17世紀 被擄人 趙完璧의 安南 체험

남미혜 국민대학교 한국학연구소 2016 한국학논총 Vol.45 No.-

본 논문은 정유재란 당시 일본에 포로로 끌려가 안남에 세 차례 다녀온 趙完璧의 安南 체험에 대해서 살펴본 글이다. 조완벽은 1597년 정유재란때 포로로 잡혀 일본으로 끌려간 후, 1604년부터 1606년까지 倭主인 스미노쿠라 료이(角倉了以)가 운영하는 朱印船에 승선하여 세 차례 안남에 다녀왔다. 조완벽의 체험담은 진주에서 소촌도 찰방을 역임한 金允安에 의해서 鄭士信, 李埈, 李睟光에게 전해지게 되었으며, 이들에 의해 「趙完璧傳」으로 入傳되었다. 조완벽은 갑자사화 때 화를 당한 知足堂 趙之瑞의 증손으로, 字는 汝守, 號는 松江, 본관은 林川이다. 경상도 진주지방의 명문세족인 河魏寶의 손주사위이며, 처가와 외가가 모두 진주지역의 명문세족이었다. 조완벽은 안남 방문을 통해 이수광의 시가 안남 유생들 사이에서 애송되고 있다는 사실과 함께, 안남에 대한 상세한 정보를 전하였다. 조완벽이 방문했던 지역은 安南의 乂安 興元縣이었으며, 당시 안남은 남북 두 개의 정권으로 대립되어 있었다. 조완벽은 흥원현에서 그 지역의 해외통상을 관리하던 고관 文理候와 지역 유생들에게 초대를 받고 이수광의 시를 매개로 하여 그들과 筆談을 주고받았다. 조완벽은 안남인의 의식주 및 풍속, 기후, 동식물․과일 및 산물, 처첩제도, 안남인의 성품 등에 대해서 매우 자세히 전하고 있다. 조완벽은 안남에서 많은 사람들을 만나 필담으로 대화를 나누면서 한자문화권 내부의 동질감과 이질감을 느꼈던 것으로 보인다. 안남인에 대한 조완벽의 인식은 긍정적인 인식과 부정적인 인식이 교차하고 있었다. 조완벽의 견문에 기초한 안남에 대한 상세한 정보는 17세기 조선사회에 안남에 대한 지식을 높이는 계기로 작용하였다. 17세기 조선에서는 국가가 아닌 개인이 국제무역선을 운항해서 외국에 나가 교역하는 행위 자체를 상상할 수 없었다. 그러나 당시 일본에서는 동아시아 국가들을 상대로 한 국제무역 행위가 이미 활발히 진행되고 있었으며, 조완벽은 이를 실제로 목격하고 동참했던 최초의 조선인이었다. This paper scrutinize the experience of Cho Wan-byuk in Annam, who was a captive during Japanese Invasion of 1597(丙子胡亂), and traversed Annam(安南) three times. Upon the Japanese Invasion of 1597, Cho Wan-byuk was abducted to Japan as a captive. In Japan, he was forced into labor on a Juinseon(朱印船), which was operated by a japanese slave owner named Suminokura Ryoi(角倉了以) from 1604 to 1606. During the period, he made three visits to Annam. Cho Wan-byuk's experience as a captive was heard by Kim Yun-ahn(金允安) who served as a Chalbang of Sochon Do in Jinjyu region. The story was spread by Kim Yun-ahn, and eventually reached Jeong Sa-shin(鄭士信), Lee Su-Kwang(李睟光), and Lee Jun(李埈), who later published Cho Wan-byuk Geon(趙完璧傳). Cho Wan-byuk was a great-grandchild of Jijokdang Cho Ji-seo(趙之瑞), who was executed during Gapjjasawa(甲子士禍). He had a childhood name of Yeosoo, and a pen name of Songgang, and his family clan originated from Imchon region. He was married to a granddaughter of Ha Wi-bo(河魏寶), a member of a powerful clan from Jinjyu region of Gyeongsang province. Both his wife's side and mother's side were all members of powerful clans in Jinjyu region. After three visits to Annam, Cho Wan-byuk spread the detailed informations about Annam nation, along with the fact that poetry written by Lee Su-Kwang was very popular and loved to recite among Confucian scholars in Annam. The area where he visited, was Hung Nguyen huyen(興元縣), Nghe An(乂安), Annam. At that time, Annam was controlled by two governments, North regime and South regime, confronting each other. Staying in Hung Nguyen huyen, Cho Wan-byuk was invited by a high government official, mun ri hu(文理候), who took charge of Foreign trade, and many other local Confucian scholars. In their meetings, he communicated with them by writing about Lee Su-Kwang's poetry. Cho Wan-byuk described in detail the basics of Annam people, such as food, clothing, shelter, culture, climate, flora and fauna, fruits, principle products, concubine system, and the character of Annam people, etc. After contacting and communicating with lots of people in Annam, he seemed to feel both of cultural homogeneity and heterogeneity within chinese cultural zone. He expressed mixed feelings of positive awareness and negative awareness for the recognition of Annam people. Due to the detailed informations on Annam nation based on the knowledge of Cho Wan-byuk, the 17th century Joseon society had become motivated to better understand Annam. In the 17th century Joseon society, it could not be imagined the act itself, to navigate international trading ships and to trade abroad by individuals rather than a nation. But at that time in Japan, international trade practices against the East Asian countries were already in progress actively, and Cho Wan-byuk was the first Korean who had witnessed this activity and participated in actually.

元ㆍ安南 간 육상 교통 루트와 驛站

윤은숙(Eun-Sook Yoon) 한국몽골학회 2024 몽골학 Vol.77 No.-

元을 대표하는 교통로인 역참은 군대와 군수품을 이동시키는 수단으로 개발되었다. 전쟁 이후에는 원과 주변 국가의 공적 사무나 교역을 위한 중요한 교통수단으로 활용되었다. 中原과 安南을 연결하는 육상 교통로는 당대 개척되기 시작했으나 활발하게 사용된 시기는 원대부터이다. 원이 구축한 안남 간 교통로는 우회 노선을 직선화하여 시간을 단축하고, 60리마다 역참을 건설함으로써 교통로의 안정과 지속성을 강화하려 했다. 양국의 대표적인 육로 교통로는 ①重慶~蒙自~탕롱과 ②중경~邕州~탕롱을 잇는 노선이다. ①은 雲南行省의 중경을 출발해 가파른 산악을 직선으로 달려 몽자에 도착한 뒤에 홍강을 타고 안남으로 들어가는 길로 남송 정복 이전에 양국 사신이 이동하던 길이었으나 산악을 통과해야 하므로 시간 소요가 많은 단점이 있었다. ②는 원이 옹주를 접수한 후에 개척한 길로 양국을 잇는 가장 빠른 교통로로 주로 사신의 이동 루트나 교역로 이용되었다. 이 길은 진남왕 토곤이 조성한 역참로인데, 안남왕이 두려워할 정도로 안남 내까지 60리마다 역참이 매우 조밀하게 설치되는 특징이 있다. 1284년에 역참 설치 이래 1~2년 간격으로 안남 사신은 이 루트를 따라 대도로 와서 헌상품을 전달하였고 원의 하사품도 이동하였다. 안남의 헌상품은 황족들의 사치품으로 충당되었고, 원의 선물은 안남왕의 권위를 높이는 의례 용품으로 이용되었다. 이 시기 안남으로 들어가는 입구 역참인 永平寨가 민간 교역의 중심지로 번성하였다. The primary transportation routes of the Yuan Dynasty, known as the postal routes, were developed to facilitate the movement of troops and military supplies. Later, these routes became important for official business and trade between Yuan and neighboring countries. Although land transportation routes connecting the central plains of China with Annam began to be established during the Tang Dynasty, they were not actively used until the Yuan Dynasty. The transportation routes between Yuan and Annam were straightened to shorten the travel time by eliminating detours and to enhance the stability and continuity of the routes by constructing postal stations every 60 li. The primary land transportation routes between the two countries were (1) Chongqing-Mengzi-Thang Long and (2) Chongqing-Yongzhou-Thang Long. The first route, departing from Chongqing in Yunnan Province, went directly through steep mountains to reach Mengzi, and then followed the Hong River into Annam. This was the route used by envoys from both countries before the Southern Song conquest; however, it was time-consuming due to the mountainous terrain. The second route was developed after Yuan took control of Yongzhou, becoming the fastest transportation route between the two countries and mainly used for envoys and trade. This route was established by Toghon, featuring a dense network of postal stations every 60 li within Annam, which intimidated the king of Annam. Since the establishment of these postal stations in 1284, Annamese envoys traveled along this route to Dadu every one to two years to deliver tributes, as well as to transport goods for the Yuan court. Annam’s tributes were used to supply luxuries for the imperial family, while gifts from Yuan were used as ceremonial items to enhance the authority of the king of Annam. During this period, Yongping, a postal station at the entrance to Annam, flourished as a hub for private trade.

北으로 간 安南國王 陳益稷

윤승연 한국외국어대학교(글로벌캠퍼스) 역사문화연구소 2023 역사문화연구 Vol.85 No.-

In this paper, we looked at “Tran Ich Tac(陳益稷)”, who surrendered to Yuan during the war with Yuan(元) during the Tran(Trần, 陳) Dynasty in Vietnam in the 13th and 14th centuries, as “King of Annam(安南國王)”. At that time, the Southern Song(南宋) conquest was carried out by Yuan and the conquest of Vietnam began, and discussions were being held on the side of the Tran Dynasty. Yuan made a strong demand for “Six Duties(六事)” against Vietnam at the time, of which it was strongly demanding “audience of the emperor(親朝)”. However, when the Tran Dynasty refused to do so, Khubilai appointed Tran Di Ai(陳遺愛), who had been dispatched as a Vietnamese envoy, to “King of Annam”. And this Yuan's move later affected Tran Ich Tac(陳益稷), and surrendered during the war between the two countries and was censured as “King of Annam”. Some argue that the reason for the surrender of Tran Ich Tac is to understand Yuan's internal situation. He also said that the reason for the surrender to Khubilai at the time was to protect the territory of the Tran Dynasty and the position of Jong-myo Shrine, but this was only a justification to unify the surrender of Tran Ich Tac and to satisfy the ambition he had brought before. However, it is noteworthy that the punishment for Tran Ich Tac was different from others in the process of punishing the surrender after the war and rationalized his surrender with the birth story, showing his influence within the Tran Dynasty, so inside Vietnam, Tran Ich Tac would not publicly inform him of the fact that he was accused of "king of Annam." 본고에서는 13~14세기 베트남 陳왕조 시기 몽골-元과의 전쟁 과정 중 元에 투항한 인물로서 ‘安南國王’으로 책봉 받는 陳益稷에 대해 살펴보았다. 몽골의 南宋 정벌이 종료된 이후 베트남에 대한 정벌이 시작되며 陳왕조 측에서는 이에 대한 대처 방안이 논의되었다. 몽골은 당시 베트남에 대해 복속의 조건으로 ‘六事’를 제시했는데 그중에서도 ‘親朝’를 강력하게 요구하고 있었다. 그러나 陳왕조가 이를 거부하자 쿠빌라이는 베트남 측에서 사절로 파견한 종친 陳遺愛를 安南國王에 임명한다. 이러한 元의 행보는 이후 陳益稷에게도 영향을 주었다. 陳益稷 역시 양국의 전쟁 과정 중 元에 투항하여 ‘安南國王’으로 책봉되는 것이다. 陳益稷의 투항 원인에 대해 몽골의 내부 정세 파악을 위해서였다고 주장하는 이들도 있다. 陳益稷은 당시 투항 이유에 대해 쿠빌라이에게 陳왕조의 영토와 종묘사직을 지키기 위함이라고 이야기했지만 어디까지나 이는 그 자신 투항을 정당화하고자 하는 수사일 뿐이다. 그는 일찍부터 남다른 야욕을 지니고 있었고 그것이 투항으로 이어졌다. 다만 전쟁 후 투항자들에 대한 처벌 과정에서 陳益稷에 대한 처벌이 다른 이들과는 달랐다. 또한 그의 투항을 탄생의 설화로써 분식하고 있는 점도 주목된다. 그는 陳왕조 내부에서 상당한 영향력을 지니고 있었다. 그렇기 때문에 베트남 내부에서는 陳益稷이 ‘安南國王’으로 책봉된 사실에 대해 가능한 한 숨기고자 하였다. 또 일면 그의 투항을 용인하는 듯한 모습을 보였던 것도 이러한 전후 사정에서 기인하는 것이라 여겨진다.

표류기에 나타난 베트남 인식

허경진 ( Kyoung Jin Hur ),김성은 ( Seong Eun Kim ) 연민학회 2011 연민학지 Vol.15 No.-

People in Joseon dynasty who lived at the shore drifted toward China, Japan, or Vietnam in an accident. One of the examples is an accident 24 people from Jeju island, Joseon drifted toward Annam in 1687. This paper examines the drifting records to Vietnam with respect to recognition on Vietnam and managements of both countries. They had conversation by writing based on Chinese which East Asian countries could understand in common. People from Jeju admired kindhearted people and sufficient goods in Annam. On the other hand, Vietnam endeavored to make a good relationship with Joseon, however, Joseon dynasty dealt with this accident passively.

정유재란기 被虜人(피로인) 趙完璧(조완벽)의 家系(가계)와 삶

남미혜 ( Mi Hye Nam ) 이화사학연구소 2015 梨花史學硏究 Vol.0 No.50

This paper scrutinizes the life and genealogy of Cho Wan-byuk(趙完璧), who traversed Annam(安南), Luzon(呂宋), Yukyu(琉球) region as a prisoner of war, after Japanese Invasion of 1597. Cho Wan-byuk was a great-grandchild of Jijokdang Cho Ji-seo, who was executed during Gapjjasawa(甲子士禍). He had a childhood name of Yeosoo, and a pen name of Songgang, and his family clan originated from Imchon region. He was married to a granddaughter of Ha Wi-bo, a member of a powerful clan from Jinjyu region of Gyeongsang province. Both his wife`s side and mother`s side were all members of powerful clans in Jinjyu region. Upon the Japanese Invasion of 1597, Cho Wan-byuk was abducted to Japan, where later he was forced into labor on a Juinseon(朱印船) from 1604 to 1606. During this three years period, he made three visits to Annam. After ten years of being captive in Japan, he was eventually released to Joseon with Yeo Woo-gil, who was sent as an envoy of repatriation in 1607. Cho Wan-byuk`s experience as a captive was heard by Kim Yun-ahn who served as a Chalbang of Sochon Do in Jinjyu region. The story was spread by Kim Yun-ahn, and eventually reached Jeong Sa-shin, Lee Su-Kwang, and Lee Jun, who later published Cho Wan-byuk Jeon (趙完璧傳). Cho Wan-byuk and his mistress stayed in his hometown Jinjyu, where he spent the rest of his life focusing on his reading career. It is difficult to pinpoint the exact date of Cho Wan-byuk`s death, but he can be confirmed alive until 1642, hence his death occurred after that year. Unfortunately, Cho Wan-byuk`s family failed to prosper; upon entering 20th century, his family line eventually died out. Cho Wan-byuk was an educated scholar who was more than capable of leaving his story in writings. However, none of his works have been discovered so far. The extinction of his family line could be a factor contributing to this phenomenon, but it seems that Cho Wan-byuk spent rest of his life in silence due to the unwelcoming attitude of Joseon society toward prisoners of war.

대청호 상류유역의 오염원 현황과 수질관리 방안에 관한 연구 : 안남천과 안내천을 중심으로

안태웅 ( Ahn Taeung ),강성주 ( Kang Seongju ),김동민 ( Kim Dongmin ),김병수 ( Kim Byeongsoo ),강지현 ( Kang Jihyeon ),이흥수 ( Lee Heungsoo ),오정국 ( Oh Jungkuk ),조인호 ( Jo Inho ),정상구 ( Jeong Sanggue ),손대희 ( Son Daehee ) 한국물환경학회 2020 한국물환경학회·대한상하수도학회 공동 춘계학술발표회 Vol.2020 No.-

대청호는 금강 중·상류에 건설된 다목적 인공호수로서 대청호 상류유역 연평균 총강수량의 인 약 28억 ㎥(68%)이 유입되고 있고 중부권의 주요 용수원으로 연간 약 16억 ㎥의 생활용수, 공업용수, 관계용수를 공급하고 있다. 이러한 수자원을 보호하기 위하여 대청호 주변에 오염물질 배출로 인한 환경오염을 예방하고 자연환경 및 생활환경을 적정하게 관리·보전하기 위하여 기존의 상수원보호구역 외에 상수원 수질보전 특별대책지역을 지정·고시가 되어 수질보전을 위한 노력은 지속적으로 이루어지고 있다. 대청호 수질개선 및 녹조문제를 해결하기 위하여 대청호로 직접 유입 하천에 대한 중장기 모니터링을 실시하고 있으며, 지류하천별 물환경 기초자료를 확보하고 오염원 정밀조사를 통한 지류별 오염발생 특성을 파악하여 수질개선 및 녹조저감을 위한 수질관리를 방안을 모색하고 있다. 이와 관련하여 대청호 상류유역의 지류지천 중에서 안남천과 안내천을 대상으로 현장조사를 통해 오염원 그룹별로 오염원을 분석하고 하천유량 및 수질 모니터링을 수행한 결과를 종합하여 대청호의 안남천과 안내천의 수질관리방안을 마련하고자 하였다. 오염원 그룹별로 현장을 조사한 결과, 안남천 유역에는 축사 43개소(소 570두, 가금 13,000두), 방치축분 12개 지점 등 축산계 오염원과 인삼재배지 21개소(면적 29,026 ㎡), 비닐하우스 9개소(면적 24,747 ㎡), 홍수조절지 56개소(면적 62,226 ㎡) 등 토지계 오염원으로 확인되었다. 안남천 유역 전체 T-P 배출부하량 중 축산계가 93.8%, 생활계는 5.7%, 토지계가 0.5%의 비율로 확인되어 축산계에 대한 수질관리방안의 마련이 필요한 것으로 나타났다. 안남천과 안내천의 현장조사를 통한 오염원 분석 및 하천 모니터링 결과를 종합적으로 분석하여 안남천·안내천 유역의 수질개선을 위한 축산계 구조적 및 비구조적인 관리방안을 마련하였다. 수계의 저영향 축산활동을 위해서는 구조적인 관리방안인 노후화된 시설지원, 축분 수거를 통한 자원화처리와 비구조적인 관리방안인 비가림막 도우미 제공, 주민들에 대한 환경교육이 활성화 되어야 할 것으로 판단된다. 토지계 관리 방안으로는 안남천·안내천 유역의 홍수조절지의 불법 경작에 대한 해결 및 경작지의 축소와 농업 비점오염원의 유출방지가 필요할 것으로 판단된다.

쿠빌라이 시기 安南과의 외교 교섭 - 元의 정책과 安南의 대응을 중심으로 -

조원(Cho Won) 동양사학회 2021 東洋史學硏究 Vol.154 No.-

Although Annam maintained its independence through a tributary relationship with the song dynasty, the Mongol, via Uriyangkhadai’s campaign during Mongke’s rule, subjugated Annam in the 1258. As Khubilai rose to power, the diplomatic relations between Mongol and Annan did not follow the typical Mongolian policy, which was a dichotomy between the submissive and the resistant. Essentially, Khubilai’s diplomacy became more flexible. This flexibility was a part of Khubilai’s greater plan for longer reign, conquest of the Southern Song, and advancement into the South Seas. Khubilai established diplomatic relations with Annam in the early years of his reign amidst a civil war, with the conquest of Southern Song in mind. Even though the Mongols imposed the standard obligations of the subjection, such as demanding like hostage, the Mongols also continued the “tributary system” formerly established between the Song and Annam, thus providing some aspects of Annam independence while maintaining communication between the two states. Annam, while maintaining a dual relationship between Yuan and Song, maintained a more submissive attitude in the tributary relationship with the former through tributary missions and diplomacy through diplomatic missions, and presented compromise proposals through negotiations. As the war to Southern Song began, however, the Mongols’ policies toward Annam became more unyielding. Khubilai imposed the six-duties of military obligations on Annam and dispatched Mongol-appointed Darughachis. With the military demands and the dispatch of the Darughachi, Mongol’s interference and pressure intensified. However, the King of Annam maintained a submissive attitude, albeit not fulfilling the six duties, while quietly preparing to fight back against the Mongols. When Southern Song fell and the Mongols advanced into Southeast Asia, military tensions intensified in the region. Annam was at a crossroads between subjugation and resistance. For the advancement into the Southern Seas, Khubilai established the Annam Pacification Office and the Champa Branch Secretariats in Annam and Champa respectively. It was when Khubilai took measures to recognize Annam as a part of the Yuan Empire and made demands to Annam for safe passage for the campaign toward Champa that Annam, together with other regimes of the Southeast Asia, stood up and fiercely resisted against the Mongols.

대한제국기 진휼정책과 내장원의 곡물 공급

박성준(Park, Sung-Joon) 역사학회 2013 역사학보 Vol.0 No.218

The Relief policy of the Great Han Empire was implemented directly by the initiation of the nation. The Great Han Empire administered the sahwan rice(社還米) and the import of Annam rice(安南米) as well as public lands rent was done through the Naejangwon. The import of Annam rice by the Great Han Empire joining western style world order was attempted to resolve the grain shortage through international trade. The weight Annam rice was used as a relief grain was higher than that of sahwan rice, as the price of Annam rice imported by the Great Han Empire was lower than the market price of the rice domestically produced by the Great Han Empire. While Naejangwon supplied Annam rice through merchant & national admin system, but Annam rice was sold or supplied to public at the price determined by the Naejangwon. Annam rice was supplied by Naejangwon since 1901, but each district gun requested the supply of public lands rent as well. Naejangwon rejected such request, but King Gojong approved to provide the public lands rent. The supply price of Annam rice of Naejangwon was determined higher than import price, and the price of public lands rent was determined by the spring market price. The supply of Annam rice and the public lands rent by Naejangwon had a characteristic of both rescue function and the commercial nature of securing the gov’t treasury by applying the difference of price or market price.

고려초기 지방제도 개편과 都護府-安東·安南의 置廢와 移動-

윤경진 한국중세사학회 2009 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.27

In this article, the changes that the Dohobu(都護府) units in the Andong(安東) and Annam(安南) areas went through over the years are examined, within the scope of rearrangements that were conducted upon the local administrative system, in the early days of the Goryeo dynasty. Both Dohobu units were installed, then dismantled, and also shifted locations in the process, and such process is believed to have reflected the government’s intentions, in rearranging the local ruling structure at the time. At first, both Dohobu units not only served military purposes, but also were in charge of monitoring the Jangri(長吏) clerks in local areas. In the renovation of 983, both Dohobu units were dismantled, and the function of monitoring was delegated to the 12 Mok units. Then in the renovation of 995, 5 Doho(都護) units[Anbuk(安北)․Anbyeon(安邊)․Anseo(安西)․Andong(安東)․Annam(安南)] were installed, resurrecting the aforementioned two Dohobu units. These 5 Doho units were located in either the border area or the coastal regions, to serve as defensive outposts. In the renovation of 1012, the Dohobu units again shifted locations away from the coastline, and became central figures of the military defense system. Civilian functions were relegated to the Anmusa(安撫使) figures. Then in the renovation of 1018, most of the Dohobu units moved back to their original locations. Later, Andong Dohobu was dismantled, and Annam Dohobu as well was shut down around 1082, leaving only 3 Doho units in the middle and northern regions. In this article, the changes that the Dohobu(都護府) units in the Andong(安東) and Annam(安南) areas went through over the years are examined, within the scope of rearrangements that were conducted upon the local administrative system, in the early days of the Goryeo dynasty. Both Dohobu units were installed, then dismantled, and also shifted locations in the process, and such process is believed to have reflected the government’s intentions, in rearranging the local ruling structure at the time. At first, both Dohobu units not only served military purposes, but also were in charge of monitoring the Jangri(長吏) clerks in local areas. In the renovation of 983, both Dohobu units were dismantled, and the function of monitoring was delegated to the 12 Mok units. Then in the renovation of 995, 5 Doho(都護) units[Anbuk(安北)․Anbyeon(安邊)․Anseo(安西)․Andong(安東)․Annam(安南)] were installed, resurrecting the aforementioned two Dohobu units. These 5 Doho units were located in either the border area or the coastal regions, to serve as defensive outposts. In the renovation of 1012, the Dohobu units again shifted locations away from the coastline, and became central figures of the military defense system. Civilian functions were relegated to the Anmusa(安撫使) figures. Then in the renovation of 1018, most of the Dohobu units moved back to their original locations. Later, Andong Dohobu was dismantled, and Annam Dohobu as well was shut down around 1082, leaving only 3 Doho units in the middle and northern regions.

18세기 고소설에 나타난 ‘비-중국’ 국가의 서사적 이미지 -〈완월회맹연〉의 금국과 안남을 중심으로

김수연(Kim, Soo-youn) 국어국문학회 2020 국어국문학 Vol.0 No.193

이 글은 18세기 국문장편소설 〈완월회맹연〉에 나타난 ‘비-중국’ 국가의 서사적 이미지를 살펴보고, 당시 소설 독자가 공유했던 북방 국가 및 남방 국가에 대한 인식을 고찰한 것이다. 구체적으로 금국과 안남을 대상으로 화이론(華夷論)의 관점이 아닌 지역적 시각에서 동아시아를 구성하는 조공질서 내 국가 이미지를 살폈다. 〈완월회맹연〉 속 금국과 안남은 야만의 오랑캐가 아니라 조선과 같은 조공 질서 내의 합법적 국가이다. 두 나라는 조공 질서의 두 측면을 드러내면서 중국 중심주의가 흔들리고 있는 징후를 보인다. 금국은 조공 질서에 순응하는 국가로 그려지고, 안남은 조공을 거부하고 명나라 속국의 지위에서 벗어나려는 국가로 묘사되기 때문이다. 〈완월회맹연〉은 ‘비-중국’ 국가가 조공질서에 기꺼이 종속될 때 합법적 국가로 인정받는 상황을 보여준다. 조공질서를 흔드는 일탈자가 되는 순간 그들은 야만의 오랑캐로 규정된다. 부국강병을 이룬 안남왕이 명나라 군대를 물리치기 위해 사용한 군사적 전략을 반인륜적 행동과 연결시킴으로써, 명에 대한 저항에 패륜의 이미지를 덧씌우는 것이 대표적이다. 〈완월회맹연〉 속 ‘비-중국’ 국가의 서사에는 청나라가 중원에 들어선 후 어긋나기 시작하는 화이론과 흔들리기 시작하는 중국 중심적 조공질서에 대한 다층적ㆍ복합적 인식이 반영되어 있다고 하겠다. This article examines the narrative image of a “non-Chinese” country that appeared in the 18<SUP>th</SUP> century Korean novel, Alliance Formed at the 〈Wanwŏl hoemaengyŏn〉, and examines the perception of northern and southern countries shared by readers of the novel at that time. The national image within the tributary order that composes East-Asia was examined from a regional perspective, not from the point of view of Hwa-I Theory (華夷論). Specifically, it dealt with Geumguk in the north and Annam in the south. Geumguk and Annam in Wanwŏl hoemaengyŏn are not the barbaric, but legal states within the same tribute order as Joseon. The two countries show signs of swaying Chinese centralism, revealing two aspects of the tribute order. Geumguk is depicted as a country conforming to the tribute order, and Annam tries to abolish tribute and escape the status of the Ming dynasty. When a “non-Chinese” state is willing to subordinate to the tribute order, it is recognized as a legal state. The moment they become deviants who shake the tribute order, they are again defined as the barbaric. In 〈Wanwŏl hoemaengyŏn〉, the image of immorality is overlaid on the resistance to the Ming by linking the military strategy used by King Annam, who was a rich nation to defeat the Ming army, with immoral actions. The narrative of the “non-Chinese” state in the 〈Wanwolhoe Alliance〉 reflects the multi-layered and complex perception of the Hwa-I theory that began to deviate after the Qing Dynasty entered the mid-centre and the China-centered tribute order that began to shake.