고조선어와 몽골어의 비교연구 시론

이성규 한국몽골학회 2018 몽골학 Vol.0 No.55

According to the archaeological researches, Gojoseon(古朝鮮) is locally composed of Liaoshi(遼西), Liaotung(遼東), and the Korean peninsula, and is periodically sorted from the 7th century BC to the 3rd century BC. In particular, it seems that Gojoseon Language was established in the 4th century BC. On the other hand, the Gojoseon language was used as a common language in the area of ​​Gojoseon, but it seems that the languages ​​of various races living in the area of ​​Gojoseon were also used together. The Mongolian language, which is comparable to the Gojoseon language, is Donghu(東胡). However, because there is little data for Dongho, it is necessary to compare it with that of Sianbei(鮮卑), which is considered to be a descendant of Donghu. However, there is a considerable difference in the time between the Sianbei and Gojoseon, so we need to be careful about comparative studies. According to the records of Wiman Joseon(衛滿朝鮮), it is believed that the area of ​​Gojoson in the 2nd century BC was mixed with Mongolian language and Chinese (漢語) in addition to Gojoseon. It is presumed that the direct descendant including Wiman used the northern language. In the place names of the Korean language, the Dal(達) and Hul(忽) appear. The Dal is a mountain and the Hul represents a castle. And Hul(忽) appears in the languages ​​of three kingdoms(三國) ​​including Koguryeo(高句麗), which is the successor of Gojoseon and Mongolian languages. According to analyzing the Gojoseon vocabulary of <Bangon(方言)>, the vocabulary that can be connected with Mongolian is analyzed in about 10 out of 32. And many of these vocabularies can be connected with Korean language, so it seems that the ancestors of Korean and Mongolian users lived in the Joseon and Yeolsu(洌水) during that time. According to the archaeological researches, Gojoseon(古朝鮮) is locally composed of Liaoshi(遼西), Liaotung(遼東), and the Korean peninsula, and is periodically sorted from the 7th century BC to the 3rd century BC. In particular, it seems that Gojoseon Language was established in the 4th century BC. On the other hand, the Gojoseon language was used as a common language in the area of ​​Gojoseon, but it seems that the languages ​​of various races living in the area of ​​Gojoseon were also used together. The Mongolian language, which is comparable to the Gojoseon language, is Donghu(東胡). However, because there is little data for Dongho, it is necessary to compare it with that of Sianbei(鮮卑), which is considered to be a descendant of Donghu. However, there is a considerable difference in the time between the Sianbei and Gojoseon, so we need to be careful about comparative studies. According to the records of Wiman Joseon(衛滿朝鮮), it is believed that the area of ​​Gojoson in the 2nd century BC was mixed with Mongolian language and Chinese (漢語) in addition to Gojoseon. It is presumed that the direct descendant including Wiman used the northern language. In the place names of the Korean language, the Dal(達) and Hul(忽) appear. The Dal is a mountain and the Hul represents a castle. And Hul(忽) appears in the languages ​​of three kingdoms(三國) ​​including Koguryeo(高句麗), which is the successor of Gojoseon and Mongolian languages. According to analyzing the Gojoseon vocabulary of <Bangon(方言)>, the vocabulary that can be connected with Mongolian is analyzed in about 10 out of 32. And many of these vocabularies can be connected with Korean language, so it seems that the ancestors of Korean and Mongolian users lived in the Joseon and Yeolsu(洌水) during that time.

조중고고발굴대의 조사와 북한 - 중국의 고조선 역사 갈등 - 『안지민 일기』를 중심으로

강인욱 동북아역사재단 2023 東北亞歷史論叢 Vol.- No.79

In this paper, the author reexamined the North Korea-Chinese joint excavation(NKCE as below) on Gojoseon, which was conducted from 1963 to 1965 years. This reexamination is based on the newly published An Zhimin’s diary in the 2020 year, who headed the Chinese team of NKCE. In 1955, immediately after the Korean War, the Soviet Union published colossal series of “The History of the World” which North Korea strongly opposed it. The reason was that this book describes the beginning of the ancient history of Korea since the Chinese prefecture and the Three Kingdoms period without mentioning Gojoseon. This caused Lee Ji-rin’s study of Gojoseon at Peking University. After receiving his diploma in 1961, to prove his research, Lee, Ji-Rinorganized NKCE in the 1963 year. However, contrary to Lee Ji-rin’s wishes, he failed to find the center of Gojoseon. Subsequently, in 1964 year Lee, Ji-rin withdrew from the front line, and archaeologists from North Korea headed to the front to prove the existence of Gojoseon by proving accompanied burials (殉葬) on the excavation of the stone filed tombs like Gangshang and Loushang in the Dalian area and defining it as a slavery society. And North Korean researchers regarded this as significant evidence of Gojoseon’s existence. On the other hand, NKCE paradoxically triggered the conflict between Korea and China. So, in 1965, the last term of joint research, most of the joint field work has canceled, but zengjiawozi burial site, Shenyang. Anyway, the most significant noble tomb No. 6512 of zengjiawozi has been ruled out from the joint excavation report. If considered the No.6512 tomb is the biggest tomb of Gojoseon during the 5th cen BCE, this was intended by the chinese team. Shortly after the NKCE, china went through a severe period of the Cultural Revolution and the two countries never could communicate over the history of Gojoseon. These two countries soon began to experience conflict as nationalist views of history were spreading rapidly. Since 2002, China dramatically changes its view over ancient Korean history and claimed its historical authority over Manchuria as seen in the doctrine Northeast Asia Project. The NKCE, regarded as China’s first and last large international joint excavation, ended in disruption and became a taboo case in China. However, NKCE’s meaning is very significant. After this joint work, China’s point of historical view on Manchuria radically changed as a spread of Chinese people(漢族)-centered history. It is no exaggeration to say that China’s aggressive and expansionary view of history began with the reaction to the conflict between Gojoseon and North Korea 60 years ago. In addition, the system for the archaeology of Gojoseon established by NKCE still retains its influence on the study of Gojoseon in South Korea. As such, for both Korea and China, NKCE was never a minor incident that was forgotten or ended in a conflict. Rather, it was a huge undercurrent that begins a lengthy historical dispute over Gojoseon between the two countries and defined the contemporary study of Gojoseon research in South Korea. 이 글에서는 남북한 고조선 연구 인식의 획기가 되는 1963~1965년의 ‘조중고고발굴대’의 전모를 새롭게 발간된 중국 측 담당자인 안지민의 일기를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 비록 3년이라는 짧은 시간에 이루어진 공동조사였지만, 그 배경은 사회주의권의 정치적인 상황과 연결되어 있다. 1950년대 소련의 『세계통사』에서 고조선 부분이 누락된 것에 불만을 가진 북한은 중국과 연결하여 리지린을 북경대에 유학을 보냈다. 그리고 리지린은 새로운 고조선 연구로 만주를 고조선의 영역으로 규정하는 동시에 도유호로 대표되는 북한 고고학계의 헤게모니를 빼앗았다. 조중고고발굴대는 이러한 북한 학계의 고조선 연구의 일환으로 이루어졌다. 하지만 실제 조사에서는 의도한 결과가 나올 수 없었다. 만주국의 피해를 겪은 중국 측의 강한 반발과 명청대의 문헌을 근거로 고조선을 찾으려는 문헌사학자 리지린의 오판 때문이었다. 1차년도에 고조선의 중심지를 찾는 데 실패한 리지린은 일선에서 물러나고 대신에 2차년도부터는 고고학자들이 일선에 등장했다. 김용간, 황기덕, 장주협 등의 소장고고학자들은 방향을 전환해서 대련지역의 강상과 누상 적석묘의 발굴을 통한 순장을 증명하고 노예제 사회로 규정시키는 쪽으로 연구를 전환했다. 이렇듯 조중고고발굴대는 역설적으로 리지린은 퇴장을 촉발했고 대신에 무리하게 패수와 왕검성을 찾고자 하는 문헌사 연구대신에 고조선 연구에서 고고학이 중심에 서는 기반이 되었다. 반면, 중국은 조중고고발굴대가 공식적으로 주은래가 공동조사를 승인하기 전인 1963년 봄부터 그 조사를 준비했다. 그 과정에서 만주국 시절 및 하얼빈의 러시아인들이 조사한 유적들의 현황을 파악했고, 이는 당시까지 부진했던 중국 동북지역의 고고학의 기틀을 잡는 계기가 되었다. 반면에, 실제 조사에서는 지속적으로 북한과 충돌을 일으켰고, 만주에 대한 중국의 민족주의적 감정 또한 여과 없이 드러났다. 이러한 갈등으로 3차년도는 사실상 파행적으로 이루어져서 대부분의 조사는 중단된 채 정가와자 유적에서만 간단한 조사가 이루어졌다. 또한 고조선을 가장 대표하는 무덤인 정가와자 6512호와 하가점상층문화의 대형무덤인 남산근 101호묘 등은 정작 공동조사 보고서에서 누락된 것 또한 양국의 불편한 심기를 반영한다. 중국 최초이자 마지막으로 시행된 대형 국제 공동발굴이었던 조중고고발굴대는 파행으로 끝나고, 중국에서는 금기시되는 사건이 되었지만 그 의의는 매우 크다. 이 조사를 기점으로 중국의 조사는 변방을 다양한 사람의 역사가 아니라 한족 중심의 역사가 확산되는 것으로 보려는 관점으로 전환되었다. 중국의 공세적이며 팽창적인 역사관은 60년 전 북한과 고조선을 사이에 둔 분쟁의 반작용에서 시작되었다고 해도 과언이 아닐 것이다. 또한 조중고고발굴대에서 설정된 고조선의 고고학에 대한 체계는 지금도 남한 고조선 연구의 주축을 이룬다. 이와 같이 북한과 중국 모두에게 조중고고발굴대는 결코 잊히거나 다툼으로 끝난 사소한 사건이 아니었다. 오히려 중국과 한국의 고대사 분쟁의 서막을 열었으며 고조선 연구의 방향을 규정한 거대한 암류(暗流)였다.

소하연(小河沿)문화유적 출토 인형방식(人形蚌飾)에 보이는 고조선 복식

박선희 ( Sun Hee Park ) 국제뇌교육종합대학원 국학연구원 2016 선도문화 Vol.20 No.-

이 논문은 고조선문화와 직접 관련 있는 홍산문화(서기전 4500~서기전 3000년)를 이은 小河沿문화유적(서기전 3000년~서기전 2000년)에서 출토된 ‘인형방식’에 나타난 의복양식을 주목한다. 이 인형식은 부분적으로 훼손되었으나 고조선시기 복식양식을 추정할 수 있는 결정적 유물자료로서 머리양식과 의복양식 이외에 장식기법 및 허리띠 양식 등을 사실적으로 보여주고 있다. ‘인형방식’의 복식에 주목하는 까닭은 소하연문화가 홍산문화 보다 늦은 동석병용시대에 속하는 문화로 뒤이어 초기 청동기시대에 속하며 고조선문화로 분류되는 하가점하층문화(서기전 2000~서기전1500년)에 곧바로 계승되어지기 때문이다. 또한 홍산문화의 유적과 유물들이 그 시기와 양식을 고려할 때 고조선문화의 전단계로 해석되며 복식유물에서 더욱 그러한 양상이 두드러지는 까닭이다. 홍산문화 사람들은 상투 머리를 하였는데 그 위를 옥으로 장식하거나 또는 옥으로 만든 머리덮개를 사용하였다. 이러한 머리양식은 신분을 상징하며 의식을 거행할 때 사용했던 머리 갖춤새였을 것으로 여겨진다. 이러한 머리 갖춤새는 소하연문화 등의 발전시기를 거치며 고조선으로 이어져 한민족의 고유한 머리양식으로 자리잡으며 여기에 장식이 더해져 점차 화려해져 갔다. ‘인형방식’은 넓은 소매의 웃옷을 입고 있다. ‘인형방식’의 웃옷에는 둥근달개장식이 보이는데 이는 홍산문화로부터 비롯되어 일관되게 고조선 영역에 전반적으로 확산되었던 고유한 장식기법이다. 이러한 특징을 복식문화의 한 시대적인 조형적 양상으로 볼 수도 있지만 고조선 이후 열국시대에 이르기까지 지속적으로 사용되어지고 이후 고구려의 불꽃문양을 표현한 금동관등에도 표현되는 것으로 보면 태양신을 섬기는 천신신앙의 문화적인 전통이 계승되어진 것으로 해석되어진다. ‘인형방식’의 허리부분에는 허리띠장식이 보인다. 이러한 허리띠장식은 이미 홍산문화유적 등에서 나타나기 시작하여 이후 고조선과 부여, 고구려 등의 초기유적에서 보여지며 삼국으로 이어진다. 일반적으로 복식사와 고고학 연구자들은 한국 고대복식에 나타나는 허리띠장식은 본래 기마 유목민들의 풍속이었던 것이 중국으로 들어온 것이며, 우리나라에서 그러한 양식을 배운 것이라고 주장해 왔다. 소하연문화의 허리띠양식은 이러한 주장이 모순임을 잘 밝혀주고 있다. 이처럼 ‘인형방식’에 나타나는 머리양식ㆍ복식양식ㆍ착용기법ㆍ장식양식과 기법ㆍ문양 등은 한국 고대복식의 원형이 중국이나 북방호복계통에서 비롯되었다는 종래의 통설화 된 견해들이 모순임을 새롭게 밝혀주고 있다. The initial research on the history of dress was generally concentrated on adjustment and the width and length of the sleeves of the top garment and outer garment, where the Chinese style showed wide and long sleeves with right adjust, and the northern style showed narrow and short sleeves on the left adjust. Among the elements of the northern style, the left adjust and short sleeves was brought to Korea, and as a result the ancient dress of Korea was of the Chinese style, with its origins in the Scythians, and has been generally considered the conventional view. Also, the pants of ancient Korea has been believed to be Goseup (Northern Chinese garment, 袴褶), and the skirt has been researched as ‘the dress that originated from that of China.’ This paper will focus on the dress style of the clam dolls excavated from Sohayeon historic ruins (B.C. 3,000∼B.C. 2,000) which followed Hongsan Culture (B.C. 4,500∼B.C. 3,000), which is directly related to the Gojoseon Culture. The doll made of clam shell has been partially damaged but is considered to be the critical relic material that will help the research figure out the dress style during Gojoseon period, and the relic still displays hair and dress styles, and also accessories and belt styles. The reason why the dress style of the doll is being concentrated on is because Sohayeon culture belongs to the Stone-Bronze Age which comes after Hongsan Culture, ultimately belonging to the early Bronze Age and directly leads to the Xiajiadian, lower stratum, which is categorized as Gojoseon culture. Also, the relics and the historic sites of Hongsan Culture, considering the time and the style, belongs to the previous stage of Gojoseon culture, and is especially noticeable in the dress relics. Hongsan Culture, which was formed before Gojoseon and belongs to the transitional period between Stone Age and Bronze Age, succeeded the oldest Neolith Culture of Southeast Asia, Sohaseo Culture (B.C. 7,000∼ B.C. 6,500), and the jade relics and altar ruins that show global creativity received great attention. The dress-related relics including spinning and weaving tools, sewing tools, hairpin, jade cap, accessories, and sculptures were excavated. The various dress relics show great similarities with the dress relics excavated on the Korean peninsula and Manchuria, with style association and also the association in succession. Moreover, the stone-pile ruins, which are interpreted to be altar ruins of Gojoseon era with the similar form as the altar ruins from Hongsan Culture, were discovered throughout the Korean peninsula, which indicates that the region from the Korean peninsula to Manchuria all belonged to the ritual culture. Also, studies suggest that the people of Sohayeon culture and Xiajiadian, lower stratum, may all be of the same race in terms of constitution and anthropology. These contents reveal that people of Sohayeon Culture, the descendents of Hongsan Culture, are the dependents of the same race as people of Gojoseon of Xiajiadian, lower stratum. This discussion focuses on the doll excavated in Sohayeon Historic Site, and through the comparison and analysis of dress relics of Korean peninsula and Manchuria to those of neighboring nations, to positively interpret and multilaterally figure out the origin of the dress of Gojoseon. The people of Hongsan Culture had topknot hair, and had jade decoration on the top or used a jade cap. Such hair style symbolized social status, and it is believed to be the style during rituals. Afterwards, the hair style and the tradition of wearing hats in Hongsan Culture went through a development period during Sohayeon Culture and settled as the unique dress style of the Korean race, and developed into a fancier style with additional decorations. The ‘clam doll’ is partially wearing an outer garment with wide sleeves. Even though the records come from later period, but the records state that the Korean race wore outer garments with narrower sleeves, which indicates that during the Sohayeon period, people wore shorter outer garments and tucked the outer garment in the pants or skirts. Belt decoration can be found in the waist level of the ‘clam doll.’ Such belt decoration already appeared in other ruins such as Hongsan Culture ruins, and leads to ruins from Gojoseon, Buyeo, and Goguryeo period, and eventually can be found in the Three Kingdoms. However, researchers in dress history and archeology view the belt decorations as the derivation from the Chinese style. Also, archeologists had spoken out that belt decorations originally spread into China from the traditions of horseback nomads, and the Korean race had adopted the style. The belt decoration of Sohayeon Culture proves this to be false. The thin iron decorations can be seen on the top garment of the doll. Such decoration originated from Hongsan Culture and was displayed consistently and eventually spread to Gojoseon region to form the generational appearance of dress culture. However, since the iron decoration was continuously used throughout many different time periods, and appear even in the golden crown and golden lanterns that expressed fiery shapes, it can be interpreted that it is the succession of the tradition of the belief in the heavenly gods that served the sun god. The dress styles and decoration methods that appear in the ‘clam doll’ of Sohayeon culture clearly rebukes the general belief that the dress style of Gojoseon first originated in China or northern regions. As such, the researches on dress that relates to periods previous to Gojoseon is carried out based on specific relic materials, which gives credibility of evidence and logical method, leading to the belief that the original form of Gojoseon dress will be soon discovered without difficulties.

고조선 국가의 영역 확대와 고조선 청동기의 분포

신용하 ( Yong-ha Shin ) 한국사회사학회 2014 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.101

사회학적 실증주의 방법과 사회사적 해석을 도입하면, 문헌이 극도로 부족한 고조선에 대해서도 많은 난제를 해결할 수 있다. 고조선 국가의 영역은 당시 기록이 없기 때문에 고문헌만으로는 밝힐 수 없다. 그러나 사회학적 실증주의는 당시의유적·유물을 가장 중시하기 때문에 당시 고조선 사람들이 거주하다 묻힌 당시무덤들과 당시 부장품들 가운데서 고조선의 생활용구임이 극히 명료한 당시 출토물의 분포도를 그려서 개략적 영역을 밝히고 지도에도 개략적 영역을 그릴 수 있다. 그러한 대표적인 고조선 당시 유물이 ① 다뉴조문경 및 다뉴세문경 ② 비파형청동단검 ③ 부채꼴 청동도끼이다. 이 세가지 고조선 당시 청동기의 출토 지역을 다른 영역설정 요인을 참고하면서 연결하면, 고조선의 영역은 ① 남쪽으로는 후국인 진국(辰國)을 포함하여 한반도전역과 ② 동으로는 지금의 연해주까지 ③ 북으로는 일차적으로 송화강과 눈강하류까지, 이차적으로 고조선 후국 부여(夫餘)의 융성기에는 아무르강(흑룡강)까지, ④ 서쪽으로는 난하를 건너 후국인 고죽국(孤竹國)의 서부국경인 조백하(潮白河)까지 융성기에 영역을 확대했음을 알 수 있다. Gojoseon-style multi-knobbed bronze mirror with course lines, mandolin-shaped bronze dagger and fan-shaped axe is sharply different from the ones from ancient China. This uniqueness of Gojoseon bronze artifacts leads us sociologically to surmise that the sites of the discovery of Gojoseon bronze artifacts are coterminous with the territory of Gojoseon’s territory in its most flourishing phase which include the land of its vassal states. Gojoseon-style multi-knobbed bronze mirror with course lines, mandolin-shaped bronze dagger and fan-shaped axes have been discovered from all over the Korean peninsula which irrefutably testifies to the fact that the entire Korean peninsula was the territory of Gojoseon and its vassal states. Gojoseon-style multi-knobbed bronze mirror with course lines, mandolin-shaped bronze dagger and fan-shaped axes have been discovered in Manchuria the lower basin of the Sungari(songhwa) and Nenjiang(嫩江) rivers, while the area lying north of this region has yielded Buyeo-style clay artifacts. It is apparent that the lower reach of the Sungari and Nen rivers represent the primary territory of Gojoseon and if we include the secondary territory, i.e. the land of its vassal states such as Buyeo, the realm of Gojoseon expands to Amur river. The Eastern territory of Gojoseon included the present-day Russian Maritime area in the Far east, as several sites in this region have yielded several Gojoseon style bronze artifacts, including multi-knobbed bronze mirror with course lines. Chaobai river appeared to sever as the Western border of Gojoseon, since the historical records note that when Duke Huan of Qi, a powerful Chinese hegemon attacked Gojoseon, the entire Chaobai River basin served as Gojoseon’s warfront for the resistance of the chinese army. Discovery of Gojoseon-style bronze artifacts in the Chaobai river valley across the Luan River further strengthen our argument. The distribution of Gojoseon bronze artifacts sheds lights on the vast territorial expanse of Gojoseon during its most flourishing phase which included the entire Korean penninsula, stretched to the Amur River basin in the north, reached the maritime territory in the East and extended to the Chaobai river in the West.

한국 고대사 속의 재난과 이동 - 고조선의 영역 변천을 중심으로 -

김성한 ( Kim Seong-han ) 호남사학회(구 전남사학회) 2018 역사학연구 Vol.69 No.-

한국고대사에서 고조선의 이동은 재난과 그 재난에 대한 피난 활동이었다. 고조선은 전국 연의 침공을 받아 오늘날 하북 노령현 일대에서 오늘날 요하 바로 동쪽으로 그 중심지를 이동하였으며, 중원을 통일한 진의 침공을 받아 재차 그 중심지를 동쪽으로 이동할 수밖에 없었다. 이에 고조선이 최종적으로 왕험성에 도읍을 하였던 것이다. 학계는 중국 당나라 사람이 고조선의 왕험성을 고구려의 평양성과 동일 지역에 위치하였다고 보는 인식에 기초하고, “평양에 도읍을 두었는데, 장안성이라고도 한다”는 중국 사서의 기록에 근거하여, 왕험성의 위치를 오늘날의 평양지역에 비정하고 있다. 하지만 낙랑군의 존속하였던 시기에 처음 축성된(247년) 평양성은 낙랑군이 물러난 이후에 증축되었으나(334년), 수도가 되고(427년) 수도가 장안성으로 옮겨질 때까지도(586년) 그 위치를 옮긴 적이 없었다. 북위 사람 역도원이 고구려 사신으로부터 직접 들은 정보에 근거한 515~524년경의 기록에 따르면, 왕험성이 위치한 고구려의 평양성과 낙랑군 조선현은 동일 지역이 아니라, 浿水를 따라 각각 동과 서에 위치하였다고 한다. 따라서 고조선의 도읍 왕험성, 고구려의 수도 평양성, 낙랑군의 치소 조선현은 오늘날 평양지역에 위치하였을 가능성이 없다. 오늘날 평양지역에서 발굴된 고구려의 長安城은 중국 사서에 언급된 平壤城·國內城·漢城 3京의 하나인 漢城일 가능성이 크다. 漢城은 중국 사서에 보이는 반면에 우리 사서에는 축성에 관한 내용이 확인되지 않는 반면, 長安城의 축성 내용은 확인된다. 게다가 漢城은 國名, 長安城은 漢의 도읍명이라는 관계도 주목해야 한다. When the Zhou Dynasty declined, the Lord of the Yan State called himself the king, and intended to expand the territory to the east, where Gojoseon was located. Joseon’s Hou (marquis), a descendant of Jizi, also called himself the king and conspired to attack the Yan State to dignify the Zhou royal family. However, Joseon’s Hou took the advice of Li, a minister, and abandoned the conspiracy. Then, Joseon’s Hou sent Li as an envoy to the Yan State to make a compromise that the Lord of the Yan State should call himself the king and the ruler of Gojoseon should keep the position of Hou, and this led to the Yan State’s quitting the eastern expansion policy. The Warring State of Yan, which was in the heyday, ordered General Qin Kai to invade Gojoseon on the pretext that the descendant of Joseon Hou was arrogant and tyrannical. As a result, the Yan State occupied the land equivalent to approximately 2,000 li (7,854,000 m) in the western region of Gojoseon, and dispatched the administrator to the region and built a fortress. Thus, Gojoseon of Jizi, which was located in the present Lulong County of Hebei province, moved east of the Manpanhan area, which was newly bordered with the Yan State. Prior to this, the Yan State ordered General Qin Kai to invade Donghu in the east and occupied the land equivalent to approximately 1,000 li (3,927,000 m). The Yan State established five counties - Shanggu County, Yuyang County, Youbeiping County, Liaohsi County and Liaotung County - in the land taken from Donghu and Gojoseon, and built a long fortress wall. Among the five counties, Liaohsi County and Liaotung County were established in the land equivalent to approximately 2,000 li (7,854,000 m) taken from Gojoseon, and Liaotung County adjoined the western region of Manpanhan, which was located west of the QianShan mountain range. In the process of unifying China, the Qin Dynasty invaded Jicheng, the capital of the Yan State, and the king of the Yan State fled to Liaotung. The Qin Dynasty even attacked Liaotung and destroyed the Yan Dynasty. Further, the Qin Dynasty invaded and destroyed Gojoseon, and built the outer fortress of Liaotung on the newly occupied land and annexed Gojoseon. Thus, the fortress that the Yan State built to manage the boundary with Gojoseon were no longer useful. After the Han Dynasty replaced the Qin Dynasty, it abandoned the outer fortress of Liaotung which was built during the Qin Dynasty, because it was far apart and thus difficult to maintain. Then, the Han Dynasty repaired the old fortress built by the Yan State, and bordered Gojoseon on Pei Creek in the east. As a result, the land occupied by the Qin Dynasty, which ranged from Pei Creek in the west to the outer fortress of Liaotung in the east, became an area that does not belong to any country. Thus, in the chaotic period from the late Qin dynasty to the early Han dynasty, the people of the Warring States of Yan, Qi and Zhao fled to the area and began to reside there. Wiman, a relatively late migrant, led as many as a thousand people and came to Gojoseon. King Junwang of Gojoseon gave him a position of the learned man and ordered him to defend the western frontier of Gojoseon. Afterwards, Wiman launched a coup d'etat to oust King Junwang, and became the king of Wanggeomseong. The location of Wanggeomseong, the capital city of Gojoseon, later became home to Pyongyangseong of Goguryeo, which is different from the Janganseong of Goguryeo called Pyongyangseong today. Goguryeo occupied Hanseong area of Baekje and built a castle, which was called Hanseong. Hanseong was called Janganseong after the capital was transferred. At the time when Pyongyangseong was built, Lelang commandery was located in Gojoseon, so it could not be located in the same area as Joseon Prefecture, which was the governing place of Lelang commandery. The sources and mouths of Pei Creek and Lie River belonged to Lelang commandery of the Pre-Han period, which the Han Dynasty established after destroying Gojoseon, and they were outside the territory of Lelang commandery since the Three Kingdom era. Then, Pyongyangseong was built in the north of Pei Creek, and Lelang commandery was located in the west.

고조선관련 국사교과서 내용분석

이도상(Lee Do-Sang) 고조선단군학회 2009 고조선단군학 Vol.20 No.-

Korean students develop their historical identities with Korean history textbooks, which are constructional sources for their historical attitude toward Korean national community as social members. This means that the content and discourse in Korean history textbooks influence the future of Korea and its national community. Thus, we have to seriously decide upon the content and curriculum of Korean history textbooks and think about the possibility whether the discourse through the curriculum would help us to achieve our original educational goal from various perspectives. In this paper, I discuss the history of ancient Korea appeared in Korean history textbooks with an emphasis on the way of explaining Korean national origin and cultural archetype, its contribution to the establishment of its people's historical identity and self-image, and the truth and reliability of the discourse in Korean history textbooks : these issues are developed by the following discourses. First, I studied on the establishment of Gojoseon in Korean history textbooks. Gojoseon is the first country established by Korean people. Since the history of Gojoseon maintains elements of Korean national origin and cultural archetype of historical identity, we must pay a serious attention to the history of Gojoseon in Korean history textbooks and clarify the historical truth on it. In the aspect of Korean national identity, it is essential to describe Gojoseon history as a historical reality that existed throughout Korean history and to introduce the related historical facts on Gojoseon. If the history of Gojoseon is not in the paradigm of a historical fact but of a fictional history contrived for pseudo-historical purpose, we should adjust and correct the content that is not based on the historical truth. In this logical context, I propose that National Institute of Korean History must prove the existence of Gojoseon history in advance and then develop the description on the historical process in Korean history textbooks. In this paper, I argue that we should keep away from an ambiguous explanatory attitude toward the existence of Gojoseon history by critically studying on how current Korean history textbooks explain the historical reality on Gojoseon history. Second, I discuss the chronological issue of Korean bronze era. The chronological fact of the bronze era in Manchuria and South-and-North Korean area is a critical clue to demonstrate the evidence of historical existence of Gojoseon. The fact that Gojoseon was established in B.C. 2333 can be logically relevant only with the precondition that at least one of those regions developed into its bronze era no later than B.C. 24-25th century : the factual entrance into its bronze era should be supported by reliable archeological studies. Without this logical precondition, there would be no way to demonstrate the historical evidence of establishment of Gojoseon in B.C. 2333. It is logically irrelevant to argue that Korean bronze era was started B.C. 7-8th century or B.C. 10th century unless there is any archeological evidence on Korean bronze era. Importantly, it is necessary to clarify the relationship between the establishment of Gojoseon and the chronological evidence of entrance into Korean bronze era. In this context, I discuss how our current history textbooks explain the chronological issue of Korean bronze era. Lastly, I studied on the issue of Kija, Wuiman, and Hansagun. One of the most important issues in Korean ancient history is about the characteristics of historical activities of Kija and Wuiman as well as their meaning in Korean history. In Jewangunki, Yi,Seung-hyu described Korean history as a sequence of Gojoseon (Jeonjoseon, Early Joseon)-Kijajoseon (Hujoseon, Late Joseon)-Wuimanjoseon-Hansagun. This idea is an obvious example of Sinocentirc ideology that was extremely diffused among Goryeo confucian scholars. It would not be possible to solve the problems on Korean ancient

단군신화로 본 고조선 문화의 기원 재인식

임재해(Lim Jae-Hae) 고조선단군학회 2008 고조선단군학 Vol.19 No.-

SamgukYusa called ‘Gojoseon’ as ‘Dangun Mythology’, differing from its article, which made people deny the historical substance of Gojoseon. Examining it as ‘Bonpuri’, a Korean language meaning mythology, its historical substance is also recognized and Hwanung’s Sinsi Bonpuri before Gojoseon Bonpuri is captured independently. Bonpuri has a function of settling historical problems to explain the history of the beginning of the world in order to settle the present problems as well as a historical description expressing diachronic developmental process from the beginning of the world to the present as mythology. This function of historical description and the function of problem settling are the key assignment of history. Therefore, the study claims to stand for ‘Bonpuri History’. Bonpuri is an oral historical document about literary historical material and a document of ancient history describing history of the prehistoric age. In unlettered society or illiterate group, history of oral tradition replaces literary history. Therefore, the time classification of the prehistoric age is not desirable since it doesn’t recognize oral history before literary history. For, oral history is also a good history as an unwritten law is a law and an oral literature is literature. Considering a historical function, oral history plays a role of more positive history as a share-possible democratic history. Therefore, if we pay attention to oral history, the prehistoric age doesn’t exist in history. Examining Dangun Mythology in the viewpoint of Bonpuri history with oral history as a foundation, it exposes that Hwanung established Sinsi before Dangun established Gojoseon and we can also know that it puts a greater deal of weigh on Sinsi. Currently we know that ‘Humanitarianism’ or ‘Jaeseihwa(Saving the world and relieving the people)’ is the spirit of the national foundation of Dangun. However, they are belonged to the spirit of Sinsi foundation of Hwanung. Namely, it is recognized that we should change the subject of Dangun Mthology from Dangun to Hwanung and the space of Dangun Mythology from Gojoseon to Sinsi. Hwanung’s Sinsi, not Dangun’s Gojoseon, embodied the principle of humanitarianism and had a system as an ancient country with agricultural culture. The origin of Gojoseon culture is Sinsi culture of Hwanung with agricultural culture spending life of settlement. We can find the substance of Sinsi culture from Hongsan culture in Yoseo area within the territory of Gojoseon. Giant Pyramid, Jeokseokchong, an altar form, Yeosinmyo and stone castle as well as brilliant Okgi culture support that Sinsi culture had an aspect as an ancient country. Hongsan culture was formed before/after B.C 4000 and is the former culture than Gojoseon. At that time, people already spent life of settlement and realized agricultural culture. Chinese scholars call it as ‘Hongsan Goguk’. However, there are no historical records. Therefore, it is analyzed as Sinsi culture prior to Gojoseon culture, considering geographical position and contents and level of Hongsan culture. Examining contents of Bonpuri, Sinsi was securing its position as settlement life-centered agricultural country, was Bulsaguk ruling life and disease of humans and Gunjaguk valuing virtue and morality. To make a castle with rock and to make pyramid-scale Jeokseokchong, the culture should have a political leader with great deal of leadership, ruling organization, prudent mobilization system of human resources, formation of group community by culture of settlement and economic foundation originated with agricultural culture. Therefore, it is guessed that they are remains of Sinsi culture in the hwanung times, considering the altar scale, form and remains of Hongsan culture. Therefore, we should find the origin of Gojoseon culture from Sinsi culture. We have the necessity to study intensively on Hongsan culture, the substance of the Sinsi culture.

일제 강점기 이병도의 고조선사 연구

송호정(Song, Ho-Jung) 한국고대학회 2021 先史와 古代 Vol.- No.65

일제 강점기 이병도는 고조선을 한국 최초의 국가로 파악하고, 그 왕조가 단군조선에서 기자조선을 거쳐 위만조선으로 이어진다고 이해하였다. 그는 고조선이 국가체제를 어느 정도 갖춘 것은 기자조선(箕子朝鮮) 시기로 파악하고, 그 시기의 역사를 역사 지리적 관점에서 실증적으로 정리하는 데 노력하였다. 특히, 「패수고(浿水考)」 논문에서는 그동안의 평가와 달리 고조선사의 전개와 활동 무대를 초기부터 요동(遼東) 지역을 포함시켜 이해하고 있었다. 이병도는 일제 강점기 이래 줄곧 요동반도~한반도 서북지방(평안 황해도)을 고조선 계열의 문화발상지로 보았다. 그리고 청동기시대에 요동~한반도 서북지방에 걸쳐 세력을 키우던 고조선이 기원전 4~3세기경 중국 세력이 진출하자 청천강 이남으로 그 영역이 축소되었고, 그 이남 지역에서 왕(王)과 대부(大夫) 등 초기 고대 국가로서의 국가 조직을 갖추고 성장해 나갔다고 보았다. 이처럼 이병도는 최근 고조선과 관련해 논란이 되고 있는 여러 내용을 이미 일제 시기부터 문헌 고증을 통해 합리적이고 객관적으로 정리하였다. 이러한 이병도의 연구 성과는 최근 고 조선 중심지 평양설을 주장하는 연구자들의 논리적 근거가 되었고, 고조선 중심지 이동설에도 영향을 주었다. 그러나 일제 강점기 당시의 많은 역사학자들이 식민사학에 의해 왜곡되고 폄하된 우리 역사를 바로잡고 한국 고대사의 웅대한 면을 그리려고 노력했던 것에 비하면, 이병도는 역사서술의 합리성만을 추구했고, 식민지 시대에 요구되는 실천적 지식인으로서의 모습을 보여주지 못했다. Japanese colonial period Lee Byeong-do identified Gojoseon(古朝鮮) as the first country in Korea and that he understood that Gojoseon was connected to Wiman Joseon(衛滿朝鮮) via Gija Joseon(箕子朝鮮) from Dangun Joseon(檀君朝鮮). And he identified Gojoseon as the period of Giza Joseon as having a certain state system and tried to summarize the history of the period empirically from a historical and geographical perspective. In particular, in the paper Paesugo(浿水考) the development and activities of Gojoseon’s history were understood from the beginning by including the Liaoning area. Lee Byung-do has always regarded Yodong Peninsula and the northwestern part of the Korean Peninsula (Pyeongan and Hwanghae Province) as the cultural birthplace of Gojoseon, since Japanese colonial period continued. And During the Bronze Age, the area of Gojoseon, which had been growing in power from the Liaodong to the northwestern part of the Korean Peninsula, was reduced to the south of the Cheongcheon River when Chinese forces entered the area around the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C.. Lee Byung-do has regarded Gojoseon grew up in the south of the Cheongcheon River with a national organization as an early ancient country, including the king(王) and the daifu(大夫). The Japanese colonial period Lee Byung-do s research on Gojoseon is objectively and rationally summarizing the recent controversy over Gojoseon. And even the latest academic orthodoxy has had so much impact that Lee Byung-do s research has given him ideas. Compared to the Japanese colonial period when history tried to correct our history distorted and disparaged by colonial history and paint the grand facade of ancient Korean history, Lee Byeongdo s research on Gojoseon pursued only the rationality of historical descriptions and there is a limit to the fact that he cannot be seen as a practical intellectual required during the colonial era.

고조선 교육사의 서술 및 인식의 문제

황금중 ( Keum Joong Hwang ) 한국교육사학회 2012 한국교육사학 Vol.34 No.1

This article discussed the way to recognize and describe properly the educational history of Gojoseon period, considering that the common descriptions of educational history of Gojoseon, shown from the popular textbooks about Korean history of education, have been trivial or distorted by depending on only a few of historical records of China. This article, in particular, suggested that it is requested to add the research paradigm focused on the hereditary sources since Gojoseon above the research paradigm depending on the historical sources of China; and, in this sense, to review the Hwandan-gogi known widely as the book which is estimated to reflect the traces of hereditary historical records of Gojoseon. This article intended to ask whether Hwandan-gogi is a reliable historical sources to show the real features of Gojoseon education or not, analyzing the descriptions of Hwandan-gogi about the unfolding processes and educational cultures of Gojoseon. As a result, this article found that Hwandan-gogi is, at least, worthy enough to get a chance to take a Quellenkritik as a possible historical sources for the study of Gojoseon. To describe properly the history of Gojoseon education, we should make an academic endeavor to search and re-interpretate the hereditary historical records of Gojoseon including Hwandan-gogi, and to take comparative reviews with historical sources from China and Japan. 이 논문에서는, 기존의 한국의 고대교육사 서술에서 고조선 교육사 부분이 빈약하거나 왜곡되어 왔고, 이에 따라 삼국시대 이후의 교육사 기술도 균형을 잃어 왔다는 문제의식을 기저로, 고조선 교육사가 적절하게 인식, 기술되기 위한 방안에 대해 논의했다. 이를 위해 특히 고조선 교육사의 서술 및 인식에 있어 전승고기류 중심 패러다임을 본격적으로 도입하면서 중국사서류 중심 패러다임의 한계 및 문제점을 보완할 필요가 있음을 주장했다. 전승고기류를 적극 발굴하거나 재해석하는 노력이 배가되면서 중국사서류를 보완적으로 활용하는 것이 고조선 교육사 이해의 지평을 심화, 확대하는 길이 될 수 있다는 것이다. 그런데 현재는 전승고기류가 유실되어 직접 활용하기 어려운 난점이 있는 바, 따라서 전승고기류의 흔적을 내포하고 있을 가능성이 있는 자료를 먼저 주목할 필요가 있다고 보았다. 『환단고기』를 위시한 이른바 재야사서들이 그것인데, 최소한 본격적인 사료 비판의 기회를 부여해서 그 속에 내재한 위서적 요소를 가려내는 동시에 전승고기류의 고조선 이해를 일정하게 반영한다고 여겨지는 내용 요소를 선별, 정리해가는 것이 전승고기류 중심의 인식 패러다임을 여는 실마리가 될 수 있다는 것이다. 이를 위한 기초 작업으로 『환단고기』에 드러난 고조선의 전개과정 및 교육문화를 가치 판단을 배제하고 정리했고, 이것이 앞으로 본격적 사료 비판을 위한 일종의 검증 가설로 쓰일 수 있기를 희망했다. 이러한 노력을 포함하여 고조선 교육사 연구의 전기를 마련하기 위한 학계의 관심이 긴요하다.

기원전 3∼2세기 고조선의 중심지와 서계의 변화

박준형(Park, Jun Hyoung) 한국사학회 2012 史學硏究 Vol.- No.108

본고에서 기원전 3∼2세기 고조선과 중국과의 국제관계 속에서 영역의 변천, 즉, 고조선의 西界변화 과정을 살펴보았다. 본고에서는 시간적 추이에 따라 고조선 서계의 변화과정을 추적한 것이 아니라 가장 핵심적이라고 할 수 있는 浿水의 위치를 먼저 확인하고 이어서 연·진과의 경계를 살펴보았다. 고조선 서계 변화를 시간적 추이에 따라 정리해 보면 아래와 같다. 연의 공격을 받기 이전까지 고조선은 심양지역을 중심으로 정가와자 유형의 후기비파형동검문화를 계승한 초기세형동검문화를 바탕으로 성장하고 있었다. 기원전 282년 연의 공격을 받은 고조선은 연과 만번한을 경계로 삼게 되었다. 만번한이 오늘날 요하 하류유역인 영구와 개주 사이에 있었던 것으로 보아 천산산맥 이서지역이 연의 요동군에 포함되었던 것으로 보인다. 고조선은 연의 공격으로 중심지인 심양지역을 상실하게 되자 평양지역으로 그 중심을 옮길 수밖에 없게 되었다. 진은 전국을 통일하고 沛水=渾河를 건너 고조선을 공격하였다. 이로 인해 고조선은 연에 내속하게 되었다. 이 과정에서 고조선은 압록강을 진과의 경계로 삼게 되었다. 진에게 빼앗긴 천산산맥에서 압록강에 이르는 지역이 사료상에 秦故空地=秦故地라고 할 수 있다. 이후 고조선은 진한교체기의 혼란한 틈을 이용하여 한을 공격하여 진에게 빼앗겼던 浿水=渾河이동 지역을 수복하였다. This study has examined how Gojoseon’s territory was shifted, that is, a transitional process of its west side boundary circumstances of having relationships with China in 3rd to 2nd century B.C. This paper was not intended to trace how Gojoseon’s west boundary was changed with the change of times, but to identify the position of Beishui(浿水) first, which was considered one of the most important issues and examine its boundary with Yan(燕) and Qin(秦). The changes of the west boundary of Gojoseon can be summarized as follows with the change of times. Before getting attacked by Yan(燕), Gojoseon grew out of Early Narrow-shaped Bronze Dagger Culture which succeeded the Zhengjiawazi type of Late Mandolin-shaped Dagger Culture, centering on the Shenyang (沈陽) region. After Yen launched an attack against Gojoseon in 282 B.C., it came to share borders with Yen and Manfanhan(滿番汗). Considering that Manfanhan was located between Yingkou(營口) and gaizhou(蓋州), which are equal to the downstream of Liaohe(遼河) now, the western region of Qianshan mountain range(千山山脈) seems to have been included in the Liaodong district of Yan. As Gojoseon lost the Shenyang area due to such attack from Yan, Gojoseon was forced to move its capital from Shenyang area to Pyungyang(平壤). After unifying Chinese Warring-States, Qin(秦) crossed the Beishui (沛水=渾河) to conquer Gojoseon. Then, Gojoseon submitted to Yen. During this process, Gojoseon came to be bordered on the Yalu river(鴨綠江) by Qin. It is suggested that the region lost to Qin, ranging from the Qianshan mountain range to the Yalu river, was equal to Vacant Land of Qin(秦故空地=秦故地) according to historical records. Afterwards, Gojoseon was successful in attacking Han(漢) to take back the east of Beishui (浿水=渾河) that was lost to Qin, taking an advantage of a political turmoil happened during a Qin-Han transition period.