흑인 공동체 내 흑인 여성의 몸―글로리아 네일러의 『브루스터 플레이스의 여성들』을 중심으로

김연정 ( Yeon Jeong Kim ) 21세기영어영문학회 2016 영어영문학21 Vol.29 No.4

In American history, black women have been mainly evaluated in the discourse of white men belonging to the white community. This paper examines the significance and role of black women in the black community from a black perspective. It focuses on the position of black feminism in the late 20th century in America. The paper analyzes black women`s bodies with respect to their sexuality and motherhood based on the book, The Women of Brewster Place (1983), written by the African-American writer, Gloria Naylor. The book is set in a lower class black community in the late 20th century. This article examines the physical violation of black women by black men who are proud of their manhood. From the perspective of sexuality in the novel, black men engage in phallocentric thinking. In addition, lesbian black women are considered insignificant and are forced into exile by black society. From the perspective of motherhood, black women whose husbands have abandoned them are perceived to be the caretakers of children. Some of them are regarded as welfare mothers, a term often directed towards black mothers who are single and poor. These women experience difficulties because of their race, gender, and class. However, Naylor suggests that black women look after each other. It helps them heal the wounds of the body and soul. Naylor reveals that black women are often treated in an abusive manner in the black community, and this has been a forbidden issue in the black community. However, she reveals the power of unity of black women and the hope for their future they find by caring for each other.

일반논문 : 미국의 블랙파워운동과 제3세계 -블랙팬더당과 흑인 여성을 중심으로-

이춘입 ( Choon Ib Lee ) 한국서양사학회 2016 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.128

본 논문은 블랙팬더당을 중심으로 1960년대 말과 1970년대 초 급진적 흑인 여성의 활동을 살핀다. 블랙팬더 여성들은 흑인의 해방을 위해서 자기 방어적 폭력을 지지했고 이는 당시 급진적 흑인 여성의 정치적 정체성을 구성하는 요소였다. 이는 블랙팬더의 폭력적 저항을 드러내는 시각 정치와 흑인 혁명가 여성의 이미지생산으로 실천되었다. 여기에 제3세계의 탈식민주의가 미친 영향이 크다. 그러므로 본 논문은 캘리포니아 오클랜드 중심의 연구를 벗어나 블랙팬더당 국제지부의 활동에 초점을 둔다. 1969년 알제리에 자리잡은 국제지부는 비폭력적인 활동으로 전향했던 오클랜드 본부와 달리 국제적인 맥락에서 과격한 무장저항의 원칙과 실천을 이어갔다. 1960년대 말과 1970년대 초 아프리카뿐만 아니라 아시아의 사회주의 국가와 접촉하면서 흑인 혁명가로서의 사상과 실천이 국제적인 지평으로 확대된 것이다. 그 속에서 블랙팬더 여성의 활동은 미국 국내를 넘어 제3세계로 확장되며 다국가적이고 다인종적인 정체성을 확보할 수 있었다. 이는 20세기 후반 급진적 흑인 여성의 정치 활동이 국제적인 여성해방의 사고 및 실천과 결합되는 독특한 지점이다. This article examines the dynamics of making black revolutionary women in the Black Power Movement in the late 1960s and 1970s. It focuses on how women in the Black Panther Party (BPP) constructed their political identities in relation to self-defense and women’s liberation. This study centers on Black Panther women’s practices of visual politics, their concept of violent resistance, and their production of images of black revolutionary women, echoed those of Third World women. Therefore, this article especially pays attention to the International Section of the BPP, which has been less accounted for in historical literature in large part because of its split with the more well-known domestic BPP based in Oakland, California. The International Section of the BPP, located in Algeria, placed their militant activism and armed struggle in a global context. Through their contacts with the Third World in the International Section, black revolutionary women further formulated their ideas and actions. By acknowledging the transnational scope of women’s revolutionary movements, and thereby challenging the dominant accounts of women in the BPP, this article demonstrates the transnational nature of late twentieth century black feminism, and the subsequent connections between black activism and “Third Worldism” or “Tricontinentalism” that distinguished the politics of the Black Panthers as well as that of many white radicals in the Sixties. (Dong-A University / choonib@gmail.com)

아프로 헤어

이춘입(Lee, Choon-Ib) 부산대학교 인문학연구소 2017 코기토 Vol.- No.82

1960년대 미국에서 유행한 아프로(Afro) 헤어스타일은 급진적 흑인 여성들이 자신의 새로운 정치적 주체성을 드러내는 가장 강력한 시각 정치의 도구였다. 특히 1960년대 후반 학생비폭력조정위원회(Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee)나 블랙팬더당(Black Panther Party)과 같은 급진적 흑인해방운동에 참여한 여성들은 흑인 여성의 몸을 자연스럽게 재현함으로써 역사상 그 어느 때보다 긍정적이고 적극적으로 정치적 주체성을 형성했다. 그 가운데 가장 대표적이고 가시적이었던 것이 아프로 헤어였다. 1960년대 후반 아프로 헤어는 블랙파워운동(Black Power Movement)의 사상과 실천을 표상하면서 흑인해방운동의 상징물로 거듭나게 되었다. 당시 아프로 헤어는 백인 중심적이면서 동시에 남성 중심적인 미국 사회의 인종과 젠더의 이중적 차별 속에서 주변적이자 종속적인 흑인 여성의 한계를 극복하려는 상징적 실천이었다. 흑인 여성들은 백인 여성 중심의 미적기준에 맞서 그들이 열등하다거나 추하다는 고정관념을 거부했다. 더 나아가 부정적인 여성성이라는 이미지에서 벗어나 긍정적인 흑인 여성성(black womanhood)을 보여주는 정치적 주체로 거듭나고자 했다. 이러한 흑인 여성의 실천은 역사적으로 볼 때 전통적 흑인 여성이 결코 사고할 수도 행동으로 옮길 수도 없었던 사회 변혁이었고, 이는 기존에는 없었던 새로운 미국 흑인 여성의 출현을 전 세계에 알리는 사회적 공명(共鳴)이었다. The Afro, natural hair style symbolized black women’s militancy and ‘Africanness,’ was the most powerful tool for radical black women’s visual politics to express their new political subjectivity in 1960s America. For the women especially in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Black Panther Party, the Afro reflected the radical ideas and practices of the Black Power Movement, and became the symbol of radical black liberation movements in the Sixties. Black women’s Afro was a means to express their pride in their African bodies with a natural look, and fought the American idea of black inferiority to the white beauty standard and women’s subordination to men. With the Afro, black women were neither inferior nor ugly, but having positive new black womanhood, which debunked the stereotypes of black women politically invisible and negative. This was a new historical event when radical black women, who had been generally indiscernible and invisible due to the white and male centered American society, appeared to the public as political figures, not only in the United States but also in the world.

우머니스트 신학과 앨리스 워커의 종교 및 공동체 의식 - 『자줏빛』과 『나의 동반자의 신전』

홍성주 ( Hong Seong-ju ) 부산대학교 여성연구소 2019 여성학연구 Vol.29 No.1

Black Theology as a part of liberation movements remained focused on the concerns of racist oppression, but they ignored the various forms of oppression within the Black community. Therefore, womanist theology emerged as a result of Black women developing consciousness of their multidimensional oppression and unique experience connected to being black and female in America. Womanist theologians adopted Alice Walker’s term and definition of “womanist” in her book entitled In Search of Our Mothers’ Gardens and used the term to describe themselves. In her writings, Alice Walker tried to understand Black women’s lives and religion through their experience and history. Walker insisted on tracing African roots to nurture African American’s self-esteem and cultural pride, and emphasized the importance of community bonds. Furthermore, she extended the concept of community including all the people on the earth; consequently, she considered all people’s wholeness in whatever culture they live in. Womanist theologians who fell under Alice Walker’s influence regarded Black women’s culture and history as their efforts to survive. Womanist theologians recognized Black women’s experience of struggle against their oppression and promoted new theology based on Black women’s unique religious experience. They basically searched for Black women’s wholeness but also sought to eliminate anything that prevented Black people from being whole and free. Finally womanist theologians challenged various alienating structures of oppression and pursued a world where all the people can live in relationships of mutuality. Thus, this article analyzes Walker’s religion and her community spirit in The Color Purple and The Temple of My Familiar along with womanist theology.

<헬프>와 <히든 피겨스>에 나타난 교차 억압의 대항 세력으로서의 흑인 여성 자매애

김선옥 동국대학교 영어권문화연구소 2019 영어권문화연구 Vol.12 No.1

This paper aims to explore Black sisterhood in the two movies, The Help and Hidden Figures focusing on how it functions as a counterforce against the intersectional oppression of race, gender, and class that African-American women have faced throughout history. Black sisterhood was historically established as a survival strategy under slavery where black women had to cooperate with each other for child care and survival in severe conditions and since then it has played the key role as a counterforce against racism and sexism in the white male-dominated society. Black sisterhood has been dealt with as one of the most important themes in Black women's literature and recent Hollywood movies dealing with black women's life have also focused on it. The Help and Hidden Figures, which cover African American women's self exploration and social achievements set in the sixties, present Black sisterhood as the most important sauce enabling individual African American women to make social achievements in the middle of the intersectional oppression of race, gender, and class, and contributing to making them become a rising powerful group of the modern American society. .

‘포스트 68’ 시대 블랙파워 운동을 통해 본 정체성 정치의 교차성 -블랙팬서당의 남성성과 여성성에 대한 담론을 중심으로-

이춘입 ( Lee Choon-ib ) 한국서양사학회 2020 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.145

이 글은 블랙팬서당의 남성성과 여성성에 대한 담론을 재검토함으로써 ‘포스트68’ 시대 블랙파워 운동의 젠더·인종 정치학의 특성을 살핀다. 포스트 68 시대를 지배하게 된 사회적 저항의 물결은 여성이나 흑인처럼 단일한 집단 정체성을 내세운 ‘정체성 정치’였다. 그리고 정체성 정치의 분리주의와 배타성은 1966년에 등장한 블랙파워 운동으로부터 결정적인 영향을 받았다. 한편으로 블랙파워의 남성성과 반여성주의의 증거로 제시된 스토클리 카마이클의 “prone” 농담은 단순히 성차별주의의 상징이 아니라 여성과 흑인 정체성 정치의 등장 과정에서 파생된 스토리였다. 여성해방이 등장하는 시기 블랙파워의 남성성을 규정함으로써 급진 페미니즘의 성장과 발전에 유용한 스토리를 확보했던 것이다. 다른 한편으로 블랙파워의 남성성은 「모니한 보고서」처럼 미국 사회에서 흑인 남성과 여성에 대한 편견과 고정관념에 대한 저항이었다. 그런 차원에서 블랙파워 운동의 흑인 여성도 단순히 남성의 활동을 보조하는 “동료” 역할에만 머문 것이 아니라 적극적으로 인종·젠더의 정치에 참여했으며, 능동적으로 블랙파워를 규정했다. 따라서 블랙팬서의 남성성과 여성성에 대한 담론을 정체성 정치 측면에서 살펴볼 때, 블랙파워 운동은 흑인이나 여성 등 단일한 정체성으로만 구성할 수 없는 다층적인 정체성 정치였으며, 그 자체로 (상호)교차성을 내재하고 있었다. This paper examines the race and gender politics of the Black Power Movement in post ’68 U.S., focusing on the discourse about womanhood and manhood in the Black Panther Party. What dominated the wave of social resistance in the era of post ’68 is identity politics such as blacks and women. Its separatism and exclusivism came from the black power movement that emerged in 1966. Unlike the well-known narrative of the black power movement as sexist and misogynist, the “prone” joke by Stokely Carmichael was not simple to understand as sexist. His joke became a useful story for radical feminists’ growth through defining the masculinity of black power. Its masculinity was, however, a resistance against the negative idea about black men and women in U.S. society such as the ‘Moynihan Report.’ In that sense, the womanhood of black power was not as “helpmates” supporting men’s work, but as active participants using their race and gender politics and articulating black power actively. Thus, considering the black power’s manhood and womanhood, their identity politics was not about a singular identity but related to the politics of a multi-layered identity, the intersectional identity politics. (Dong-A University / choonib@gmail.com)

성인여성의 홍차섭취와 체질량지수 및 우울 정도와의 관련성

정유미,최미자 동아시아식생활학회 2019 동아시아식생활학회지 Vol.29 No.5

Daegu area by survey. Participants were asked to report their usual intake of black tea, height, weight, preference of tea type, and depression-related score. Only 11.3% reported that they drank three cups of black tea per week. The BMI level of these respondents was significantly low, and their perception of the effect of black tea on health was high. Their perception of their health condition was high, and their perception of black tea related to price was low. Only 8.1% reported that they were obese. The age of these respondents was significantly high, and their intake of black tea and depression score were high. Their perception of their health condition was low, and their perception of black tea related to price was low. Compared with those showing a depression score ≥25, those with a depression score ≤24 were significantly more likely to be older. The frequency of black tea consumption, health condition, awareness of black tea price, awareness of the effect of black tea on health, dietary habit score, and exercise habit score of the older respondents were high. About 58.2% reported that they consumed black tea using tea bags. About 89.7% reported that they believed black tea had a positive effect on health. In conclusion, a higher intake (≥three cups/wk) of black tea was associated with a lower BMI and depression in adult women. The results of this study warrant further investigation of association between black tea intake, BMI, and depression management in humans.

현대 미국 흑인여성들의 문학적 개입 - 흑인 민족주의의 가능성과 한계 -

박미선 부산대학교 여성연구소 2011 여성학연구 Vol.21 No.3

This article examines how contemporary African American women writers struggled to construct sustainable African American communities through their literary interventions on African American nationalism in the U.S. latter half of the 20th-century. For this, I firstly located women writers, whose works were published in the 1970s and 1980s, at the ideological crossroads between black nationalism and feminism. The article then discusses the discursive and ideological contexts of their literary interventions on black nationalism. Among contemporary African American writers including Toni Morrison, Ntozake Shange, Gayl Jones, Alice Walker, and Gloria Naylor, all of whom are critical to their contemporary black nationalism, I focused on Naylor in order to provide a detailed discussion of how black literary feminism powerfully intervenes on masculinist black nationalism. A self-described black nationalist and feminist, Naylor, among the aforementioned writers, is the most “militant” in claiming African American culture as a positive source of identity. Analyzing Naylor's two novels, The Women of Brewster Place and Liden Hills, I discussed the possibilities and limits of black nationalism, with which Naylor struggles in and outside of her literary work. In doing so, I argued that, by qualifying the power of her contemporary black nationalism, Naylor suggests an alternative nationalism. Such a nationalism comes from feminist unlearning of hegemonic nationalisms; it also acknowledges women as subjects of African American national history, and helps African American communities create another culture of self-love and mutual nurturing. 이 글은 20세기 후반 미국의 흑인여성작가들이 작품활동을 통해서 페미니즘과 흑인 민족주의를 교섭하면서 지속가능한 흑인 공동체를 건설하려고 씨름해 온 방식을 논의한다. 모리슨, 샹게, 워커, 존스 등의 현대 미국 흑인여성작가들은 흑인 민족주의 담론이 흑인공동체 내부에서 작동하는 억압의 문제를 다루지 못한다는 문제의식을 공유하면서 분명하게 페미니스트 입장을 견지한다. 이들과 달리 네일러는 흑인 민족주의의 정치적 유효성을 명시적으로 인정하면서 스스로를 페미니스트이자 흑인 민족주의자로 규정한다. 이 글은 네일러가 페미니즘과 흑인 민족주의를 건설적으로 연결하는 것을 작품활동의 핵심을 이루는 기획으로 삼는다는 점에 주목하여 흑인여성문학이 흑인 민족주의에 비판적으로 개입하여 대안적 민족주의를 제시하는 방식을 논의한다. 이를 위해 1부에서는 현대 미국 흑인여성작가들이 작품활동을 해온 정치적 담론적 맥락을 소개한다. 2부에서는 흑인 민족주의에 대한 흑인여성작가들의 문학적 개입의 양상을 간략하게 논의하면서 이 글이 집중적으로 논의하는 흑인여성작가인 네일러를 현대 미국 흑인여성문학의 전통에 위치시키고 다른 한편 네일러가 다른 흑인여성작가들과 변별되는 지점을 논의한다. 3부와 4부에서는 네일러가 흑인 민족주의와 페미니즘을 교섭하는 방식을 초점으로 네일러의 두 작품을 분석하면서 흑인 페미니즘 관점에서 볼 때 흑인 민족주의의 한계와 가능성이 무엇인지를 논의한다. 그러면서 네일러 당대의 흑인 민족주의가 지속가능한 흑인공동체 건설을 위해 나아가야 할 방향을 논의한다.

흑인 여성의 섹슈얼리티 재현 - 조지아 더글라스 존슨의 시 연구

변세희 한국현대영미시학회 2015 현대영미시연구 Vol.21 No.1

African-American Woman’s Sexuality: A Study of Georgia Douglas Johnson’s Poetic Representation Sehee Byun (GyeongSang Nat’l Univ.) Georgia Douglas Johnson is a best-known Black woman poet during the 1920s’ Harlem Renaissance. Cosmopolitan cities such as Harlem, NY and Washington D. C. provided black women writers with new opportunities for speaking up their creative voices in the New Negro Movement. They took an active part in progressing New Negro images and fostered their evolving sense of modern womanhood, inspiring others to challenge the social ideas of African American feminity. This study introduces Georgia Douglas Johnson’s poetic commitment to representing African-American women’s sexuality a fresh and authentic mode. In her poems black woman speakers make a bold insistence on black woman’s creative identity and reveal a modern sensibility that would emerge more fully in the course of Harlem Renaissance. Even though Jonson didn’t raise her voices directly in the protest against racial prejudices, she tried to combat the dehumanized images of black female femininity. As one of representative New Negro woman poets, Johnson made an important contribution to revising the stifling images of black women of the 1920s.

재일한인 여성의 경제활동과 교육문제에 관한 소고 -『'민중시보'와 '여맹시보' 기사에 투영된 현실 -

박미아 한일관계사학회 2022 한일관계사연구 Vol.78 No.-

During Japanese colonial period, Korean women in Japan were under the condition of poor education and hardly achieved economic independence. After the World WarⅡ, Koreans were liberated and liberation provided more improved economic activities and education for women. Korean women tried to make a living by peddling the black market and food stalls, which were the basis of the Korean barbecue (Yakiniku) business. With the establishment of an ethnic school, equal educational opportunities were provided for women. The illiteracy rate of first-generation women was absolutely high in both Chosun and Japan, and the environment of women who could not even read and write their own names was also a factor directly related to poverty. Since the history of Koreans in Japan is mainly focused on ‘successful male’, it is easy to overlook the role of women who have ‘nothing’. Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to consider the existence and meaning of women who have not been highlighted in the front of history.