RISS 학술연구정보서비스

검색
다국어 입력

http://chineseinput.net/에서 pinyin(병음)방식으로 중국어를 변환할 수 있습니다.

변환된 중국어를 복사하여 사용하시면 됩니다.

예시)
  • 中文 을 입력하시려면 zhongwen을 입력하시고 space를누르시면됩니다.
  • 北京 을 입력하시려면 beijing을 입력하시고 space를 누르시면 됩니다.
닫기
    인기검색어 순위 펼치기

    RISS 인기검색어

      검색결과 좁혀 보기

      • 좁혀본 항목

      • 좁혀본 항목 보기순서

        • 원문유무
        • 음성지원유무
          • 원문제공처
          • 등재정보
          • 학술지명
          • 주제분류
          • 발행연도
          • 작성언어
          • 저자

        오늘 본 자료

        • 오늘 본 자료가 없습니다.
        더보기
        • 무료
        • 기관 내 무료
        • 유료
        • KCI등재
        • KCI등재
        • KCI등재
        • KCI등재
        • KCI등재

          제국을 향한 염원

          김수진(金秀珍) 한국미술연구소 2009 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.28

          As one of the Korean collections held in Honolulu Academy of Arts, the Screen of Cranes and peaches had been completed a preservation and restoration funded by the National Research Institute for Cultural Heritage in Korea 2006. This essay explores the art historical identity of the Screen of Cranes and peaches including the issues of the artists, the nationality, and the contexts of production. The work was originally one twelve panels screen, which was remounted as two six panel screens. The main motives, cranes and peaches have been considered as the representative symbols of longevity called Sipjangseng 十長生 in East Asia. Therefore, the paintings may have been made to commemorate the birthday celebration of a prominent member of the imperial family. As a decisive evidence, the screen has an inscription which says '?僊拱壽壬寅夏題' on the rock at the first panel. It denotes that the screen was designed to make wishes for the health and longevity of the senior host. Also, if we scrutinize the time, '壬寅 imin', it seems to be true that the Screen of Cranes and peaches, datable to 1902, was taken by liege who prepared to hold the celebration for the Ko-jong Emperor's 51th birthday. In the context of Korean court, it is remarkable that it is year 1902 when Ko-iong entered Kiloso (耆老所, membership of honorable seniors), the same year 40th anniversary inauguration. In 1897, Ko-jong reformed the structure of government and changed the name of his nation from Joseon dynasty (1392-1897) to the Great Han Empire (1897-1910), and launched a large number of new projects in order to enhance national capacity and status in the international community. Since the birthday of Ko-jong was established as a national holiday called Hwangsuseongjeol (皇壽聖節, commemoration of the emperor's birthday) 1897, the 51th birthday celebration was held on August 28th, 1902 on the Gregorian Calender. Therefore, ‘iminha (壬寅夏, summer in 1902)' in the record seems to indicate this period. The screen is likely to be the largest as well as the most opulent painting to have survived from the Korean court. While the Screen of Cranes and peaches succeeded the tradition of Joseon court painting in terms of the mounting, brush works, and iconography, it also presents an exceptional element of covering the whole background with golden-foil. The method of treating gold foil related to Japanese tradition explains the circumstance of the period that Korean imperial artistic currents were influenced by Japanese court-patronized style. The characteristics of the screen share affinities with works depicting cranes and peaches by Japanese artists such as Taki Katei(瀧和亭, 1830-1901), Ohashi Bishu(大橋美州, ?-?), Mashizu Shunnan(益頭峻南, 1851-1916), and so forth who participated in producing art works for both the court of Joseon dynasty and the Great Han Empire. The fact that the Japanese artists' works were left in Korean palaces also shows the possibility which the Screen of Cranes and peaches was completed by influence of Japanese art tradition currents or by collaboration with Korean and Japanese painters. However, the ham-handed way in which the golden foil is ornamented demonstrates the main artisan was not most likely to be the best Japanese court-patronized artist. This denotes that the screen was completed by the artists of the Great Han Empire court by accepting Japanese methods. The fact that Ko-jong administrated overall affairs under the slogan of 'gubonsincham' (舊本新參, reviewing the old and learning the new/focusing the old and referencing the new) might have represented that the Screen of Cranes and peaches depicted the eclectic visuality originated from both internal and external currents. Ko-jong's aspiration toward independent modern nation has helped to flourish royal art works and generate imperial style. The exceptional ornaments and gigantic scale of the screen symbolize the representative arts of the Great Han Empire, accepting the innovative style and ostentatiou

        • KCI등재

          조선시대 흉례도감의궤에 나타난 오봉병 연구

          명세나(明世羅) 한국미술연구소 2009 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.28

          This paper aims to study the term, use and mode of a Five peaks screen(五峯屛), which is one of the decorative court painting in the category of art history Five peaks screen refers to Five peaks painting drawn on the medium of a folding screen. Five peaks painting designates a painting, which is composed of various motifs such as the sun, the moon, five peaks, waves and pine trees. This Five peaks screen was generally placed behind the throne in Chosen dynasty. Nonetheless, it should not be overlooked that Five peaks screen was employed for a variety of use at Court in Chosen dynasty In brief, the Five peaks screen was not only placed behind the throne but also used for 凶禮 and a course for copying the painting of royal portraits. In this paper, I want to research about the Five peaks screen by examining the record of 凶禮都監儀軌(which means formality manual from the office in charge of the funeral rites) of Chosen dynasty, which was neglected in the existing studies. Since Chosen dynasty, the Five peaks screen has been calling in various terms so far. Though those terms were named after one related to icons, 'Five peaks screen' or 'Five peaks mountain screen' was recorded in a large number of Court documents and of 凶禮都監儀軌 in Chosen dynasty. It is considered that among the icons consisting of the Five peaks screen, Five peaks were more focused than the sun and the moon. It can be inferred form the fact that the icons of the sun and the moon were omitted in the canopy-Five peaks screen of 魂殿. In fact, instead of the sun and the moon, the painting of a sun-moon mirror was placed on the canopy-Five peaks screen. It is considered that the basis of such the sun-moon mirror was originated from 『Bao Pu Zi』 of Taoism. It is not clear, however, that how the original figure of the sun-moon mirror looked like due to the absence of a relic related to the term of the mirror or an explanatory diagram about the mirror. However, use of this mirror came to stop after King Youngjo period (1724-1776). Instead, it began to paint the sun and the moon using gold and silver dei right on the screen. It is believed that this way came to continue until the middle of the nineteenth century and since then the sun and the moon as the feature of the current Five peaks screen has been painted with red and white colors. Also, the screen was surely necessary for 凶禮儀式. The screen began to be used in 魂殿 and then 殯殿 and 山陵 as time went by. It shows that use of the screen during Chosen dynasty came to expand. Among the rest, the first document of historical materials was a Five peaks screen installed in 魂殿's canopy. 魂殿 was the place where king's ancestral tablets were put in for 3 years. Inside this Honjeon, the canopy was arranged to put the ancestral tablets and the screen comes to be placed inside canopy. Like this, 魂殿's canopy Five peaks screen became remained until the end of Chosen dynasty. On the other hand, the materials used for making the Five peaks screen were recorded in 凶禮都監儀軌 thoroughly. Especially the materials for 魂殿's canopy a Five peaks screen were recorded more thoroughly. It benefits to examine the chronological changes of the materials used for the Five peaks screen then. Therefore, I studied those materials shown 『[仁祖]殯殿都監儀軌』(1649), 『[正宗大王]殯殿魂殿都監儀軌(1800) and 『[仁祖]殯殿都監儀軌』(1895), among 凶禮都監儀軌. If colored pigments are examined, it is assumed that gold and silver dei was employed for the five-peaks-screen, which was used for 魂殿 during King Injo period, and has splendid feature. This mode was conveyed to 魂殿 during King Jungjo period. From the middle of the nineteenth century, however, use of silver dei disappeared and only gold die was employed. Through this fact, it can be inferred that the existing Eve peaks screen were mostly created after the nineteenth century. In addition, the end of the nineteenth century, use of cobalt blue and emerald green, which was not recorded in the previous 儀軌, ap

        • KCI등재

          河北 邯鄲 水浴寺西窟 硏究

          김선경(金善卿) 한국미술연구소 2009 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.28

          This paper is a case study under a broader theme of the visual culture of sixth-century Chinese Buddhism. focusing on the Shuiyusi West Cave at Handan in Henan. It was initiated, constructed, and used by the members of a Buddhist devotional society during the Northern Qi dynasty, and its donor images and accompanying cartouches provide valuable information on the devotional society's secular and monastic leaders. Two monastic images in particular, carved on the interior walls to either side of the entrance and identified as "Controller-in-Chief, Meditation Master Ding" and "Sengcan:' indicate that celebrated monks of the highest status participated in this construction project. The patronage by influential local elites, on the other hand, is highlighted by images of secular donors and dedicatory inscriptions. Particularly striking in this regard are those of the husband and wife, Lu Jingsong and Zhang Yuanfei, who appear not only at the Shuiyusi West Cave. but also at a cave nearby, where an inscription indicates that it was a burial cave dedicated by wife to husband, offering insight into the larger issue of mortuary practice and Buddhist culture. Shuiyusi West Cave clearly shows structural. iconographical. and stylistic affinity to the Xiangtangshan Caves, those representative monuments of the Northern Qi. Examples of this affinity include the stupa-shaped facade, and the engraving on the sides of the central pillar of the Three Buddhas-??kyarnuni (or vairocana). Amit?bha, and Maitreya-and the Spirit Kings. The image group on the north wall, however, speaks to a different prototype; it appears to conflate the D?pa?kara j?taka and Boy A?oka's Offering Mud. Identified by an adjacent inscription as D?pa?kara and (the) three boys", the image shows a standing Buddha accepting offerings from a prominent boy accompanied by two additional boys. This image differs significantly from the conventional representation of the D?pa?kara j?taka, where the youth offers hair for the Buddha to walk on, but is also rather reminiscent of Boy A?oka's Offering Mud. This study attempts to tease apart the specifics of such intertwined iconographies by analyzing comparable images at the earlier Yungang Caves, contemporaneous Buddhist stelae, and textual records. The images from Shuiyusi-the monastic and secular leaders of the devotional society and the scene of D?pa?kara j?taka-suggest an intimate creative interaction with Buddhist stelae of the region, another major venue for visual representation. This paper analyzes how the dedicators and makers of the Shuiyusi Cave successfully created a "room of their own" in terms of belief and visual imagination while adopting the prominent visual vocabularies of sixth-century Northern China as seen in Buddhist stelae.

        • KCI등재

          다다와 초현실주의 미술에 나타난 평범함의 정치학

          오진경(吳鎭敬) 한국미술연구소 2009 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.28

          With the rapid growth of urban population by industrialization and the progress of mass production technique by machine, leisure activity for city workers have got to be possible, accordingly, cultural consumption structure has changed, and popular culture started to rise to the surface targeted for many ordinary masses, not only for some elite classes. Art has naturally come to reflect such social change in its materials and expression styles. Mass-produced objects, printing materials and photo images often introduced in modern art productions are the expressions of life pictures living in the modern society in which mass production and consumption has become a routine reality. As their representative examples, this paper looked into the photo montages of Berlin Dadaists having struggled to re-combine the fragments of photo images keeping specific factuality as an extraordinary way, and transmitted strong political messages. And Merz-collages of Kurt Schwitters gathering up miscellaneous printing materials dumped as wastes and creating delicate formativeness ranking next to abstract painting. In the same context, and also it explored readymades of Marcel Duchamp picking up mass-produced commodities, nullifying the practical traits and converting the meaning of plain things to unique and original art works. Banality to Dadaists became weapons to scold the selfishness and arrogance of the older generation bringing about a tragedy so-called first world war, and to attack the hierarchial and prejudiced vision of existing art communities, and in addition, effective means to shape art not split from the life of all plain people. Banality playing a critical and challenging weapons to dadaism served as the ground of 'aesthetics of routineness' to find out a door heading for surrealist world in daily life, as it was linked with the positive view of surrealism seeking an alternative art to reconstruct Europe ruined by the first world war. A surrealist production often takes an outrageous and illogic expression pattern, so it was misconceived as art turning a deaf ear to the reality and tracking fantasy. However, indeed Surrealism was a humanistic movement which came up with a specific and practicable alternative to drastically recognize realistic problems and resolve them. and struggled to rights and freedom to lead the chaotic realistic world to an orderly direction all people dream of. The production of surrealists utilizing routine objects and reproductive images were the attempts to realize that goal in a formative way. Rene Magritte reaped an unexpected formative effect by putting the images of familiar and common routine objetcs side by side with an extravagant combination against physical rules and logical thoughts, and produced painting leading the spectator to a mystical world 'depaysement' process. Max Ernst created a strange and wonderful world like alchemy through collages illogically attaching cuts and photo images containing concrete reality. Savador Dali tried to intentionally shamming the free imagination of an organized mental disease called paranoia, and express the another world of truth invisible to the eyes of normal people. And the box series of Joseph Cornell, arranging in a small box bead, glass cup, tobacco pipe and routine goods, an astronomical chart, and old map, displayed the transcendental world of time and space where the past, the presence, internal space and the universe co-exist. In a word, banality to surrealists was a formative means to materialize the belief that they can find out, even in daily repeating routine, a door heading for mystical, wonderful and poetic world, in other words surrealite : the world of absolute reality. This kind of strategy of banality revealed by Dada and Surrealism was inherited to all art trends actively applying to art production mass-produced objects, images and re-production technique such as Neo-Dada, Pop Art, Nouveau Realisme, Nouvelle Figuration

        • KCI등재

          1930ㆍ40년대 일본회화의 만주국표상

          최재혁(崔在爀) 한국미술연구소 2009 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.28

          Although Manchukuo professed to be an informal empire, it was inherently a colony of Imperial Japan which was disguised with a puppet state. Unlike other established colonies, the Japanese of the time saw it as an expansion of their thinking and world view. Thoughts representing this appear in slogans like Kingly Way(王道樂士) and Harmony of the Five Races(五族協和). Such slogans were enthusiastically backed by the cultivated Japanese, offering the possibility of trans-nationalism. It was, however, nothing but an extreme manifestation of ultra-nationalism, often requested during war time. Manchukuo was also regarded as a 'laboratory of Imperial Japan,' that executed diverse artistic ideals and programs impossible to conduct in Japan. In my dissertation I examine how an image of Manchukuo was formed through artwork by Japanese painters. between the 1930s and the 1940s, and by discourse on their art. Some artists simply reproduced mainstream, Imperial ideology, and adhered to government policy. Included in this group are Okada Saburousuke, whose Kingly Way mural represents Manchuria as a paradise, attained through multi-national collaboration, based on economic prosperity. Also Kwabata Ryushi, whose serial work expressed the emotion of Romanticism and militarism, displaying sympathy for state intentions. Painters who experienced Manchuria by travel saw it as a place for exploring new realist methodology. Ideal images of Manchuria clash with images that they generated from firsthand experience, especially those by non-mainstream groups of artists, affiliated with the Independent Fine Arts Association. The gap between ideal and reality is also, unconsciously represented, in Nakayama Takashi's work, also in Hukuzawa Ichiro's work, poignantly denunciating this gap through metaphor, implication, and satire. For Kai Mihachirou and member artists of the Research Society for Manchuria Local Color who accepted Manchuria as their living space, their work was motivated by longing for and confusion in their identity. Some causes such as a sense of crisis for their loss of home and demand on their collective identity as a people of the modernized fatherland made them perceive Manchuria as their new fatherland. Due to its diversity, such as its contradictory quality as Imperial Japan's colony and an independent state; coexistence of encouraged solidarity and substantial discrimination; romantic emotions offered by its regional specificity as a vast land; and a laboratory of Imperial Japan, Manchukuo is presented differently from other colonies. In the study of Manchukuo, it's required to renew our understanding of relationships between an empire and a colony as the one-sided flow between the ruling and the ruled. We need to compare and examine a variety of visual genres, noting relationships between an empire and its colonies, and between each colony and its intake of heterogeneous culture.

        • KCI등재

          小癡 許鍊의 《蔡氏孝行圖》 삽화

          김상엽 한국미술연구소 2008 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.26

          Because '2008 is the 200th anniversary of Sochi(小癡) Heo Ryeon(許鍊: 1808-1893) who was a painter at the end of Joseon, various events are expected to be held in July and August including the special exhibition at the Gwangju National Museum. As a disciple of Kim, Jeonghui(金正喜), Heo, Ryeon was the only painter being recognized in the central world of artists among painters from countryside and spread Kim, Jeonghui's Scholar painting style in his hometown, Honam region. Chaessihyohaengdo(蔡氏孝行圖: Picture of Chae, Hongnyeom's Filial Piety) possessed by an individual is the most remarkable work among those newly found in the course of preparing for the special exhibition in commemoration of the 200th anniversary of Heo, Ryeon. Chaessihyohaengdo is a picture book being made in 1882 by grandson and great-grandson of Chae, Hongnyeom in order to praise his filial piety. Five pieces's illustration of Chaessihyohaengdo drawn by Heo, Ryeon displays the most excellent value among his works. Chaessihyohaengdo has great importance because contents of filial piety, author and the year of manufacture, etc. are exactly known. Especially the goblin in the 5th picture is the first picture of a Tokaebi(Korean Demon) being found, so it has great importance in the aspect of folklore. Heo, Ryeon's illustration of Chaessihyohaengdo enables us to confirm the influence of the Model Behaviors on Five Basic Human Relations(五倫行實圖, Oryunhaengsildo) that was published around 1797. Through this picture, we can know that Heo, Ryeon was a painter who was also excellent in human customs as well as excellent in drawing landscapes and peony as known till now. From such viewpoint, Chaessihyohaengdo is a piece of work that urges us to view range and depth of Heo, Ryeon's painting world from new point of view. Because Heo, Ryeon manufactured the Chaessihyohaengdo being impressed by the contents of such filial piety by means of interactions with Chae, Hongnyeom's family for long time and their active support, such a monumental work seemed to have been manufactured. 조선 말기의 화가 小癡 許鍊(1808-1893)의 탄신 200주년인 올해 7·8월에는 국립광주박물관의 특별전시회를 위시하여 여러 행사가 개최될 예정이다. 秋史 金正喜의 제자인 허련은 지방출신 화가로는 유일하게 중앙의 화단에서 인정받았으며 김정희의 사의적인 남종화풍을 그의 고향인 호남지방에 파급시켰다. 허련의 회화는 4대에 걸친 후손들에게 이어졌고, 허련은 호남화단의 정신적 지주가 되었다. 개인 소장의 《蔡氏孝行圖》는 소치 허련 탄신 200주년 기념 특별전을 준비하는 과정에서 새로 발견된 작품 가운데 가장 주목할 만한 작품이다. 《채씨효행도》 삽화는 효자 蔡弘念의 효행을 기리기 위하여 채홍념의 손자와 증손자에 의해 1882년에 만들어진 화첩으로서 허련의 그림은 5장이다. 《채씨효행도》 삽화 5점은 지금까지 전해지고 있는 허련의 작품 가운데 가장 우수한 작품성을 보이는 작품 가운데 하나이다. 《채씨효행도》 삽화는 그의 작품에서 볼 수 있는 일반적 경향인 “거칠고 자유분방한 필치”나 “푸르스름한 담청을 즐겨 쓰는 개성적인 담채”를 넘어 정제된 세필과 적절한 담채로 수준 높은 작품을 완성해 냈다. 조선시대의 효행도는 대개 판화이거나 효자도 병풍 또는 민화 등으로 제작되었기 때문에 대개 작자를 알기 어려운 경우가 많은데 비하여, 《채씨효행도》 삽화는 효행의 내용, 작자, 제작 연대 등이 정확한 작품이라는 점에서 그 중요성이 크다. 특히 다섯 번째 그림인 〈귀화전도(악천후로 제삿날에 갈 수 없게 되자 도깨비가 나와 길을 인도함)〉의 도깨비는 처음 발견된 도깨비그림이라는 점에서 민속학적인 측면에서의 중요성도 크다. 도깨비는 중국이나 일본의 귀신과는 다른 독특한 존재로서 그 모습에 대한 여러 설이 있었는데 이 그림에서 처음으로 인간과 유사한 모습의 도깨비를 볼 수 있기 때문이다. 허련의 《채씨효행도》 삽화는 대개 1797년에 간행된 『五倫行實圖』의 영향을 확인할 수 있게 해주며 지금까지 알려진 것처럼 허련이 산수와 묵모란만을 잘 그린 화가가 아니라 인물·풍속에도 뛰어난 화가였음을 알 수 있다. 이러한 점에서 《채씨효행도》 삽화는 허련 회화세계의 폭과 깊이를 새로운 각도에서 조명할 필요가 있음을 촉구하는 작품이라 할 수 있다. 전통시대의 직업화가 또는 직업적 화가들의 작품 제작 능력이 어느 정도였는지를 알 수 있게 해주는 예가 된다는 점도 간과할 수 없다. 허련 정도의 명성을 가진 직업적 화가는 주문자의 신분 또는 대가의 경중에 따라 필치를 바꿀 수 있었음을 전제할 필요가 있는 것이다. 결국 《채씨효행도》 삽화는 채씨 집안의 적극적 의지와 지원에다 30여 년에 가까운 오랜 교류로 인하여 그 孝烈의 내용을 익히 알고 있던 허련이 감응하여 제작한 작품이기 때문에 이와 같은 기념비적 작품이 제작된 것으로 여겨진다.

        맨 위로 스크롤 이동