죽애(竹崖) 임열(任說)의 생애와 교유 양상

이연순 ( I Yeonsun ) 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 2016 한국문화연구 Vol.31 No.-

본고에서는 문집이 없어 기존에 자세히 연구되지 못한 죽애 임열의 생애와 문학에 대해 우선 그 생애를 실증적인 방법으로 접근하여 살펴보며, 얼마 되지 않는 습유작을 통해 교유 관계에 대해서도 밝히고자 하였다. 그 결과 죽애의 생애 가운데 주목되는 사실로, 세 번이나 대과에 급제하며 문재를 드러내다, 28세 되던 1537년 가을, 호당에 선발되어 독서당에서 사가독서하며 최연(崔演), 엄흔(嚴昕), 송기수(宋麒壽) 등을 만나고, 이후 윤현(尹鉉), 임형수(林亨秀) 등과 교유하며 1541년에는 이들을 포함해 당대 쟁쟁한 문인 12인과 `호당수계(湖堂修契)`라는 계를 맺어 교유한 흔적을 밝혔다. 교유한 이들 중 특히 임형수에게는 회령판관으로 보내며 백운(百韻)의 시를 지어주고, 송기수와는 학문적인 내용의 편지를 주고받은 사실을 확인할 수 있었다. 그러나 죽애는 을사사화가 일어나기 한 해 전인 1544년에 우부승지가 되면서 이듬해 1545년 곧 인종 승하 후 명종 즉위와 함께 일어난 을사사화에서도 우승지로서 왕명 출납의 역할만을 다하였으리라 추정될 뿐, 적극적인 행보는 드러내지 않은 점에서 역사에서 부정적인 평가를 받아왔다. 죽애는 이후로 외직과 내직을 반복하며 꾸준히 벼슬을 역임하면서 당대 문인들과 교유한 흔적을 남겼는데, 그들 중 유헌 정황, 미암 유희춘, 소재 노수신 등과의 교유가 주목된다. 이들은 모두 을사사화에 희생되어 유배 갔던 인물들로, 유배지에서, 또는 해배되어서도 죽애와 관계를 가졌다는 점에서 죽애가 을사사화로 희생된 인물들과도 인간적, 문학적, 학문적인 교유를 잃지 않고 친분을 유지하였던 면을 보여주기 때문이다. 이는 을사사화 시기, 죽애가 적극적인 행보를 드러내지 않은 점으로 인해 기존에 부정적으로 평가받았던 데에 대해서 어느 정도 이해의 시각을 제시해준다고 여겨진다. This paper looked at the life and association of Jukae(竹崖) Im Yeol(任說) in 16C. But There is not Jukae(竹崖)`s personal anthology left. For that reason, historically Jukae(竹崖) could not be judged properly. In more detail, he has been negatively evaluated in history because he was presumed to have played only the role of the king in the kingdom as a royal majordomo in the period of civil war Eulsasahwa(乙巳士禍), and did not reveal any active steps. But According to the records of the Joseon Dynasty, he did not receive a prize as a reward for Eulsasahwa(乙巳士禍). Since then, he has repeated his career as a local administration and a member of a civil servant. At the same time he interacted with the characters of the exiled person, Jung Hwang(丁?), Yu Hee Chun(柳希春), Noh Susin(盧守愼). This is highly noted in existing negative evaluations about him. Then I studied in detail about the life and literature of Jukae(竹崖) using positive way. In this paper, the life and literature of Jukae(竹崖) Im Yeol(任說), which had no literary works, were examined in an empirical way. And I tried to reveal his co-relation through some of his a few works. In the process, I can Figure out about his companionship, and literary activities. As a result, from now on, I can said something important in his life. First, it is noted that he passed the national examination three times. Second, he was chosen at the age of 28 at the reading system for the servant and read in the reading room(Doksseodang, 讀書堂), and he met with Choi Yeon(崔演), Eum-kun(嚴昕), Song Kyu-su(宋麒壽). The following year he has joined with Yoon Hyun(尹鉉) and Lim Hyeong-su(林亨秀). In particular, he gave a poem of Baekun(百韻詩) to Lim Hyung-su(林亨秀), who was leaving for the local Administration of Hoeryong(會寧). The future in 1541, he participated in a series of works called "Hodang Shu Shuang(湖堂修契)" with 12 contemporary literary scholars including them. Among them he exchanged academic letters with Song Ji-su(宋麒壽). Finally he excelled literature, also maintained a friendship with the exiled people because of Eulsasahwa(乙巳士禍). Historically, he judged negatively, but the latter is the fact that we did not know about it properly. It is said that the significance of this paper. Starting with the basic research that I tried in this paper, I hope that more active and in-depth research will be done in the future. It is a limitation that I can not emphasize the important point. In addition, it is the limit that I can not emphasize the problem consciousness by concentrating on basic research in this study.

16세기 士禍와 忠淸左道 士林動向

고수연 역사문화학회 2023 지방사와 지방문화 Vol.26 No.2

이 글에서는 16세기 士禍 黨籍類에 기록된 충청좌도 인물의 생전 활동과 사후 그들이 미친 영향을 정리하여 충청좌도의 사림 동향에 대하여 살펴보았다. 당적류 중에서도 「己卯黨籍(金正國)」과 「乙巳黨籍(李肯翊)」을 분석하였는데, 16세기 충청좌도의 피화인물이 적지 않게 기록되어 있었다. 우선 94명이 등재된 「기묘당적」에 10명의 충청좌도 인물이 기록되어 10.6%를 차지했다. 또 64명이 등재된 「을사당적」에는 11명이 기록되어 17.7%를 차지했다. 즉, 「기묘당적」과 「을사당적」에 총 21명의 충청좌도 인물이 기록되어 다른 도에 비해 적지않은 피화사림을 배출한 것이다. 이 21명의 피화인물은 충주지역 10명, 청주와 보은 각각 3명, 괴산과 문의에 각각 2명, 단양 1명 순서였다. 21명의 피화인물은 원래 충청좌도에서 태어나고 성장한 경우가 13명으로 가장 많았고, 피화를 계기로 입향한 경우가 6명으로 두 번째로 많았다. 피화를 계기로 충청좌도에 입향한 인물은 모두 한양에서 출생하였으나 사화를 피해 대부분 처가와 외가가 세거하던 충청좌도 지역에서 입향하여, 사림의 학풍을 전파하고 강학을 하는 등의 활동을 보이며 충청좌도의 명문세족으로 성장하게 된다. 이처럼 16세기 충청좌도는 피화인물이 세거하고 입향하면서 선진적인 사림의 학풍이 마련되었다. 사화에 연루된 충청좌도 인물들은 먼 곳으로 유배되거나, 젊은 나이에 바로 사사되어, 직접 활발한 강학활동을 하지 못하였기 때문에 문인이 많지 않다. 그러나 16세기 충청좌도 피화사림들은 이전 시대와는 다른 그들만의 성리학적 학풍을 지니고 있었다. 그들은 道學思想ㆍ至治主義를 조선사회에 보급하고 실천하기 위한 방법으로 小學 의 교육ㆍ실천과 鄕約 시행에 힘을 기울이는 등 성리학적 질서가 지역사회에 자리 잡을 수 있도록 노력하였던 것이다. 그리고 충청좌도에서 이러한 학풍을 공유하는 학맥이 형성되었는데, 보은의 金淨ㆍ成運ㆍ具壽福ㆍ金泰巖 학풍, 청주의 宋麟壽ㆍ趙綱 학맥, 충주의 李耔ㆍ李延慶ㆍ盧守愼 학맥이 대표적이다. 그리고 乙巳士禍 직후인 1549년부터 이들 충청좌도 피화사림을 제향한 書院이 건립되면서 16세기 충청좌도 사림의 학풍은 체계적으로 교육되고 확산되었다. 특히 충청좌도의 피화인물이 제향된 서원은 매우 이른 시기에 창건되었는데, 象賢書院이 1549년, 莘巷書院이 1570년, 八峯書院이 1582년, 花巖書院이 1622년 건립되었다. 문중서원의 성격이 강한 知川書院을 제외하고는 모두 17세기 초반 이전에 건립된 것이다. 즉, 17세기 李珥를 시작으로 활동한 畿湖學派의 본격적인 활동 이전에 이미 충청좌도에서는 기묘사림과 을사사림을 제향한 서원이 건립된 것이다. 요컨대, 16세기 충청좌도 사림의 배출로 충청좌도에는 지역별로 사림의 학풍ㆍ학맥이 형성되었고, 이를 교육하는 많은 서원이 건립되면서, 사림들이 지향한 성리학적 유교 질서가 지역사회에까지 안착한다. 이와같은 16세기 충청좌도 기묘사림과 을사사림의 존재 및 활동은 기호학파의 시작인 李齊賢ㆍ李穀ㆍ李穡 등 고려말 조선초 학자들에서 바로 李珥-金長生-宋時烈로 넘어가는 150여 년의 간극을 메워주고 있는 것이다. This study selected and reviewed figures from Chungcheongjwado in Sahwa records of Joseon in the 16th century by analyzing Gimyodangjoek(Kim Jeong-guk) and Eulsadangjeok(Lee Geung-ik). The records contained many people from Chungcheongjwado who suffered damage during a Sahwa in the 16th century. Gimyodangjoek included ten(10.6%) people from Chungcheongjwado in 94 in total, and Eulsadangjeok included 11(17.7%) people from Chungcheongjwado in 64 in total. Of the 21 people from Chungcheongjwado recorded in the two books, 13 that were born and grew up in Chungcheongjwado accounted for the biggest proportion and were followed by six that moved to Chungcheongjwado to avoid a Sahwa. All of the people that moved to Chungcheongjwado to avoid a Sahwa were born in Hanyang. Most of them moved from the areas of their wives' or mothers' families to Chungcheongjwado to avoid a Sahwa and eventually became a prominent family in Chungcheongjwado by spreading the academic traditions of their Sarims and engaging in activities to pursue studies. The members of Chungcheongjwado Sarims in the 16th century had their own academic tradition different from their predecessors. They made efforts to have the Seongrihak order settle down in the community such as offering the education and practice of Sohak and devoting themselves to the implementation of Hyangyak. Chungcheongjwado witnessed the formation of academic genealogy to share these academic traditions. Good examples include the academic traditions of Kim Jeong, Seong Woon, Gu Su-bok, and Kim Tae-am in Boeun, those of Song In-su and Jo Kang in Cheongju, and those of Lee Ja, Lee Yeon-gyeong, and Noh Su-shin in Chungju. A Seowon was built to hold sacrificial rites for the members of Chungcheongjwado Sarims that were killed during a Sahwa starting in 1549 right after Eulsasahwa. Such Seowons contributed to the systematic education and spread of the academic traditions of Chungcheongjwado Sarims in the 16th century. The study examined the Seowons holding sacrificial rites for the members of Chungcheongjwado that were killed during a Sahwa and found that these Seowons were built at a very early time. The Sanghyeon, Sinhang, Palbong, and Hwaam Seowons were established in 1549, 1570, 1582, and 1622, respectively. All of the Seowons were built very early in the early 17th century except for the Jicheon Seowon. That is, Chungcheongjwado saw the construction of Seowons to hold sacrificial rites for the Gimyo and Eulsa Sarims in the 16th century before the full-fledged activities of the Giho School whose activities began with Lee Yi in the 17th century. In the end, the Sarims of Chungcheongjwado established their academic traditions and genealogy by the area within the province in the 16th century and built many Seowons for their education, contributing to the safe arrival of the Seongrihak-based Confucian order that Sarims were oriented toward even in the community of Chungcheongjwado.

明宗 前半期 災異論과 垂簾聽政 認識

임혜련 한국사상문화학회 2010 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.53 No.-

The Choson Dynasty was the centripetal bureaucracy country that center around king. The king was the core of power that have a lot of powers and position as the center that lead a country. The king must accommodate energy of yin and yang as agent of providence and must do politics for peoples with making his mind to right. When ruler does not right politics in confucianism, balance of yin and yang was broken, and recognized that the natural calamity happens thereby. The first half of Myeongjong(明宗) was time that mother Munjeongwanghu(文定王后) did Sooryeomcheongjeong(垂簾聽政) during 9 years. This time, peoples suffered pain to natural disaster of flood, drought every year. In the first half of Myeongjong(明宗) appeared eclipse of the sun, change of sun, occurrence of rainbow, thunder, lightning, hail, phenomenon such as earthquake, therefore king and bureaucracies thought the natural calamity. This natural calamity happens because of disharmony of yin and yang. Also, most people thought that the natural calamity happens because yin(陰) overwhelm yang(陽), or cause injury to yang(陽). This time, yin(陰) means Munjeongwanghu(文定王后) that is women, ministers and maternal relatives. If the natural calamity happens, king and ministers examined themselves, and tried to make various method of relief and improve the system as will do politics for people. But, recognized that the Natural Calamity that happen to age of Myeongjong(明宗) happens because of arrogance of maternal relatives and a powerful courtiers that is represented by Sooryeomcheongjeong(垂簾聽政) of Munjeongwanghu(文定王后), Yoon Won-hyeong(尹元衡) and Lee Gee(李芑). Also, It contained meaning of criticism about policy such as Eulsasahwa(乙巳士禍), resurrection of Yangjong(兩宗) and bulky royal family warehouse led by Munjeongwanghu(文定王后). Munjeongwanghu(文定王后) gave up Sooryeomcheongjeong(垂簾聽政) in Myongjong 8 years and 7 months. Here was reason that the natural calamity continued. Sooryeomcheongjeong(垂簾聽政) of Munjeongwanghu(文定王后) can grasp through the idea on natural calamity. Also, she was called 'an empress(女主)' and was realized critically at future generations. It can be said that this is estimation that Munjeongwanghu(文定王后) abuses power, and proceed policy arbitrarily. 文定王后가 수렴청정을 하였던 명종 전반기에는 다양한 災異가 발생하였고, 이를 陰陽의 문제로 인식하였다. 조선시대에는 재이가 발생하는 것에는 반드시 이유가 있고, 이는 사람의 일로 인해 발생한다고 생각하였다. 각종 재이는 음양의 부조화에서 발생한다는 것이 당대의 인식이었다. 재이는 인간의 일이 잘못되면 하늘이 경고를 보내는 것인데, 결국 잘못은 음의 문제라는 것이다. 음양에 대해서는 왕이 양이면 신하는 음이고, 군자가 양이면 소인은 음이라 인식하였다. 또한 남성이 양이면 여성은 음이고, 正道가 양이면 邪道는 음이라는 것이다. 즉 명종 전반기에 수렴청정을 하였던 문정왕후, 권력을 장악한 윤원형·이기 등의 외척과 권신, 그리고 이들에 의한 정책들에 대한 비판 의식을 음양관을 통해 언급하였다. 명종대 災異論의 논리는 정국을 주도하던 문정왕후와 소윤세력을 향한 것이었다. 또한 그들에 의해 추진된 정책에 대한 비판의 논리를 담고 있었다. 반면 명종의 역할은 이들 세력에 눌려 형식적인 태도와 미비한 국정참여에 머무르고 있었다. 이는 재이의 원인으로 언급되었던 음양의 부조화를 드러내는 것이다. 즉 음인 신하, 음인 문정왕후의 역할이 강력했던 만큼 양인 명종은 이들의 뜻을 따르며 권력의 정점에 있는 국왕의 면모를 보여주지 못했던 것이다. 당시의 재이론은 이러한 정국을 비판하는 기능을 하였다. 문정왕후는 명종 8년 철렴을 하였으나, 그녀의 수렴청정은 부정적으로 인식되었고, 이는 명종 전반기에 논의된 재이론과 궤를 같이 한다. 즉 음의 기세가 강하여 양이 약해진 것, 음양이 조화를 이루지 못하여 재이가 발생했다는 원인론은 문정왕후의 수렴청정을 부정적으로 인식한 것이다. 또한 문정왕후에 의해 결정된 정책의 폐단을 지적하고 이를 시정할 것을 재이론을 통해 요구하였던 것이다.

16세기 양반관료의 외정 -유희춘의 『미암일기』를 중심으로-

이성임 ( Lee Seong Im ) 한국고문서학회 2003 古文書硏究 Vol.23 No.-

There are lots of events that the noblemen in Choson dynasty keep women below the common people as secret mistresses because of the idea of their position or class consciousness prevalent in their whole life. That is, they classify women into the noblewomen and the remaining women, differently recognizing and treating women. The diary of the 16th century shows that the noblemen seemed to make sport of female slaves or official dancing girls easily and without hesitation, but it is difficult to draw a conculsion that such phenomenon is caused by reckless greed of an indlvidual. Especially, not only social conditions in which, indifferently from one`s own intent, the noblemen can easily enjoy the sex instinct were formed, but institutional support was provided. This paper, centering around Yu Huichun, a nobel bureaucrat in the 16th century, examines why he kept a female slave and Kisaeng(a singing and dancing girl), how the real aspect was and what kind of problems was caused by that. In view of Yu Huichun`s case, it seems difficult to owe the whoring of a husband to only problems between husband and wife. Because the couple of Yu Huichun lived in conjugal harmony, having one son and one daughter. It seems that the whoring of a husband resulted from living type. The couple of Yu Huichun had lived for 40 years after marriage, but the period during which they actially lived together was not more than half the 40 years. That was partly because that Yu Huichun had been condemned to exile for a long time due to Eulsasahwa(乙巳士禍). Besides that, it was a general living type that in case of religious service bureaucrat, a wife lived in her husband`s home town supervising and managing the whole household affairs while her husband was up in the capital. Accordingly, the husband needed a woman to take care of him resulting in keeping a mistress and Kisaeng. Kisaeng was another sexual subject of a nobleman. These Kisaeng were divided into 京?(Capital Kisaeng) and 官?(official Kisaeng) and it was official Kisaeng whom a nobleman easily contact. Official Kisaeng participated in various festivals to pour wine into a glass, dance, paly music and sleep with a nobleman, and a local official was institutionally permitted to sleep with official Kisaeng, which was intended to soothe the discomforts of a local official who was away from home. Yu Huichun was also provided with 房?(Room Kisaeng) while he was on duty as a Jolla-do governor. Among many Kisaeng, he especially had a close relation to Gwangju Kisaeng namd Yeon and Jeonju Kisaeng named Okgyeonga. However, the relation to these official Kisaeng was broke off upon replacement of a local official. Because the Kisaeng belonged to the relevant local government office, they basically could not free from the area within the jurisdiction of the government office. Yu Huichun kept a girl named GuJildeok 15 years younger than he as a concubine during the days of his banishment and got to have four children. A female slave, like Kisaeng, was a subject whom a nobleman could easily violate, and relatively easy to keep her as a concubine though she was not superior to Kisaeng in terms of beauty and talent. The process of Yu Huichun keeping a concubine was not confiied, but the girl named GuJildeok was considered to become Yu Huichun`s concubine as she takes care of Yu Huichun during the period of his banishment. The reckless sex life was not only individual problem, but also elements which caused various social problems. Immoderate sexual intercourse led to suffering from a venereal disease and also caused a short life. Besides that, it became major element which broing about discord between husband and wife. In the event a nobleman took a female of humble birth, their children was forced to live a hard life due to their positional restrictions, and the relation between master and servant used to be formed between the domestic children in case when children were born from a concu

선조 초기 경연(經筵) 운영 연구 - 경연 기록을 중심으로 -

권태석 역사실학회 2024 역사와실학 Vol.0 No.84

조선시대의 경연은 왕과 신하가 경사를 강론하고 국정을 논의하는 정치적인 공간이었다. 조선왕조 건국의 주요 세력인 신흥사대부 계층은 성리학 이념 아래에서 왕을 가르치고 제어하여 현실에 성리학적 이상을 실현하고자 하였다. 그리고 경연은 신흥사대부 계층의 목표를 달성할 수 있는 가장 직접적인 공간이었다. 조선 개국 이후, 형식적으로 운영되었던 경연은 세종과 성종 시기를 거치며 점차 학술적 기능과 정치적 기능을 마련했다. 세종은 집현전을 설치하고 집현전의 관원에게 경연을 전담시켜 학술적 능력을 강화했고, 성종은 홍문관으로 집현전을 대체하였다. 또한 성종은 경연제도 전반을 재정비하였다. 관직 체계도 정비하였으며, 매일 조강, 주강, 석강의 삼강을 실시하는 1일3강 체제를 확립하였다. 성종 시기부터 정치적 역할을 맡게 된 경연은 2품 이상의 문관과 무관이 특진관으로서 경연에 참여하고, 승정원주서도 참여하여 국정 문제를 경연에서 다루었다. 경연을 주제로 다루었던 이전의 연구들은 이이, 유희춘, 김우옹의 경연일기를 중심으로 이루어졌다. 이이의 경연일기 연구는 군주의 권력을 제한하기 위해 경연이 활용되었음을 증명하였으나, 당시의 정치 충돌을 단순화시켰다는 한계점이 있다. 유희춘의 미암일기 연구는 조선의 양반 관리의 관직생활을 조명하였으나, 유희춘 개인이 경연관으로서 경연에 참여한 부분은 미진하다. 김우옹의 경연강의 연구는 철학 또는 한문학 분야에 치중되었으나, 최근 역사학 분야에서 김우옹의 학술적 소양을 정치에 적용하는 문제에 집중하였다. 김성일의 경연일기 는 선조 초기의 경연 및 국정 운영 면에서 추가 대조군을 확보할 수 있음에도 불구하고, 자료의 손실 상태로 인하여 경연일기 를 단독으로 하는 연구는 진행되지 않았다. 본 논문은 위와 같은 연구 성과를 바탕으로 을사위훈을 삭제하고 피화인의 명예를 회복하는 문제를 통하여, 선조 초기의 경연 경향을 확인하였다. 선조는 경연에 가장 열심히 참여한 왕 가운데 한 명이었다. 그러나 성종이 성리학의 수호자를 자처하며 자신의 학술적 능력으로 경연을 장악하고, 중종이 기묘사화를 통해 경연을 장악한 것과는 달리, 선조는 쉽게 경연을 온전히 장악할 수 없었다. 다양한 요인이 있지만, 선조 초기에 한해서는, 그가 왕조 정통성 측면에서의 약점을 갖고 있었기 때문이다. 따라서 선조는 자신의 약점을 보완하기 위해, 효 사상에 입각한 성리학적 가치를 강조하였으며, 을사위훈을 삭제하고 피화인의 명예를 회복하는 문제에 적극적으로 대응하였다. 결과적으로 선조는 이 문제의 결정권을 행사함으로써, 약점이었던 정통성 문제를 해결할 수 있었다. During the Joseon Dynasty, the Gyeongyeon(經筵) was a political space where the king and his subjects talked about gyeongsa(經史) and discussed state affairs. The Shinheung -sadaebu(新興士大夫) class, which led the founding of the Joseon Dynasty, tried to achieve Neo-Confucian ideal politics by teaching and controlling the king through the value of Neo-Confucianism. And Gyeongyeon was the most direct space to achieve the goals of the Shinheungsadaebu class. The Gyeongyeon, which was formally operated after the opening of the Joseon Dynasty, gradually prepared academic and political functions through the periods of Sejong and Seongjong. Sejong installed Jiphyeonjeon(集賢殿) and entrusted Gyongyeon here to strengthen academic ability, and Seongjong replaced Jiphyeonjeon with Hongmungwan(弘文館) to reorganize the entire Gyongyeon system. In particular, the systems of Jogang(朝講), Jugang(晝講), and Seokgang(夕講), which conduct Gyongyeon three times a day, settled during this period. Gyongyeon, who has played a political role since the Sungjong period, participated in Gyongyeon as a Teukjingwan(特進官) with a 2-pum(品) or higher official, and also participated in the Seungjeongwonjuseo(承政院注書) to manage state affairs. Previous studies on the subject of Gyongyeon were centered on Yi I(李珥), Yu Hui Chun(柳希春), and Kim U-ong(金宇顒)'s Gyongyeonilgi. Yi I's Gyongyeonilgi study proved that Gyongyeon was used to limit the king's power, but simply described the political conflict at the time. Yu Hui Chun's 『Miamilgi(眉巖日記)』 study explained the public life of Yangban(兩班) officials in Joseon, but the part where Yu Hui Chun individual participated in Gyongyeon as a contestant was insufficient. Kim U-ong's 『Gyeongyongangui(經筵講義)』 study focused on philosophy or Chinese literature, but recently in the field of history, it focused on the issue of applying Kim U-ong's academic literacy to politics. Although Kim Sungil(金誠一)'s book, 『Gyongyeonilgi』, is a material that can confirm additional content in terms of Gyongyeon and state administration in the early days of King Seonjo, research on only 『Gyongyeonilgi』 was not conducted due to damage to the data. Based on the above research results, this paper confirmed Gyongyeon's tendency in the early days of Seonjo through the problem of deleting Eulsawihun(乙巳僞勳) and restoring Pihwain(被禍人)'s honor. Seonjo was one of the most active kings in Gyongyeon. However, unlike Sungjong who claimed to be the guardian of Neo-Confucianism and took control of Gyongyeon with his academic ability, and Jungjong proceeded with a purge called Gimyosahwa(己卯士禍) to take control of Gyongyeon, Seonjo could not easily take full control of Gyongyeon. There are various factors, but only in the early days of Seonjo, he had weaknesses in terms of dynastic legitimacy. Therefore, in order to compensate for his weaknesses, Seonjo emphasized the Neo-Confucian values based on the idea of Hyo(孝), deleted Eulsawihun, and actively responded to the problem of restoring the honor of Pihwain. As a result, by exercising the right to decide on this issue, Seonjo was able to solve the legitimacy problem, which was a weakness.

취부(醉夫) 윤결(尹潔)의 삶과 시(詩)

권혁명 ( Kwon Hyok-myong ) 한성대학교 한성어문학회 2018 漢城語文學 Vol.38 No.-

This paper aims to study the life and poetry of Chwibu Yungyeol. Chapter 2 looks at the life of Yungyeol. Yungyeol had an outstanding talent for literature from his youth. Through his literary talent, he passed an exam and became a political life. Of note in the political life of Yungyeol is that he did not compromise with injustice. For example, when Anmyeongse was executed, he praised Anmyeongse and criticized the unrighteous Munjeong queen and Yun-wonhyeong. In Chapter 3, we looked at the poetry of Yungyeol. The theme that appears in Yungyeol’ poetry is the anxiety of a traveler's life, criticism of the reality, to be unrecognized for excellence, the recitation of friends and brothers in daily life. Especially when it comes to the idea of criticizing the reality and not being recognized for its talents, poems are concerned with Yungyeol's political life. And the poems are excellent with an excellent implication.

한국사상(韓國思想)(사학(史學)) : 명종(明宗) 전반기(前半期) 재이론(災異論)과 수렴청정(垂簾聽政) 인식(認識)

임혜련 ( Hye Ryun Lim ) 한국사상문화학회 2010 韓國思想과 文化 Vol.53 No.-

16세기 노수신의 珍島 유배생활과 섬 주민에게 끼친 영향

김경옥(Kim, Gyungok) 국립목포대학교 도서문화연구원 2021 島嶼文化 Vol.- No.58