터키의 유럽연합 가입 과정과 가입을 위한 개선사항에 대한 연구

김대성(Kim, Dae-Sung) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2012 중동문제연구 Vol.11 No.1

Since the Association Agreement with the European Community in 1963, Turkey has been striving for full membership in the EC/EU. The pursuit of EU membership for Turkey has been a painfully slow process. By the end of the 1980s, integration with Western Europe took on a new priority in Turkish foreign policy with Turkey’s application to become a full member of the EC in 1987. However, Turkey's EC membership bid was rejected with ambivalence by EC countries throughout the late 1980s to 1990s. After the collapse of communism, the EC focused their enlargement agenda on Central and Eastern Europe, former members of the Soviet block. Despite the signing of a Customs Union between Turkey and the EU in 1996, the troubled EU-Turkish relationship culminated in the EU’s Luxembourg summit in 1997. With the EU’s Luxembourg summit, Turkey was excluded from the EU’s enlargement negotiations. The EU’'s 1997 decision provoked a hostile reaction from Turkish elites as well as the public. The common view held in Turkey was that Turkey was being excluded from the EU on religious and cultural grounds. After the EU’s Luxembourg summit, Turkey has continuously carried out political reforms. The EU approved the intention of Turkey to reform the human rights of minorities and declared that Turkey was a ‘candidate State’ at the Helsinki summit of 1999. At last, In December 2002, the EU acknowledged the decisive progress made by Turkey in its far-reaching reform process. By 2004, the Commission Progress Report on Turkey acknowledged that Turkey had met the political criteria to commence accession negotiations. The European Council in December 2004 decided to set a date for the opening of accession negotiations with Turkey on the 3rd of October 2005. But, there are many internal and external hurdles to overcome the delay in accession negotiations. Some external factors include the unresolved issue of Cyprus, the Armenian question and the Aegean dispute in Greece. What hinders Turkey within from the viewpoint of the EU is its slow pace in carrying out the necessary political and economic reforms.

EU-터키 관세동맹에 따른 터키 통상정책의 행보-적극적 FTA 정책인가, EU의 FTA를 답습하는가?-

강유덕 ( Yoo Duk Kang ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해연구소 2016 지중해지역연구 Vol.18 No.1

The EU-Turkey Customs Union (CU) brought about many changes in Turkey’s trade policy. In order to complete the CU, Turkey had to remove its tariff vis-a-vis the EU and to align its external tariff to EU’s common external tariff. In addition, Turkey implemented considerable domestic reforms in such as comprehensive areas as customs administration, competition and intellectual property rights. In particular, Turkey accepted the EU’s preferential trading scheme with third countries, and as a result, it concluded FTAs with a number of EU’s trading partners. Turkey has been facing new challenges in maintaining its CU with the EU since mid 2000s, because the EU put increasingly higher priority to expanding its FTA networks. This means that Turkey has to include the EU’s FTAs in its trade policy agenda. This study aims to examine how Turkey has responded to these challenges; has Turkey accepted EU’s FTA path and agenda as a follower or has it tried to exploit its own trade policy in the margin of the CU? Turkey’s FTAs were implemented four to five years later than EU’s FTAs with the same trade partners, and its coverage in FTAs is less far-reaching. All FTAs that Turkey has implemented so far cover only trading in goods. This is largely due to the two facts; fact one, the main objective of Turkey’s trade policy is to increase its export and fact two, the CU limits it to manufacturing products. The EU and Turkey have different priorities in their FTA agenda. Turkey’s trade communities have been increasingly complaining about the lack of a mechanism, which reflects Turkish concerns on the EU’s trade agenda. If the EU and Turkey have an increasingly diverging FTA policy, it is likely that the EU-Turkey Customs Union will enter into a new era, after twenty years of its existence. The first scenario is that Turkey follows the EU’s FTAs and extends its FTA agenda into new issues, such as service, investment and public procurement. The second scenario is to reshuffle the CU and to change it into a comprehensive FTA, well suited to the interests of both parties. The last scenario is to create a mechanism that will deliver Turkey’s interests into the EU’s decision making process in the trading area.

터키의 EU 가입 협상에 따른 이슬람 종교-문화적 갈등과 절충에 관한 연구

이희수 ( Hee Soo Lee ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2010 중동연구 Vol.28 No.3

In October, 2005 Turkey has started a wide range of negotiation with EU for her full membership in Luxembourg, where Turkey`s candidacy was rejected in 1997. We expect however a long way to fulfill Turkey`s goals to be integrated to Europe. Because all critical decisions on Turkey have been taken after every kind of difficult process since the Helsinki Summit in 1999, when Turkey`s EU candidacy was accepted. In spite of negative approaches initiated certain countries as France and Belgium against Turkey`s efforts to be EU member, Turkey has implemented political reforms with incredible speed within five years. Things that were not expected by the Europeans to be achieved in 20 years, were accomplished in only five years. Now many experts agree that Turkey has much more possibility to be a full member of EU after 2012. Accordingly the government of Turkey(AKP) exerts her bet efforts to fulfill 35 standard articles which EU suggested for Turkey as the basic guidelines and conditions for full membership negotiation. Of course, such four sensitive political-historical issues as ①Armenian genocide in 1905, ②rights of minority Kurdish communities in Turkey, ③peace agreement of with Greece for Cyprus status, ④tolerance to Greek Patriarchal renovation in Istanbul, are main subjects for negotiation processes with EU. But the matter of cultural differences between Turkey and EU is also a pivotal factor for the future of Turkey with EU. How a 99% Muslim country can be integrated to Christian EU community? How to harmonize some Islamic religious obligations or rituals which might violate the value of EU or its standards? The 5 times daily prayers, one month long fasting, cruelty to animal and insanitary matters on sacrifice festival during the Eid-al Adha, honor killings, women circumcision, hijab prohibition in the public sectors and many others are some of critical issues to be discussed. As for EU too, the debate about Turkey`s EU membership clearly demonstrates that Europe is once again at one of critical deciding moments. At this point the EU should decide: Is it going to stay as an institution of ols Europe or is it going to progress to a better, more advanced stage with Turkey?(Laciner 2005:13). In this regard, this articles is designed to study on the conflict and harmony of Islamic Religious-Cultural factors in the process of Turkey`s negotiation for his EU Integration mainly based on anthropological intensive interviews. Surprisingly, Turkey has successfully solved the religious and cultural differences in many fields through comprehensive reinterpretation of Islamic tradition and obligations. Furthermore Turkey showed great possibilities to other Muslim countries like Morocco an Tunisia in Mediterranean to be member of EU in the future.

한국과 터키의 상호 인식 -한국과 터키 사회과 교과서 내 양국에 대한 서술을 중심으로-

정재윤 ( Jae Yun Jeong ) 부산외국어대학교 지중해지역원 2012 지중해지역연구 Vol.14 No.1

This paper compares the contents of Korean and Turkish social studies textbooks on both countries to examine how the perceptions of two countries on each other are represented in the textbooks. Textbooks are closely related to the political and power structures of a country. In this sense, textbooks are social narratives. As such, the country narratives about Turkey found in the textbooks of Korea are one of the official ways Korea perceives Turkey and the country narratives about Korea found in the Turkish textbooks play an important role in how Turkey understands Korea. In Korean textbooks, Turkey is introduced as part of the non-Western world in the dualistic world view between the West and the non-West. They describe the history of Turkey from the time of the Seljuk dynasty, to the Ottoman Empire, and to the Republic of Turkey and the current affairs of contemporary Turkish society in detail. However, they do not consider the historical significance of Turkey from a world history perspective. Turkey is an Islamic country with historical and cultural traditions of the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires and is currently being considered to join the European Union. Therefore, being on the border, Turkey has features of both the West and the non-West and it is difficult to understand Turkey from the perspective of only one-side. On the other hand, the Korean War is the most often mentioned topic about Korea in the Turkish textbooks. In general, they describe the Korean War as an international historical event paying attentions to the cause, the unfolding of the war, and the aftermath. However, they tend to emphasize the Turkish contribution to the Korean War. The Turkish textbooks explain that the Korean War was an attempt to stop the spread of Communism and to keep peace. Therefore, the textbooks explain that Turkey`s participation was not only part of the Turkish history but also an attempt to realize the ideals of the Republic of Turkey. Accordingly, the level of perception found in the textbooks of Korea and Turkey on each other is uneven. This is because textbooks are social products reflecting the understanding of power, politics, social ideas and values of the society. While textbooks reflect the official understanding of the society they continuously reflect the changes of perception at the same time.

Life and Its Meaning of First-generation Immigrant Koreans in Turkey: The Image of a Contributor

Son, Young-Eun,Jeong, Eun-Kyung 강원대학교 인문과학연구소 2021 Journal of Humanities Therapy Vol.12 No.2

This study aims to understand the image and meaning of life by examining the lives of first-generation Korean immigrants in Turkey by conducting an oral life story survey on 9 first-generation Korean immigrants living in Turkey for 20 to 40 years. Based on the oral contents of the narrators, three questions were largely “life before immigrating to Turkey, life after immigrating to Turkey, life in the future, and the most memorable moment”. First, as a result of examining the life before immigration to Turkey based on the oral contents of the narrators, most of them had positive experiences with foreign countries and foreigners, and it was found that these experiences had an impact on their immigration to Turkey. Next, we looked at the oral contents of the narrators about their lives after moving to Turkey. First, it is understood that the reason for choosing Turkey was that they wanted to live in a foreign country with advanced culture at the time. Second, as a result of checking life as an immigrant through life in Turkey, it appears that they made a thorough effort to belong to the immigrant society. These efforts were more like conformity by actively accepting and acknowledging systems and commands, rather than adaptation. Finally, the narratos" answers about the future life and memorable moments gave us a glimpse into the relentless effort to contribute behind the attitude of conformity. Through the above narrative, it is possible to confirm the image of the contributor to the first generation of Korean immigrants in Turkey. The desire to take root and occupy such a position as a person who is helpful to the land to which they immigrated, that is, Turkey, is revealed as the “image of contributor”, and this can be seen in the attitude of the first-generation Korean immigrants in Turkey. Turkey, the largest refugee country in Europe, is receiving a large number of immigrants from Syria and Afghanistan, as well as from countries in Central Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa. In this context, it is very meaningful that the first-generation Korean immigrants from Turkey play such a role as a contributor in Turkish society. Although there are a small number of Koreans among immigrants in Turkey, the significance of this study can be found in that the discourse on the life of Korean immigrants who show the image of contributors in Turkey will be an important message to local immigration-related researchers.

터키에서의 한류의 현황과 전망

이난아(Lee, Nan-A) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2012 중동문제연구 Vol.11 No.1

As mutual exchanges between nations and regions increase, the understanding and exchange through diverse forms of cultural content also becomes a prominent issue. We encounter cultures of other countries through the diverse cultural content of each country to expand exchanges among contemporaries and experience cultural diversity. Basically, mutual understanding and exchange of cultural content is extremely important in understanding the mentality of humans and, furthermore, it has significant meaning in enabling true understanding among countries. This means that many cultures in the world are creating new value through mutual exchange and interaction. The main factors of the Korean Wave are that it has commercial value and a competitive edge against other cultural commodities in the market. In addition, all these aspects will turn into commercial value along with the craftsmanship and artistry of the Korean Wave being recognized, and the popularity being emphasized. So far, we have addressed the current status of cultural aspects of the Korean Wave in Turkey and, especially, the activities of ‘Koreafans’, the main Korean Wave fan club in Turkey. The activities of ‘Koreafans’ have great significance for its members are volunteers and active in introducing Korean culture to Turkey. It is highly likely that the Korean Wave in Turkey will spread more in the future considering the vigorous economic activity between two countries and the historical background. We usually create a specific image of a country through indirect experiences such as education, mass media, products and the influence of the environment. The experiences we get from movies, soap operas, music and celebrities are mainly through the intangible means of mass media. The food and fashion we acknowledge are through the intangible means of mass media along with tangible means of direct contacts. Korean culture was first introduced to Turkey through forms of mass media such as Korean movies, soap operas and music, which led to a preference for Korean products. Although the Korean Wave in Turkey is not as strong as it is in Japan, China and Southeast Asia, the Korea-Turkey relationship, which was already firmly established through the Korean War, is expected to be even stronger by tying the two countries culturally using a wide range of strategies to introduce Korean culture more aggressively to Turkish people who think of Korea as their second homeland. Nowadays, the activities of first generation war veterans as mediators between Turkey and Korea are not as common as before. However, the warm brotherly love and friendship between two countries as shown during the 2002 World Cup, is expected to drive a new Korean Wave through Turkish youth, the third generation. Meanwhile, the Embassy of Korea in Turkey contracted MOU with TOMER, the language institution of the National University of Ankara, to establish Sejong Hakdang at TOMER in 12 main cities in Turkey. Presently, it is running 11 classes with 100 students in Ankara and Istanbul. The Korean Cultural Center opened in Ankara, Turkey’s capital, in October of 2011. A variety of cultural events, such as Korean traditional musical performances, plays, and pop music concerts were held at its opening. The Korean Wave in Turkey is expected to be accelerated through these various cultural events. Furthermore, through cultural facilities Korea can introduce the diversity of Korean culture and imprint with Turkey an image of a traditionally, friendly Korean nation.

유럽연합-터키 관계와 EU 이주∙난민정책 외재화의 문제점

박선희 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2017 국제지역연구 Vol.21 No.1

The policy of European Union to resolve migration and asylum issues through the relationship with Turkey shows the quintessence of externalization. This article examines the problems of migration control policies based on the cooperation with the third countries through the EU-Turkey migration deal. Notwithstanding the past stalled relationship between the EU and Turkey due to the accession negotiation, this study shows that Turkey’s emergence as key actor regarding the EU’s irregular migrant issues worked as an impetus for its relationship with the EU. The reinforced EU-Turkey relationship through irregular migrant control policy turns into the cause of increasing complex interdependent relations that Nye and Keohane argue. If we measure the interdependent relations between the EU and Turkey by sensitivity and vulnerability which are the significant concepts to construct the relations, we can set the extent of damage from irregular migrants (the cost for external changes) as sensitivity and the extent of the cost depending on the presence of alternatives to the existing policy as vulnerability. According to this typology, it seemed that EU-Turkey readmission agreement transferred the sensitivity regarding irregular migrant issues in the EU to Turkey and yielded positive results mitigating both sensitivity and vulnerability in the EU. The problem of EU-Turkey migration deal in 2016, however, is that it could change the aspect of existing conflicts due to the excessive dependent externalization on Turkey and increase the asymmetry between two countries. The EU-Turkey migration deal on March 2016 have heightened the vulnerability and sensitivity of the EU on migration issues which could lead to a lower presence of the EU in not only migrant but also other issues with Turkey. EU가 2013년 터키와 맺은 재입국협정과 2016년 3월 EU-터키의 난민합의는 EU의 이주·난민 정책의 외재화 경향의 전형을 보여준다. 본 연구는 EU의 이주·난민 정책의 외재화 문제점을 EU-터키 관계를 통해 고찰하고자 한다. EU-터키 관계가 EU가입협상으로 오랫동안 난항을 겪었지만 EU내 불법이주민 대거 유입 문제로 터키가 주요한 행위자로 부상하면서 EU-터키 관계에 추동력이 되었다. EU내 불법이주민 억제 정책으로 심화된 EU-터키 관계는 나이(Nye)와 코헤인(Keohane)이 주장하는 복합적 상호의존 관계(complex interdependent relations)를 증가시키는 요인이 된다. 상호의존적 관계를 유형화하기 위한 중요한 개념인 민감성(sensitivity)과 취약성(vulnerability)을 기준으로 EU-터키간의 상호의존도 관계를 측정할 때 불법이주민 문제로 인한 타격(외부적 변화에 따른 대가의 정도)의 정도를 민감성으로 그리고 기존정책에 대한 대안 유무에 따른 대가의 정도를 취약성이라 설정할 수 있다. 이에 의하면 EU-터키의 재입국협정은 EU내 불법이주민문제에 대한 민감성을 터키로 이전시켜 이주민에 대한 EU의 민감성과 취약성 모두 낮추는 긍정적 결과를 갖고 오는 듯 했다. 그러나 2016년 EU-터키 난민 합의는 터키에 지나치게 의존적인 외재화 경향으로 기존의 갈등관계의 양상을 변화시킬 수 있으며 양국 간의 비대칭성 문제가 점차 커질 수 있는 문제점을 갖고 있다. 2016년 3월 EU-터키 난민합의로 난민문제에 있어 취약성과 민감성이 모두 높아진 EU는 난민문제 뿐 아니라 다른 사안에서도 터키와의 관계에서 입지가 약해지는 결과를 초래할 수 있다.

터키 이슬람주의와 세속주의 사이의 갈등과 상황화 선교

장훈태(Chang, Hun-tae) 한국선교신학회 2008 선교신학 Vol.18 No.-

This study focused on the conflict and missional contextualization in Turkey, between Islamism and secularism. This article aims to analyze and relate to the religion of Turkey and Islam, defined what do they cause by conflict and struggle between Islamism and secularism. This study also attempt to apply missional contextualization between Islamism and secularism. Contextualization can be defined as the set of process that yields missional situation in Turkey. It is the process by which Turkey culture become interdependent in aspects of their values, social, economics, and political. It is easy to connect interdependent conflicts through Islamism and secularism in Turkey. The Islamism in Turkey begun by political, social, and cultural motivation with the 19st. This Islamism movement appeals strongly nationalism, liberalism, and modernism in Turkey. This Islamism reveals itself society and community. They are important faith with religion solidarity in their community. The secularism includes Turkey’s constitution, political tradition, social policy, cultural point of view, and religious education. They were complicated the conflict and struggle between Islamism and secularism from a long time in Turkey. The missionary should be consider mission ministry and activity in this Turkey situation. They also careful apply to contextual mission in Turkey. I think that we can be pray to get the Holy Spirit’s support and guide for Turkey’s mission and evangelization.

Korea’s Economic and Commercial Strategy toward Turkey after the Korea-Turkey FTA

Taek-Dong Yeo(여택동),Soo-Seok Sohn(손수석) 중앙대학교 한국전자무역연구소 2017 전자무역연구 Vol.15 No.1

연구목적: 본 연구에서는 한-터키 FTA 발효 이후 향후 한국이 추진하여야 하는 대터키 경제통상외교 및 시장진출 전략에 대하여 분석해 보고자 한다. 논문구성/논리: 본 연구는 총 5개 장으로 구성되어 있다. 제2장에서는 터키 경제의 현황과 향후 잠재력을 확인하기 위해 터키의 거시경제 개황과 산업별 현황을 간단히 분석한다. 그리고 제3장에서 한-터키 양국간 무역·투자 관계, 비교우위 구조 및 주요 수출입 품목의 추이를 분석한다. 제4장에서는 분석된 결과를 바탕으로 한국의 대터키 시장진출 전략과 경제통상외교 방안을 도출하고, 마지막 장에서는 요약과 결론을 제시한다. 결과: 한국의 대터키 시장진출 전략으로는 첫째, FTA를 통한 대터키 수출 증대와 수출 품목 및 거래선 다변화, 둘째, 터키 기업과의 적극적인 파트너십 구축과 이를 통한 중동, 북아프리카 및 중앙아시아 지역에 대한 시장 공략, 셋째, 터키의 유망 성장산업 – 전기전자, 정보통신, 바이오, 의료기기, 신재생에너지, 방위 산업 등에서 터키 기업과 협업 추진 등이 필요하다. 한국의 대터키 경제통상외교 전략으로는 첫째, 터키 측과의 경제협력 강화 및 인근지역 동반 진출 확대 지원; 둘째, 터키 정부의 전략 육성산업에 대한 산업협력 지원; 셋째, 대터키 수출유망 품목, 방식 및 거래선 다변화전략 지원; 넷째, 터키 내 한류 확산 등 문화예술 협력 확대를 통한 국가브랜드 제고 등이 있다. 독창성/가치: 2010년 이후 한-터키 FTA 협상이 개시됨에 따라 한-터키 FTA의 경제적 효과와 산업별 영향, 그리고 양국 간 경제협력 증진방안에 대한 분석 작업이 다양하게 이루어졌다. 그러나 기존연구들은 주로 한-터키 FTA의 기대효과와 향후 전망, 한-터키 경제협력 증진 방안 등에 국한되어 이루어졌다. 본 연구에서는 한-터키 FTA 발효 이후 한국이 향후 추진하여야 하는 대터키 경제통상 외교 및 시장진출 전략에 대하여 분석하였다. Purpose: This study intends to analyze Korea’s strategy for the economic and commercial diplomacy toward Turkey and the market entry strategy that Korea should pursue following the Korea–Turkey FTA. Composition/Logic: This paper is organized into five chapters. To begin with, it presents an overview of the Turkish economy and the current status of major industries. Then, it analyzes the trade and investment relationship between the two countries since 2000, the structure of comparative advantage, and the trade trends of major import and export items. Lastly, based on the results of this analysis, Korea s strategy for penetrating into the Turkish market and the economic diplomacy toward Turkey are derived. Findings: The detailed strategies for Korea s entry into the Turkish market are as follows: (i) stimulation of exports to Turkey through the use of FTA and diversification of export items and dealers; (ii) establishment of active partnerships with Turkish firms and penetration into the Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia markets; (iii) deepening of industrial cooperation with Turkish firms in major growth-driven industries such as electrical and electronics, information and communication, bio-medical equipment, renewable energy, and defense. Korea s economic and commercial strategy includes: (i) strengthening economic cooperation with the Turkish government and businesses, and expanding into neighboring regions; (ii) support for industrial cooperation between the two countries for the major strategic industries; (iii) support for the diversification strategy of prospective export items to Turkey; and (iv) national brand enhancement through the expansion of cultural cooperation, such as the spread of Korean Wave in Turkey. Originality/Value: Prior studies have mainly focused on the expected effect of the Korea–Turkey FTA, its prospects, and the promotion of Korea–Turkey economic cooperation. However, this study examines Korea’s strategy for economic and commercial diplomacy toward Turkey and for market entry and penetration following the Korea–Turkey FTA in 2013.

터키 안보와 이해관계에 대한 정체성 변화 연구(2002-2012)

김종일(Kim, Jong-Il) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2012 중동문제연구 Vol.11 No.4

This study seeks to examine the reasons behind the changes in Turkey’s changing security on security interests and identity interests. To evaluate foreign policy and a state’s perception of interests, one needs to incorporate both a structural and domestic level-of-analysis for greater depth and insight. In this particular case, Turkey’s security interests have changed since the end of the Cold War, and also the election of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) into the Turkish political sphere has resulted in a change in Turkey’s political identity from what was previously a Kemalist, military-backed secular democracy to a more uniquely Turkish political Islam that reconciles both its Muslim social identity and democracy in the political sphere. These two factors have changed Turkey’s perception of interests and both security and identity interests agree on Turkey’s potential as a leader in the Middle Eastern region. Because of these changes in interest perceptions, this has ultimately changed the dynamics in Turkey-EU and Turkey-USA relations.