the Third Stage. The bottles made in this period are classified into three groups (Bottle Type I, Bottle Type II, and Bottle Type III) according to their shapes of which the Type 1 vessels are marked by narrow waist and divided into two subgroups (A and B) according to the degree of narrowness of their waist. The vessels of the A subgroup of the FS PIb feature the inverted mouth and the B subgroup the rounded lip. The vessels of the FS PIIa also came to have rounded lips and later added by raised and angled bands. The Type II bottles in the FS PIb came to be marked by a raised band around the neck's middle part, a step around the border between neck and shoulder, the rounded lip, and raised and angled bands. In the SS PI period, there appeared vessels with the raised band around the neck's center and these gradually established themselves as a dominant form. The III bottles that appeared in the TS PI period are known to have copied from the Japanese lacquer bottles. The white and blue plum bottles excavated in Japan are divided into Type I, marked by a straight body with the neck encircled by a raised band, and Type II, the everting neck and mouth and narrow lower body. By comparison, Goryeo plum bottles feature a thinner foot, narrower waist, and more elegant curves of the body. It is highly probable that the bottles A of the Type I copied the Goryeo celadon plum bottle while the bottles B the white and blue plum bottles of Type II, the Type II bottles with a raised band around the neck the blue and white plum bottles of the Group I, and the Type II bottles with a raised band around the neck that appeared again during the SS PI the Chinese plum bottles with dark brown glaze. The wide-mouthed jars of Ko Seto began to be produced during the SS. The jars of the SS PI are characterized by a long body with flat bottom, and short neck while the jars of the SS PII by an upright, taller neck, and those of the SS PIII by an even taller neck with slightly inverted mouth. The wide-mouthed jars of Ko Seto are believed to have been related with the ash-glazed celadon jars, and the Type II bottles of the SS PI with the brown-glazed vessels. The celadon jars are characterized by a tall foot, dish-shaped lid, and body elaborately decorated with lotus petals carved in low relief while the brown-glazed wide mouth vessels features a low foot and the body decorated with an incised peony and vine design. The decoration of the surface and the shape of the base suggest that the Ko Seto jars had imitated the brown-glazed vessels. The Temmoku tea bowls of Ko Seto are divided into four groups. The bowls of the Group A in the SS PI period are characterized by the foot made separa

영남대학교 중앙도서관 소장 敦煌 經卷 「大般涅槃經」 卷第三과 高麗大藏經 비교 연구

정광훈 한국서지학회 2014 서지학연구 Vol.58 No.-

Dunhuang Manuscripts discovered in the early 20th century at Mao Cave of Dunhuang, the city of northwestern China, are highly important materials not only in art, religion, sociology, history, literature but also in the history of book and publication. These manuscripts, mostly made in the type of hand-copied scrolls, indicate how the Buddhist Sutra was written and produced for people to see before the age of print. In the course of the years from its discovery, Dunhuang Manuscripts were dispersed to several countries and a couple of them was introduced into Korea in the middle of 1940s. Mahaparinirvana Sutra in Yeungnam University Library was identified as a manuscript of the Sui(隋) Dynasty by Pan Chong-gui who is a prominent scholar of Dunhuang Studies and also it has a distinct philological value as a hand-copied scroll. In spite of its high value of philological study, rare research on this manuscript was conducted after the simple introduction about 30 years ago. Therefore, this paper resurfaces the academic value of this manuscript and examines the differences between those two types of the Sutra in the philological point of view by comparing with the printed Goryeo Daejanggyeong. 20세기 초 중국 돈황의 막고굴에서 발견된 돈황 사본은 예술, 종교, 사회, 역사, 문학 등의 학문분야 뿐 아니라 도서와 출판의 역사에서도 대단히 중요한 자료이다. 대부분 두루마리로 된 이 사본들은 인쇄의 시대가 시작되기 전에 어떻게 경전의 텍스트들이 기록되고 사람들이 볼 수 있는 형태로 제작되었는지 알려준다. 이 돈황 사본들은 발견 후 수년 사이에 해외와 중국 각지로 흩어졌는데, 그 중 몇 건이 1940년대 중반에 한국에도 흘러들어왔다. 영남대도서관 소장 돈황 사본 「大般涅槃經」 卷第三은 세계적인 돈황학자 판충구이(潘重規) 선생이 隋나라 때에 제작된 것으로 감정하였으며, 잔편이 아닌 온전한 하나의 두루마리로서 상당한 문헌학적 가치를 지니고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이 돈황 사본은 약 30여 년 전에 해제와 함께 학계에 소개된 이후로 거의 연구되지 않았다. 이에 본 논문에서는 이 영남대 소장 돈황 사본의 연구가치를 재조명하고, 고려대장경 인경본과의 비교를 통해 서로 다른 형식의 두 불경이 어떤 차이점을 보이고 있는지 문헌학적 시각에서 살펴보았다.

14세기 고려대장경판 인경발원문의 내용과 그 의미

申銀齊(Sin Eunje) 미술사연구회 2020 미술사연구 Vol.- No.38

In the 14th century, many prints were made from the woodblocks of the Goryeo Tripitaka and enshrined in temples. This practice can be confirmed both through written records and through extant printed copies of the Tripitaka. The large number of prints made was due to the fact that spreading Buddhist writings was considered a pious act. Printed copies of the Tripitaka were enshrined in temples, sometimes in a new, purpose-built building known as a daejangjeon and sometimes in an existing sanctum to next to a Buddha statue. Prayers offered by those commissioning Tripitaka prints were either handwritten in ink on the prints or produced as separate postscripts and added to the end of the sutra. Such written prayers also include the background to the printing of the sutra; in the case of ink inscriptions, prints were often commissioned by specific families, while prints with added postscripts were often commissioned by large groups of officials. Postscripts added to Tripitaka prints contained prayers for the happiness of King Gongmin in the afterlife, or for the wellbeing of the country and the people. Tripitaka prints required huge amounts of money and labor, so that such an undertaking was beyond the means of individual officials or those without considerable wealth. Only the king or the state was able to print the entire Tripitaka. A handwritten prayer by Choe Mun-do, for example, describes the print as „the whole Tripitaka, but the content that Choe had printed is thought to actually be some 600 volumes of the Prajñāpāramitā Sutra.