독일 통일과 국내외적 환경요인

김주삼(Kim, Joo-Sam) 한국정치사회연구소 2020 한국과 국제사회 Vol.4 No.6

독일은 1945년 제2차 세계대전 전범국과 패전국이었으나 1989년 10월 9일 베를린 장벽을 무너뜨리고 1990년 10월 3일 공식적으로 통일국가가 되었다. 독일은 1945년 제2차 세계대전 전범국으로 미국, 영국, 프랑스, 소련 4개국으로부터 서독과 동독이 강제로 분단되고 관리되었다. 독일통일 전 서독은 서구 자유민주주의 체제와 시장경제를 도입하여 세계 선진국으로 발전하였으나. 동독은 소련식 사회주의 체제와 계획경제를 도입한 결과 국력면에서 서독에 비해 비교가 안될 정도로 많은 격차를 보였다. 독일통일은 서독이 동독을 흡수한 전형적인 흡수통일방식이었다. 독일통일의 국내외적 환경요인은 국내적으로 동서독이 분단 상황 하에서도 정부와 민간부문차원에서 꾸준한 인적교류와 물적교류를 진행한 것이다. 국제적 요인으로는 첫째, 국제정세가 당시 소련과 동구 사회주의권 국가들의 붕괴와 미소 냉전체제가 종식된 점, 둘째, 미국이 적극적으로 주도한 미국, 영국, 프랑스, 소련, 동서독이 포함된 ‘2+4체제’ 시스템 가동의 성과이다. 셋째, 독일통일은 당시 유럽지역의 나토(NATO)와 유럽연합(EU) 등 정치적, 군사안보적, 경제적 이해관계와 전략적 목표가 일치되었다는 점을 제시할 수 있다. 독일은 통일 후 동서독인 간 사회적·경제적·심리적 갈등이 내재돼 있었으나 시간이 지나면서 이러한 내적 갈등요소들은 하나씩 완화돼 갔다. 이러한 독일통일 갈등요소들은 분단체제인 한반도와 중국 양안의 통일과정에서 반면교사로 삼아야 할 중요한 사례이기도 하다. Germany was a war criminal and defeated nation in the World War II of 1945, but as the Berlin Wall fell on October 9, 1989, it became an officially unified nation on October 3, 1990. It, as a war criminal, was forced to be divided into West Germany and East Germany and managed by four powerful countries of the USA, England, France and Russia. Until the reunification, West Germany introduced liberal democracy system and market economy from the western world and became one of advanced countries while as East Germany introduced socialism and planned economy from Russia, it was remarkably behind in national power in comparison with that of West Germany. As for the reunification of Germany, West Germany assimilated East Germany. Domestically, East and West Germany continued to proceed personal and material exchanges in public and private levels even under the cold war system and division condition. International factors were: First, Russia and socialist nations collapsed and the cold war system in the East and the West terminated; Second, the USA started a multiple system containing England, France, Russia, East and West Germany which were active in Germany reunification and tangible results were achieved; Third, NATO and EU had the same political, military, security and economic interests and strategic goals. There were social, economic and psychological conflicts between West and East Germany after the reunification, but as time lapsed, the internal conflicts were gradually mitigated. South and North Korea, and China and Taiwan should carefully consider such conflicts inherent in Germany s reunification for the process of reunification.

독일의 대미정책 :변화와 연속성

박채복 한국유럽학회 2013 유럽연구 Vol.31 No.3

As a result of the reunification of Germany the opposition and discord imposed by ideological differences of divided Europe and divided Germany have vanished,the relationship between Germany and the United States is facing a paradigm shift. There is subtle tension and discord between the United States and Germany surrounding a number of pending international issues and matters, due to a shift in their bilateral relations which has placed serious consideration on pragmatism, that is, on contextual interpretation and direct experiences. Within the framework of the change and continuity of Germany’s policy toward the United States, this paper will examine whether there has been a change in Germany’s U.S. policy after the end of the cold war, and particularly after the reunification of Germany,and if there has been a change, what are the reasons for that change. In order to do this, Chapter II will follow the process of development of Germany’s policy toward the United States, including an examination of the features of the policy in each period from the reunited Germany’s first chancellor, Konrad Adenauer up until Chancellor Angela Merkel. Chapter III will examine the relationship between Germany and the United States in the context of change and continuity, by taking a close look at three aspects of Germany’s policy: the aspect of understanding harmony with Germany’s domestic politics, the aspect regarding the change in the balance of policy regarding France and the United States, and the aspect of differences in awareness and position regarding multilateral cooperation and global issues. Further, Chapter IV will survey the prospects for future development in German - U.S. relations focusing on the new issues facing transatlantic partnership. 독일의 재통일로 유럽의 분단과 독일의 분단을 규정하던 이데올로기적 대립과 갈등이사라지면서 미국-독일관계는 패러다임의 변화에 직면하고 있다. 여러 다양한 국제적 현안과 사안을 둘러싸고 미국과 독일 사이에 미묘한 긴장과 갈등이 존재하는데, 이는 양자관계가 실용주의 즉 맥락적인 해석과 경험을 중시하는 입장으로 변하고 있기 때문이다. 이에 본 논문에서는 독일의 미국정책이 냉전 종식 이후 특히 독일의 통일 이후 변화되었는지, 변화되었다면 그 이유는 무엇인지 독일의 대미정책의 변화와 연속성이라는 틀 속에서규명해보고자 한다. 이를 위해 Ⅱ장에서는 초대 총리였던 아데나워 총리부터 앙겔라 메르켈 총리에 이르기 까지 독일의 대미정책의 역사적 전개과정을 추적해봄으로써 독일의 대미정책의 시기별 특징을 살펴보고자 한다. Ⅲ장에서는 독일의 대미정책의 패러다임의 변화를 세 가지 측면, 즉 국내정치적 이해관계와의 조화라는 측면, 미국과 프랑스의 균형정책의 변화라는 측면, 다자주의적 협력 및 글로벌 이슈에 대한 인식 및 입장의 차이라는측면에서 살펴봄으로써 미국과 독일관계의 변화와 연속성을 살펴보고자 한다. 또한 Ⅳ장에서는 새로운 대서양 동반자관계의 설정 문제를 중심으로 미국과 독일관계의 향후 발전방향에 대하여 전망해보고자 한다.

분단 독일과 통일 독일 : 베를린 장벽의 구축과 해체에 관한 변증법

정주신(Chung, Joo-Shin) 한국정치사회연구소 2021 한국과 국제사회 Vol.5 No.2

이 연구의 목적은 전승4국에 의해 각각 4분할된 전범국 독일의 동서독 분단과 베를린 분할, 소련과 동독 당국에 의한 베를린 장벽의 구축, 그리고 동독 주민들의 여행 자유 개방에 따른 베를린 장벽 해체 등을 통해 동서독의 통일을 고찰하는 데 있다. 연구방법으로는 전승4국과 양독2국 간 쟁점이 되어 온 베를린 장벽의 구축과 해체에 관하여 헤겔의 정(正, These)→반(反, Antithese)→합(合, Synthese) 변증법을 적용하였다. ⓛ 전승4국이 전전(戰前) 회담의 산물인 전범국 독일을 동서독 분단과 동서 베를린 분할을 해 놓은 국제질서하에서 패권을 장악하려는 의미에서의 정(正), ② 그중에서 소련과 동독 당국이 기존 국제질서를 깨고 공산주의 패권을 유지하고자 베를린 장벽을 구축한 의미에서의 반(反), 그리고 ③ 베를린 장벽 해체가 의도되지는 않았지만 동독 주민들의 이주와 이탈을 넘어서 동유럽의 민주화 일환으로 나타난 촛불시위, 동독 SED 대변인 샤보브스키(G. Schabowski)의 기자회견에서의 ‘즉시, 지체 없이’ 국경개방 허용 발언의 말실수 등이 ‘부정의 부정’으로 지양(止揚, Aufheben)되면서 베를린 장벽이 해체되는 수순을 밟게 되는 의미에서의 합(合)인 것이다. 요컨대 미국과 소련 중심의 전승4국은 전범국 독일을 분할하여 패권이란 국제질서를 지속하고자 했으나, 오히려 소련과 동독이 베를린 장벽 구축에 나서면서 그들만의 공산권 체제유지를 강화하고자 했다. 그러나 동서독 여행 자유와 국경개방 시위에 나선 동독 주민들의 자유화와 동독 당국의 개방에 대한 모호한 태도 등이 중첩되면서 베를린 장벽이 해체되기에 이르렀다. 따라서 베를린 장벽의 해체는 독일 통일을 앞당기는 단초가 되었고, 정상적인 통일 독일로 자리매김한 것은 더이상 분단 독일이 지속될 수 없다는 변증법적 논리를 깨우쳐준 사실이 아닌가 한다. The purpose of the current study is to discuss the unification of East and West Germany based on the division of Germany into four parts and the division of Berlin into four parts by the four winning nations, the construction of Berlin Wall by the Soviet Union and East Germany, and the destruction of Berlin Wall by the people of East Germany for Freedom of Travel Open. The methodology was Hegel’s dialectic of These → Antithese → Synthese on the construction and destruction of Berlin Wall which has been at issue by the four winning nations and the two Germanies. In sum, ⓛ These is the four winning nations’ intention to dominate the powers by dividing Germany into east and west and Berlin in half as a result of pre-war talk, ② Antithese is the construction of Berlin Wall by the Soviet Union and East Germany to break the international order and maintain communism, and ③ Synthese is the unintended destruction of Berlin Wall through Aufheben when the people of East Germany’s candle protest as a part of the democratic movement beyond migration and deviation and G. Schabowski’s mistaken remark to open the national borders ‘immediately, without delay’ at a press conference as the spokesperson of East Germany’s SED operated as ‘negation of negation.’ The four winning nations led by the U.S. and the Soviet Union intended to divide Germany to maintain the international powers, but the Soviet Union and East Germany constructed the Berlin Wall to reinforce their own communist systems. However, the Berlin Wall was destroyed by the liberation of people of East Germany for liberal traveling between East and West Germanies and opening of borders and the East German authority’s ambiguous attitude toward the opening of borders. As the destruction of Berlin Wall triggered the unification of Germany, the settlement of German people and unification of Germany would be a fact that supports the dialectic logic that the division of Germany could not persist.

통일 전 독일연방공화국의 외국인 정책 - 장기적인 외국인 정책은 존재했는가?

권형진 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2012 중앙사론 Vol.0 No.36

The Federal Republic of Germany(West Germany) has been one of the important destination countries in Europe, despite the fact that until the reunification politicians have long refuse to acknowledge West Germany as an immigration country. The purposes of immigrants to West Germany were diverse. But three main types of international migration in West Germany were labor immigration, the immigration of ethnic Germans, and the immigration of non-German refugees and asylum seekers. While migrant workers were expected to stay only temporarily in West Germany, ethnic Germans were expected to stay permanently. Between 1945 and 1949, nearly 9.5 million German refugees and expellees flocked to the territory of today's Germany and about 9 million returnees settled in the western part of the country. Their acceptance and integration in general was eased by their ethnic origin, and the post-war economic boom. In real, they have had to undergo a real immigration process involving national identity, language, and cultural framework, although they are not foreigners according to the German Basic Law, and this situation continues to this day. Today, Aussiedler as Germans have the right of naturalization. Between 1945 and the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961, 3.8 million Germans moved from East Germany (the German Democratic Republic) to West Germany. In fact, obstacles like the wall failed to completely stem this flow. This immigration was welcomed economically by the West Germany's expanding industrial sector and politically as a rejection of East German regime's communist political and economic system. During the 1950s and 1960s, West Germany signed bilateral recruitment agreements with Italy in 1955, Spain and Greece in 1960, Turkey in 1961, Morocco in 1963, Portugal in 1964, Tunisia in 1965 and Yugoslavia in 1968. These agreements allowed the recruitment of Gastarbeiter(Guest Workers) to work in the industrial sector for jobs that required few qualifications. During the 1950s West Germany experienced a so-called Wirtschaftswunder(economic miracle) and needed more laborers. At first, Gastarbeiter received a work and residence permit for 1 year. This implied a rotation of the recruited workers, and the rule of forced rotation was changed gradually to allow workers to apply for permits to stay for 2 years, and, for 5 additional years. However, the rotation system failed – on the immigrants’ side because the workers tended to stay in West Germany for a longer time than anticipated, and on the employers’ side because the training costs for new workers were regarded as too high. In 1973, West Germany as well as other Western European conuntries decided to discontinue the Gastarbeiter policies. As a reaction to the end of recruitment, Gastarbeiter brought their families to live in West Germany, because family reunification was possible even after the recruitment ban. Half of the total immigration to West Germany in the next time consisted of family members. The immigrant workers became increasingly to stay permanently. Because Gastarbeiter had been building up social networks consisting of families, associations, and religious communities, a stable and great immigrant population was formed in West Germany. In the year 1990 the number of the immigrant workers exceeded the 5 million line. Since the mid-1980s increase of refugees and asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia and from developing countries caused also this exceeding of the 5 million immigrants. In the Germany’s immigration history from the end of the World War II to the German reunification, the economy played the most important role: demand and supply in the German labor market. Multiculturalism and the social integration of the immigrants were, and are not so important as the economic reason.

재독 코리안 이민사회의 형성과 문화/문학지형 고찰 : 파독 광원/간호사와 『재독한국문학』을 중심으로

김환기 동악어문학회 2019 동악어문학 Vol.79 No.-

This thesis dealt with the formation process of Korean immigrants/immigrant societies in areas of Germany from a Diasporic perspective along with cultural identity focusing on literary activities and the migratory history of miners/nurses dispatched to Germany in the 1960s/1970s. Korean immigrants/immigrant societies in Germany constructed various communities for the rights and interests protection, information exchange, and friendship promotion of members, beginning with <The Association of Korean Residents> in the 1960s, and they left records of various forms such as living information magazines, immigration history texts, literature journals, and literature collections. Representative organizations include <The Association of Korean Residents in Germany>, <The Association of Korean Nurses in Germany>, <The March 1st Movement Memorial Society>, and <The Association of Korean Writers in Germany> and immigration history texts and research texts include 『The 50 Year History of Korean Compatriots in Germany』, 『The 45 Year History of Korean Miners in Germany』, 『Miners․Nurses Gone to Germany』, and 『Korean Female Nurses Gone to Germany』. Also, there are the literature magazine 『Korean Culture in Germany』(First issue-No. 10), the novel 『The Yalu Flows』, the poetry book 『My Hometown Far Away』, and the essay collection 『I am a Nurse Sent to Germany』. These history books and literature works mainly display the international situations of the 1960s/1970s and they show in detail the life journeys of dispatched miners/nurses in their migration/movement proceeded within the interests of Korea/Germany. Also, they set forth hometown (homeland) consciousness represented by the centripetal force and centrifugal force of Korean Diasporas along with residence centered realistic worldviews. The patriotism displayed by Korean miners/nurses dispatched to Germany, self-improvement projects, and struggles to gain rights in Germany and in global villages are also in detail. In any case, the centripetal force and centrifugal force of Korean Diasporas, menstrual consciousness and transnations, and hybridity and realism can be considered points that verify the cultural identities of not only recent German society, but also of Korean immigrants/ immigrant societies. 본고는 1960/70년대 독일로 파견된 광원/간호사의 이주역사와 문학 활동을 중심으로 짚어보았다. 독일의 코리안 이민자/이민사회에서는 1960년대부터 <한인회>를 비롯해 구성원들의 권익보호, 정보교환, 친목도모 차원에서 각종 커뮤니티를 구축하고 생활정보지와 이민 관련 역사서, 문예잡지와 작품집 등을 발행한다. 대표적인 단체로는 <재독한인회>, <재독한인간호협회>, <3․1운동기념사업회>, <재독한인문인협회> 등이 있으며, 이민 관련 역사서/연구서로서 『재독동포 50년사』, 『파독광부 45년사』, 『독일로 간 광부․간호사』, 『독일로 간 한인 간호여성』 등이 있다. 그리고 문예잡지 『재독한국문학』(창간호-제10호)을 비롯해 소설집 『압록강은 흐른다』, 시집 『머나먼 내고향』, 수필집 『나는 파독 간호사입니다』 등이 있다. 이들 이민 관련 역사서와 문학작품집에는 대체로 1960년대/70년대의 국제정세와 한국/독일의 이해관계 속에서 추진된 파독 광원/간호사들의 이주/이동과 독일에서의 힘겨운 삶의 행보가 그려진다. 독일지역의 코리안 이민자/이민사회의 형성과정과 문화 정체성을 디아스포라의 구심력과 원심력 차원에서 고향(조국)의식과 거주지 중심의 현실주의적 세계관을 천착한다는 점도 특징적이다. 또한 독일과 지구촌을 무대로 파독 광부/간호사들이 보여준 조국애, 자기계발 프로젝트, 권리투쟁 등도 구체적이다. 물론 이러한 구심력과 원심력을 비롯해 코리안 디아스포라의 월경의식과 트랜스네이션, 혼종성과 현실주의는 최근 독일지역은 물론이고 코리안 이민자/이민사회의 문화 정체성을 확인시켜주는 지점일 것이다.

디아스포라 경계 넘기와 독일 광부 되기: 1960년대~1970년대 파독 광부를 중심으로

박경용 성결대학교 다문화평화연구소 2019 다문화와 평화 Vol.13 No.2

The key subject of this article is about to ‘diaspora cross-boarding of Korean miners dispatched to Germany’ and ‘becoming as Germany miners’. Explain more fully, the aim of this article is to understand the background and the process that Korean youngers had gone to Germany(West Germany) for money and been becoming as Germany miners in the 1960s and 1970s. For this, I analysed not only the concerning books, articles, and reports but also interviewed Korean miners dispatched to Germany. Also I regarded that it was necessary the integrative view to considerate by all accounts the structure of world system, the inner conditions of pull-push between Korean and Germany, and the contexts of the history of everyday lives on a miner individual. America paid attention to strengthening the anti-communism and free-trade system for a friendly nation through a loan grant and an economic supports. In response to this, Germany attracted Korean miners and nurses also. Germany needed the inducement of many miners and nurses for social welfare and applyment of lack mine laborers. Those days, Korea required of the foreign capital for economic development and a solution of a chronic unemployment also. Therefore many Korean miners of 7,936 and nurses of 11,057 had gone to Germany from 1963 to 1977 year and year. An economic achievement was the most important reason for becoming as Germany miners and in addition to this there were a going abroad for study, an emigration to a third nation, and an aspiration for an advanced culture etc.. By the <An employment plan for Germany mines of Korean miners>, they had been studied a discipline for a grounding and a practical affairs concerning to mine labor in Korea and Germany. In arriving Germany, they had taken lessons of the ground(a German, terms and usages of mine tools, mine structure, safety rule, the skill for a coal mine and the setting up of stempel etc.) and the underground(a study by inspection of labor process in the inside of a mining pit). After these lessons, they alloted duties for a coal mine and a digging etc., and had been becoming finally as a Germany miner. 본고의 목적은 1960년대와 1970년대에 한국의 젊은이들이 어떤 배경과 과정을 통해 ‘독일 광부’가 되었는지를 살펴보는 데 있다. 이를 위해 필자는 문헌 연구와 파독 광부들에 대한 심층면담을 병행하였다. 논지 전개를 위해서는 세계체제의 구조적 수준과 한・독 양국 간의 인력 송출과 수용의 조건뿐만 아니라 이주 주체인 광부 개개인의 생활사적 맥락을 교차시키는 통합적 시각을 취하였다. 제2차 세계대전 이후의 냉전체제 속에서 미국은 우방에 대한 군사적, 경제적 지원을 통해 반공 전선과 자유무역체제를 구축하기 위해 진력하였다. 독일은 미국의 의견에 따라 한국의 광부와 간호 인력의 유치를 적극 추진하였다. 독일 내부적으로는 경제적 호황으로 부족해진 노동인력과 늘어나는 사회복지 욕구를 충족시키기 위해 한국의 광부, 간호사가 필요했다. 산업화가 이루어지지 않았던 당시 한국으로서도 높은 실업률을 완화시키고 외화를 확보하는 일이 경제발전을 위해 필요했다. 한국의 젊은이들이 독일 광부가 되고자 했던 동기는 경제적 유인이 가장 컸으며, 이 외에도 돈을 벌어 유학의 꿈을 펼치거나 제3국으로의 이주 및 선진문물에 대한 동경 의식 등도 작용했다. 파독 광부들은 한국과 독일에서 독일어를 비롯한 소양교육과 탄광 실무교육을 이수하였다. 파독 후 광부들은 독일 광산의 적응을 위해 지상교육과 지하교육을 각 4주씩 받았다. 광부들은 교육을 수료하고 굴진과 채탄 등의 업무를 배정받아 1개월가량 현장 지도를 거친 후 마침내 ‘독일 광부’가 되어 갔다.

동ㆍ서독 간 교역의 법적 근거

신용호(Shin Yong Ho) 국제법평론회 2015 국제법평론 Vol.0 No.41

Exchange is absolutely necessary for a divided country to achieve peaceful reunification. To examine the exchange of the East-West Germany Trade, which is a successful model for the exchange, is accordingly valuable. Black marketeering between military occupied areas is the starting point of the East-West Germany trade. Understandably, economic exchange is needed since the one nation, one economic unit is suddenly separated by artificial means. Since the two German governments has become established, they leaded the trade and the amount of trade increased so that by 1989, the last year of the trade, it was 15,309 million VE(DM), which was the 20 times growth of that of the 1950s. This volume could be in Korean currency approximately more than 5 trillion won. East-West Germany Trade was many small businesses from broad range of fields joined, mostly with daily products. Therefore it was politically less affected and was a great help to protect and sustain the national unity. A consistent and determined stance of the German Federal Republic(West Germany) on the East-West Germany trade is that East Germany and West Germany is in legally still existing the whole country(German Empire), so that they are not in a mutually foreign relationship, rather in a special relationship, and all the state institutions have the legal obligations to protect and sustain the nationality and national unity of this whole country and struggle to integrate the government power that is separately exercised in real. Therefore the German Federal Republic struggled to carry out this regardless of economic interests. According to this position, West Germany strived to extend trade between East and West Germany and did not impose tariffs. Furthermore, they explained their position actively to friendly nations (especially EC and GATT member countries) and achieved their understanding. In consequence of the effort of West Germany`s government, 1989/90, when the East-European bloc collapsed, surrounding nations could easily understand the unifications policy of Germany. By the trade between East and West Germany, the Military Government Law (Militärregierungsgesetz) number 53, proclaimed during the Military Occupations Era, has been applied until the reunification of Germany. Although the Western Allies gave German Republic the right of change, German Federal Parliament kept the name and regulations of the Military Government Law number 53. Even when the Law of Foreign Economic was enacted by the German Federal Parliament, it was not applied to the trade between East and West Germany. It is seen as an action to maintain the uniqueness of the trade between East and West Germany. In regards to the unconstitutionality controversy of the Military Government Law number 53, the German Federal Constitutional Court judged that it is hard to apply the Fundamental Law principles to the `general permission and exceptional prohibition` and discretion problem of intendance of permission of rights to freedom. Moreover, Constitutional Court also decided that with the trade between East and West Germany, national agencies should keep the direction of liberalization and an arbitrary regression is not acceptable here. This also has many implications for Korea. Berlin Convention is the international legal convention that becomes the basis of the trade between East and West Germany. This convention includes a broad range of the annex, memoranda, etc through 130 days of conference. It is not always a good treaty when the period of negotiation is long and contents are lot, however, there is no doubt that this convention is formed extremely carefully. Besides, after the convention became effective, both governments have been strived to perform, complement and develop the convention by crossing east and west Berlin every 2 weeks. It is easy to figure out their efforts on the trade between two states. One characteristic of Berlin Convention is the way of payment s

통일전 동ㆍ서독간 경제교류에 관한 연구

정진상 한독사회과학회 2006 한독사회과학논총 Vol.16 No.1

독일통일은 정치적으로 동구권의 붕괴와 냉전의 종결을 가져왔으며 경제적으로는 경제체제의 우월성에 대한 논쟁을 마무리 지었다. 분단에 따른 정치적 대립으로 인해 거의 중단된 상태에 있던 동서독의 경제 교류는 1949년 5월 전승국들이 Jessup-Malik협정을 체결하면서 다시 재개되었다. 이후 동서독은 수차례의 협상을 통해서 프랑크푸르트협정과 베를린 협정을 체결하면서 동서독 경제교류의 기본 틀을 마련하였다. 빌리 브란트 수상의 독일정책을 계기로 양독 관계는 변화하기 시작했으며, 동서독의 기본조약 체결 및 동시 유엔가입을 거치면서 내독간의 경제 교류는 더 이상 냉전의 도구가 아니라, 긴장 완화와 대립 관계를 극복하기 위한 수단으로 활용되었다, 동서독의 경제 교류는 서독 정부의 동독에 대한 각종 혜택을 통해서 통일 이전까지 지속적으로 성장하게 되었다. 물론 양독간의 교역 구조나 무역량이 만족할 만큼 성장한 것은 아니었으나 동서독간의 경제 교류는 서독에게는 긴장 완화와 동독과의 유대감을 깊게 할 수 있는 정치적 목표를 달성하게 했고, 동독에게는 서독으로부터 기술 및 재원 등 경제적 도움을 받을 수 있게 함으로써 상호 보완적인 역할을 해왔다. 정치적 시대 상황이나 여건이 독일이 통일을 이루는데 바람직하게 작용도 했었겠지만 결국은 독일 스스로 많은 희생을 감수하면서 경제교류와 지원을 통해 통일의 토대를 만든 것은 우리에게 좋은 시사점을 준다고 할 수 있겠다. The unification of Germany has some meanings. Politically, the unification of Germany led to the collapse of Eastern European countries and the end of Cold War, and economically put to an end the dispute over the superiority of economic systems. The economic exchanges between East and West Germany were almost halted by the political confrontation due to the division of Germany, but reopened it by the Jessup-Malik agreement which was signed by Allied powers in May 1949. Since then, East and West Germany engaged in several negotiations and signed with the Frankfurtagreement and Berlin agreement which made a basic framework for mutual exchanges. Because of Prime Minister Billy Brant's policy, the relations of East and West Germany have been changed. The economic exchanges between two Germanys functioned as means for an easing of strained relations not for intensifying the Cold war. The mutual exchanges getting grow continuously until the unification through the various favors of West to East Germany. The growth of trade volume and trade structure were not satisfactory, however, the trade exchanges were complement. The mutual exchanges made it possible that West Germany could achieve the political goals to ease tension and to deepen connectedness with East Germany, and East Germany could get the technical and financial aids from West Germany. Even though the situation and conditions were working for the unification of Germany, however, the economical exchanges between two Germanys were decisive factors for the unification.

Die rechtspopulistische Partei AfD in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Eine vergleichende Studie

Havertz Ralf Arnold 한독사회과학회 2016 한독사회과학논총 Vol.26 No.4

The article examines whether the right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany (AfD) is limited to only one part of Germany – that is, whether it is more of an East German or West German party – or if it is an all-German phenomenon. The study starts out explaining why the term right-wing populism is applicable to the party AfD. It includes an analysis of the roots of the AfD in other populist parties, in particular, the parties Bund Freier Bürger (Association of Free Citizens), Die Freiheit (The Freedom), and the Schill-Party. The party leaders will be examined regarding their origin from Eastern and Western Germany. The election results of the AfD in European, federal and state elections in East and West Germany are being compared. A similar comparison is carried out regarding party membership and the electoral potential of the party. These factors are examined regarding their strength in East and West Germany and subjected to a comparison, respectively. The study concludes that the party AfD is not limited to one part of the Federal Republic of Germany. It is an all-German phenomenon. Overall, we can say, however, that it, relative to the size of the population of East and West Germany, has a stronger electoral potential and more support in East Germany than in West Germany. Der Artikel untersucht, inwiefern die rechtspopulistische Partei Alternative für Deutschland eher auf nur einen Teil Deutschlands beschränkt ist, d.h. eher eine ostdeutsche oder westdeutsche Erscheinung ist, oder ob es sich dabei um ein gesamtdeutsches Phänomen handelt. Zunächst wird dargelegt, warum der Begriff Rechtspopulismus auf die Partei AfD anwendbar ist. Die Studie beinhaltet eine Analyse der Wurzeln der AfD in anderen populistischen Parteien. Dabei werden insbesondere die Parteien Bund Freier Bürger, Die Freiheit und die Schill-Partei genauer betrachtet. Das Führungspersonal der Partei wird auf ihre Herkunft aus Ost- und Westdeutschland hin untersucht. Die Wahlergebnisse der AfD bei Europa-, Bundes- und Landtagswahlen in Ost- und Westdeutschland werden miteinander verglichen. Dasselbe wird hinsichtlich der Mitgliederzahlen und des Wählerpotenzials der Partei unternommen. Diese Faktoren werden auf ihre Stärke in Ost- und Westdeutschland hin untersucht und einem entsprechenden Vergleich unterzogen. Die Untersuchung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Partei AfD nicht auf einen Teil der Bundesrepublik Deutschland beschränkt ist. Sie ist ein gesamtdeutsches Phänomen. Insgesamt lässt sich aber sagen, dass sie in Ostdeutschland relativ zur Bevölkerungszahl über ein stärkeres Wählerpotenzial und über mehr Zuspruch verfügt als in Westdeutschland.

1989년 이후 동독 여성운동의 발전과 특징에 대한 고찰

전복희(Chun, Bok-Hee) 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2015 동서연구 Vol.27 No.3

구동독시대의 ‘비국가적’ 여성운동은 동독의 자율적 여성운동의 출발이 되었고, 1989 년 가을 체제전환기 단기간에 구동독지역에서 다양한 여성단체들이 형성되고 자율적 여성운동이 활발하게 전개될 수 있는 원동력이 되었다. 체제전환기라는 구동독의 특수한 상황에 정치적 산물로 형성된 독립여성연합은 서독의 자율적 여성운동과는 달리 제도권 정치로의 참여와 자율적 운동의 두 가지 전략을 동시에 시도하면서 동독 여성 운동의 특수성을 보여주었지만 급변하는 대내외적 환경아래 구성적 이질성, 프로그램적 모순, 행동선택의 불명료성을 극복할 수 있고, 여성의 집합적 정체성을 유지하고 조직을 발전시킬 수 있는 자원동원에 실패함으로써 1998년 해체되었다. 통일 이후 동독지역의 여성운동은 조직과 프로그램 측면에서 서독 여성운동에 동화되어 외형적으 로는 차별점이 보이지 않으나, 실제적으로는 서독지역의 여성단체들 보다 국가와 제도정치권에 대하여 거부감이 적고, 정치적 테마보다 문화적 테마에 더 많은 관심과 이해를 갖고 있는 특징을 보인다. 이러한 특징은 구동독시대의 사회화의 유산, 그리고 체제전환기와 통일을 거치면서 새롭게 당면한 여성문제와 경험 등이 동독지역의 여성 운동에 반영되었기 때문이다. The autonomous women’s movement in east Germany emerged from the women s movement of unofficial women s groups in German Democratic Republic. It became the driving force with which women in east Germany could create various women s groups and develop the women s movement quickly in the period of transformation of the GDR in 1989/1990. The ‘Independent Women s Association was founded as a national umbrella organization the of various local women s groups in east Germany in 1989. It tried to accomplish the double strategies of having an autonomous women s movement and political representation within the state and its institutions, while the autonomous women s movement in west Germany kept its distance from the state and political institutions. The Independent Women s Association was dissolved in its short history in 1998, because it could not overcome its structural conflicts, the contradictions of it’s programme, the ambiguity problem of it’s activities and failure to adapt itself in the dramatically changing political, social, economical circumstances in east Germany. Since the middle of the 1990th, the women’s movement in east Germany formally has been assimilating into the women’s movement in west Germany. However the women s movement in east Germany has differences from the women s movement in west germany. Women s groups in east Germany don t think less negatively about the relationship with the state or the political institutions, and have more interests in cultural issues than political issues. These differences came from the inheritances of a socialist socialization in the GDR and the special experience and urgent womens issues in east Germany before and after the reunification of Germany.