염상섭과 4·19혁명

오창은(Oh, Chang eun) 국어국문학회 2015 국어국문학 Vol.- No.170

염상섭은 1960년 4·19혁명이 발발하던 시기에 예술원 종신회원이자 한국문단을 대표하는 원로문인이었다. 이 논문은 노년의 염상섭이 1960년 4·19혁명에 어떻게 대응했는가를 살핌으로써, 그의 문학이 견지하고 있는 사회의식의 실체를 밝히는데 목적이 있다. ‘염상섭과 4·19혁명’의 관계를 통해, 혁명은 세대간 연대를 통해 정당성이 획득된다는 사실을 확인하려 했다. 염상섭은 1959년 5월 8일에 문인 32명과 함께 「경향신문 발행허가취소처분의 시급한 철회를 정부와 여당에 엄숙히 요구한다」는 성명서를 발표했고, 1959년 5월 9일자 『동아일보』 1면에 「여론의 단일화냐?」라는 장문의 칼럼을 게재했다. 이 시기 염상섭은 자유당을 비판하며 민주주의의 근간으로서 언론의 자유를 강한 어조로 옹호했다. 이승만과 이기붕의 당선을 위해 문화예술인이 동원되던 때에 염상섭이 행한 문필활동은 중요한 의미를 지닌다. 그는 원로문인으로서 부당한 권력 정치권력 행사에 대해 분명한 거리두기를 선택했다. 염상섭은 자유당 정권의 부정선거에 분노해 4·19혁명이 진행 중인 시점에서 신문에 문제적인 글들을 발표했다. 그는 「대도로 가는 길」이라는 글을 『동아일보』 1960년 4월 25일자에 발표했고, ‘4·19혁명’ 이후인 1960년 5월 3일에는 『조선일보』에 「학생들의 공은 컸다, 사회적면에서 실핀 4·19위업」이라는 글을 게재했다. 염상섭은 이 두 글에서 4·19혁명에 대한 지지의사를 분명히 표현했고, 원로 문인으로서 현안 문제해결 방안을 제언하기도 했다. 염상섭의 학생 지지발언은 변혁기에 이뤄진 구세대와 신세대의 연대라는 측면에서 의미가 있다. 그는 한국사회의 진통을 민주주의의 토대형성이라는 측면에서 긍정했고, 민주국가 건설이라는 대의적 관점을 유지하며 청년세대에 대한 고언을 아끼지 않았다. 염상섭은 민족국가 형성에 대한 열망과 민주주의 토대 형성이라는 대의를 자신의 문학적 태도로 견지했다. 이는 염상섭 리얼리즘 문학의 한 지향점이라고도 할 수 있다. 더불어 염상섭의 글은 1960년 4·19혁명이 ‘젊은 학생들의 희생’이 불러일으킨 부채의식, 그리고 노년세대까지 아우르는 광범위한 세대적 공감과 연대 의식을 보여주기에 의미가 있다. Yeom Sang-seop contributed significantly to the development of Korea’s recent-modern literature. He was born in 1897. During the Japanese colonial rule of Korea, he was a representative Korean literary man, and during Korea’s liberation period, he was a journalist serving as the chief editor of the Kyunghyang Shinmun. During the Korean War, he served as a Troop Information and Education Officer at Navy Headquarters, and in the 1950s, he was the president of Seorabeol Art College. During the April 19 revolution in 1960, he was a long-life member of the National Academy of Arts, and a representative senior literary man of Korea’s literary circles. This study sought to examine how Yeom Sang-seop, in his advanced age, responded to the April 19 Revolution in 1960 to identify the social perception of Yeom Sang-seop’s literature. Also, it sought to verify that, by examining the relationship between Yeom Sang-seop and April 19 Revolution, the revolution proved legitimate through the ties between generations. On May 8, 1959, Yeom Sang-seop, together with 33 literary men, declared a statement, strongly demanding that the government withdraw its cancellation of the publication of the Kyunghyang Shinmun Newspaper. He ran a long column in the Dong-A Ilbo on the first page on May 9, 1959, under the title of “Is the public opinion united?” At that time, Yeom Sang-seop strongly defended the freedom of speech as the foundation of democracy, and sharply criticized the Liberal Party. When cultural artists were forcefully used to help the election of Syngman Rhee and Lee Ki-poong as president and vice president, Yeom Sang-seop’s literary activities were profoundly meaningful. As a senior literary man, he showed a distinctive critical attitude toward the government exercising political power improperly. Yeom Sang-seop’s criticism of the Liberal Party government and his anger over the corrupt election carried bigger weight in his writings published during the April 19. He ran The Way to the Big Road in The Dong-A Ilbo on April 25, 1960. On May 3, 1960, after the April 19 Revolution, he ran “Students Did Great Thing; the Great Feat of April 19 Revolution” in The Chosun Ilbo. In these two articles, Yeom Sang-seop distinctively supported the April 19 Revolution, and proposed solutions to the pending issues as a senior literary man. His remarks of supporting the students’ action are meaningful in terms of the ties between the old and new generations during the revolutionary and reformative period. He affirmatively saw the ordeal of Korean society as the creation of democatic foundation, advocated the construction of a democratic nation, and offered bitter yet useful advice to the young generation. Yeom Sang-seop advocated the passion for forming a nation and the creation of a democratic foundation. This is part of Yeom Sang-seop’s realism. In light of his writings published in newspapers, the April 19 Revolution was made successful because young students sacrificed themselves, which obliged adults to do something in return, and because a wide range of sympathy and consensus was formed across generations including the elderly generation.

홍보, 선전, 독재자의 이미지 관리 -1950년대의 이승만 전기-

정용욱 ( Young Wook Chung ) 서울대학교 국제문제연구소 2007 세계정치 Vol.8 No.-

전기는 해당 전기가 생산된 시점의 해당 인물에 관한 담론구조를 간직하고 드러낸다. 전기 분석을 통해서 우리는 이승만이라는 인물의 사상과 활동, 그것이 펼쳐진 역사적 상황을 이해할 수 있고, 동시에 그 전기가 생산된 시점에서 그에 대한 인식과 이미지, 담론이 만들어지고 소비되는 방식, 또 그것이 가진 정치적 의미를 이해할 수 있다. 이 글은 1950년대에 간행된 이승만 전기의 종류, 편찬 주체와 동기, 그리고 서술과 인식의 특징을 분석하였다. 1950년대에 나온 이승만 전기는 당시의 억압적인 정치상황이 말해주듯 개인에 의해 자유롭게 편찬된 것이 아니라 주로 정부의 공보처, 또는 어용단체에 의해 편찬되었고, 개인이 집필한 전기도 주로 그 후원자(patron)는 이승만 정권의 홍보, 선전 업무를 담당한 인사들이었다. 이 글은 서정주, 한철영, 박성하, 로버트 T. 올리버(Robert T. Oliver), 우남 전기편찬회가 쓴 전기들을 주로 분석했다. 또 이범석, 박마리아, 이기붕, 로버트 T. 올리버 등 전기 편찬을 주도한 인물들도 분석하였다. 1950년대의 이승만 전기들은 이승만을 그 정점으로 하는 이승만 정부의 홍보·선전 정책을 담당한 기구와 그 기구의 핵심인물들이 주도해서 편찬하였다. 특히 이 시기에 간행된 전기 가운데 가장 권위 있는 로버트 T. 올리버가 쓴 전기의 편찬과정은 이승만과 로버트 T. 올리버가 전기에 이승만의 이미지를 어떻게 투사하고 관리하였는지 잘 보여준다. 또 이 시기에 나온 전기들의 서술 내용과 인식의 변화를 추적하면 이범석을 우두머리로 하는 ``족청계``가 몰락하고, 이기붕이 부상하는 이승만 정권 내 권력구조의 변화를 알 수 있고, 다른 한편으로 이승만 정권의 지배 이데올로기의 변화를 알 수 있다. A biography usually reveals the contemporary discourse structure about the related figures. Through the analysis of biographies, it would be possible to understand not only Syngman Rhee`s thoughts, life, and their historical context, but also people`s perceptions and images of him at the time of the biography production, the way the discourse was made and consumed, and its political meanings. This article dealt with various biographies on Syngman Rhee, their authors and motives, and the features of the discourses and ideas. Biographies of Syngman Rhee in the 1950s, as the oppressed political situation during this period shows, were not freely authored by individuals, but by Public Information Office or government related organizations. Even private biographies were patronized by the persons in charge of public relation under the Syngman Rhee. This article analyzed various biographies written by Suh Jung-joo, Hahn Chul-young, Park Sung-ha, Robert T. Oliver, and Committee on the Publication of U-nam(Syngman Rhee`s penname) Biography. Also, this writing dealt with who Yi Pum-suk, Park Maria, Yi Ki-boong etc were, figures who initiated biography publications. The officials dealing with public relations and propaganda under Syngman Rhee, led the biography publications in the 1950s. The publication process of Robert T. Oliver`s biography is highly illustrative of how Syngman Rhee and Robert T. Oliver worked together to project and manage Syngman Rhee`s images upon the biography. Through other writings, we are able to understand the change of ruling ideologies while we understand the power shift like the fall of "Jok-chung" faction of Yi Pum-suk and the rise of Yi Ki-boong.

李起鵬의 성장과정과 정치기반 형성(1896~1953)

손연하 한국근현대사학회 2015 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.72 No.-

In order to grasp the character of political power and government system,it’s necessary to do analysis work on its members. It’s because the research ona specific person as a person who leads a group or organization boils down tothe research on the organization itself. In this respect, there is much attentiontowards the representative of the Liberal Party, Lee, Ki-poong. Lee, Ki-poongrepresented the ruling party in the 1950s as a chairman of the central committeedof the Liberal Party, and also a chairman of the National Assembly and an opensuccessor of the Syngman Rhee government. Lee, Ki-poong made a sudden risepolitically with the joining of the Liberal Party simultaneously, and collapsedthrough the April Revolution. This fact is more important in that this incidentwas in line with the destiny of the Liberal Party. Lee, Ki-poong perceived reality facing the nation through national educationduring the Japanese occupation, and left for studying abroad in America dueto his antagonism against Imperial Japan and the yearning for the West. Aftergetting to the USA, Lee steadily support activities of the society for studentsstudying abroad and also supported the Korea residents abroad and domesticstudents’ movement financially in spite of working his way through school whilemaking efforts for personal capability training. After Liberation, Lee, Ki-poong participated in the formation of a conservativeright-wing political party based on his experience in studying abroad in the USA. However, in the midst of prestigious political leaders’ intense struggle forleadership, it was difficult for Lee, Ki-poong to come to the front. Lee, Ki-poongtried to catch up on his weak political position while aiding Syngman Rhee. Lee,Ki-poong was singled out as the secretary of Syngman Rhee on the recommendation of Yoon, Chi-young, and assisted Syngman Rhee in the process of expandingand strengthening Syngman Rhee’s domestic support base. Lee, Ki-poong entered public office as Seoul Mayor under the Syngman Rhee’sconfidence and Francesca Rhee’s recommendation in the process of the first Cabinetreorganization. After entering public office, Lee, Ki-poong contributed to the systemintensification of the initial period of the government formation, and also idolizedSyngman as a father of the country by openly revering him as a target of worship. Lee, Ki-poong’s wife, Maria Park also idolized Syngman Rhee while circulatinganti-communist ideologies and compiling the biography of Syngman Rhee. Like this, Lee, Ki-poong mostly played a supporting role in economy or ata working level rather than taking the lead in or planning things in the front. Even in case of his entrance into public office, Lee, it is mostly presumed thatKi-poong was appointed as Seoul Mayor or Minister of National Defence accordingto Syngman Rhee’s intention in relation to the then political situation. His publicoffice activities were done within the boundary where he faithfully carried outthe government policies.

이기붕 체제 자유당의 형성과 변화

김진흠 ( Kim¸ Jin-heum ) 수선사학회 2021 史林 Vol.- No.75

The Liberty Party secured enough parliamentary seats to reach a constitutional amendment through the 1954 general elections to solidify its position as a parliamentary party. The establishment of a Central Committee through the revision of the party’s constitution and the strengthening of the parliamentary committee and the general meeting of assembly members reflected the change in the party`s character. This could serve as the basis for implementing party politics, which was an important immediate policy of the Liberal Party. Immediately after the 1954 general election, the Liberal Party appeared to be changing into a policy party. The Central Policy Committee was established and the organization was entrusted with the implementation of the Liberal Party's immediate policy. Subsequently, seven immediate policies were adopted to materialize the party's policies. The seven immediate policies were partly able to show results in conflict with the government. This change was different from that of the Liberal Party. The Liberal Party's 'misgovernment' deserves criticism, but the Liberal Party's attempts at party politics are nevertheless noteworthy. Shortly after the 1954 general election, the Liberal Party formed the form of the first ruling party as a political party. In particular, the attempt at party politics was important even considering the relationship between the Liberty Party and Syng-man Rhee. The Liberty Korea Party's attempt at party politics implied the possibility of serving as an alternative to the one-man dictatorship. It could also be a solution to the strong presidential system, which is pointed out as a continuing problem in the party politics of Korea, and the resulting political party alienation. In this regard, the change from the Liberty Party's extraparliamentary party to the parliamentary party and the change from the mobilizing party to the policy party can also be found to be of historic significance.

1956~1957년 자유당 내각책임제 개헌 시도의 정치적 의미

김진흠 건국대학교 인문학연구원 2018 통일인문학 Vol.76 No.-

There was not only factional conflict in the Liberal Party to gain the trust of President Rhee Syngman. The Liberal Party, known as Rhee's 'private party', also tried to gain power of the party and Congress and pursue party politics. A case in point is the attempt to amend the cabinet system. Previous studies on the Liberal Party's attempts to revise Constitution into the cabinet system have tended to interpret only the intention of deleting the succession rights of Vice President. However, the Liberal Party's position on the Cabinet system varied because it had various groups. Some new members of the Liberal Party strongly criticized the dictatorship of President Rhee Syngman and called for a constitutional revision of the cabinet system to implement responsible politics. The claim gained support from ruling party members of the National Assembly for a variety of purposes, including greed to maintain the regime, discontent with the president's dictatorship, and expansion of the their faction. Liberal Party leaders such as Lee Jae-hak and Kim Bub-rin were also active in revising the cabinet system based on their interests and beliefs. Lee Ki-bung also agreed with the amendment. The Liberal Party had tried to revise Constitution into cabinet system with various purposes. Political interests, political tendency, ideology, personal relationships, and support or opposition to a particular person were affecting the decision. Many of them attempted to revise Constitution into the cabinet system before joining the Liberal Party. The Liberal Party's attempt to revise the cabinet system reflected the traditional political conflict, which was a decision on the power structure. 자유당은 이승만의 ‘사당(私黨)’ 혹은 ‘거수기’라는 평가를 받고 있다. 그런데 자유당에서도 당과 의회의 권한을 확보하고 정당정치를 시도하려는 움직임이 있었다. 대표적인 사례로서 1956년 정부통령선거 직후 자유당 내에서 제기된 내각책임제 개헌 시도가 있다. 자유당의 내각책임제 개헌 시도에 대해 그동안의 연구는 대통령 유고시 부통령의 계승권을 삭제하려는 의도로만 해석하는 경향이 있었다. 그러나 개헌선에 육박하는 거대정당을 형성하고 있던 자유당에는 다양한 세력이 존재하고 있었기 때문에 내각책임제 개헌에 임하는 자세도 다양했다. 자유당 편승파는 이승만의 독재를 비판하면서 책임정치를 시행하기 위해 내각책임제 개헌을 주장했다. 이러한 주장은 정권 유지에 대한 욕심, 대통령의 독재에 대한 불만, 자파 세력의 확충 등 다양한 목적 속에서 자유당 의원 일부의 지지를 받을 수 있었다. 이재학이나 김법린 등 자유당 간부들도 그들의 정치적 이익이나 소신을 바탕으로 내각책임제 개헌에 적극적이었다. 이기붕 역시 개헌에 동조했다. 자유당 의원들은 다양한 의도를 가지고 내각책임제 개헌 시도에 참여했다. 정치적 이익이나 정치 성향과 이념, 개인적 감정, 특정 인물에 대한 지지나 반대 등이 그 결정에 영향을 미쳤다. 개헌에 적극적이었던 인물들은 자유당에 입당하기 전부터 내각책임제 정부형태에 찬성하면서 개헌을 시도했던 인물들이 대부분이었다. 자유당의 내각책임제 개헌 시도는 권력구조의 결정이라는 전통적인 정치 갈등을 반영하고 있었다.

1950년대 후반 이승만정권의 ‘권력복합체’ 형성과 운영

이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국역사연구회 2019 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.112

Examined in this article is a core power group which supported and sustained Rhee Syngman’s one-man ruling of the country in the late 1950s. So far, this issue was mostly examined within studies that focused on the ruling party Jayu-dang(Liberal Party). According to those studies, coming into the late 1950s an oligarchy-type elite group -composed of several officials including Yi Ki-bung was formed within the Liberal Party, and from 1959 till the next year(when the regime collapsed), the party practically run the country from a dominant status, even sidelining the executive(administrative) branch. This kind of approach allowed us to view the Liberal Party which had only been considered as a tool for Rhee Syngman’s governing so far as yet another political entity that composed the very structure of governance. Yet at the same time, such studies -which also tended to ‘narrow’ the examination to the Liberal Party itself- ended up only discussing whether the party was able to serve as an actual ruling party or not, or emphasizing the existence of oligarchic elite group connecting the party and the cabinet and the expansion of the party"s influence in the operation of the state. In this article a larger focus will be placed on all three sources of power: the Liberal Party, the government’s Cabinet and the Presidential residence, Gyeongmudae[secretariat]. How they connected themselves with each other, and functioned within a singular structure, will be examined. Results indicate that there was a core power group -with Yi Ki-bung at the center- that connected all the above three sources, featuring a radial human network originating from Yi. Also confirmed is that there was a limit to the party’s control over the cabinet, and that the party and the cabinet had quite a ‘checks and balance’ sort of dynamic between them.

자유당 중앙정치훈련원의 개원과 성격 변화

김진흠 서울역사편찬원 2020 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.105

`이승만`이라는 표상 ―이승만 이미지를 통해 본 1950년대 지배 권력의 상징 정치―

후지이다케시 ( Fujii Takeshi ) 역사문제연구소 2008 역사문제연구 Vol.12 No.1

In order to understand the true nature of the Syngman Rhee regime, which assumed the form of a modernized political power, it is necessary to examine not only Syngman Rhee as an individual but also the regime`s inside mechanism which operated as a system based upon the image and existence of an individual named Syngman Rhee. Examined in this article, which employed the above-mentioned perspective, is for example what kind of changes the emblem of Syngman Rhee had gone through, since 1948 and through 1960. And also analyzed in this article, is the nature of the political power that ruled the time, which was displayed through a series of symbol-based politics. The task of presenting and emphasizing Syngman Rhee`s existence and character had continued since the foundation of the South Korean government. Yang Woo-Jung, who was a converted Socialist and also the head of the Yeonhap newspaper company played an important role in that task, by authoring a book called the 『president Rhee`s Political Idea for Founding of the Nation』. Prime minister Lee Bum-Suk wrote the foreword for this book, so we can presume that this book, written by Yang Woo-Jung, indeed reflected the position and opinion held by the ruling power of the time. The `Syngman Rhee~ way and position presented here was in fact one of Social democracy, and at this stage Rhee`s way and position even exhibited a certain level of `Third world` quality, which intended to resist and struggle with not only Communism but also Capitalism. Yet, after the so-called `Jokchung-gyae` faction which included Lee Bum-Suk was removed from power, with the cease-fire agreement in 1953, the image of Syngman Rhee changed significantly. Biographies of Syngman Rhee started to be published since 1954, and these biographies all emphasized Syngman Rhee`s pro-U.S. nature, while downsizing his Nationalist nature. Also, in order to present Syngman Rhee to the public in literally very visible terms, the government`s efforts continued. We can see that from the fact that the government issued orders to create portraits of Syngman Rhee everywhere in the country. And in 1955, in commemoration of Syngman Rhee`s 80th birthday, a large celebration ceremony was arranged, and the project of erecting Syngman Rhee`s statue was promoted there as well. In the latter half period of the 1950s, Syngman Rhee became almost a mythicized figure. As we can see from descriptions referring to him such as `the Korean Christ sent from God`, Syngman Rhee`s life were being described in religious, Catholic, God-related terms. This kind of mythifying of a person reached its peak right before the presidential election in 1960. Such phenomena was originated out of the Liberal Party`s desperate attempt to have Lee Ki-Poong, who did not have any kind of presentable philosophy whatsoever, elected as vice president to assist Syngman Rhee. As a result, later Syngman Rhee` s statue became a target of rallies during the April 19th revolution. In other words, Syngman Rhee`s image changed again, and became an object to be attacked as well.

1950년대 후반 자유당 개헌 논의의 내용과 성격

이혜영(Yi Hye-young) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.80

In the late 1950s, the Liberal party constantly proposed for a Constitutional amendment. Jang Myeon, as an opposition party leader who was elected as Vice President in the third presidential election, was the direct cause for the Liberal party’s decision to initiate such a scheme. According to the Constitution, the Vice President was the primary candidate in case of absence of the President. The Liberal party wanted to propose a Consitutional amendment which would prohibit Jang Myeon from assuming the seat of President, in case the aging Rhee Seung-man was not able to complete his term. The second reason was the Liberal party’s deteriorating popularity. The results of both the 1956 Presidential election and the 1958 General election not only showed the growing disaffection against the ruling party, but also suggested the people’s very low expectations on the upcoming election in 1960. The Liberal party sought to shift to the Indirect election system, in order to secure the ruling party’s power. While initiating a debate for a Constitutional amendment, the ruling party intended to reform the political system by adopting a parliamentary cabinet system, in an attempt to delete the position of Vice President and shift away from the Direct Presidential election system. The Liberal party’s pursuit of a parliamentary cabinet system was partly due to the opposite Democratic party’s own suggestion, which proposed a parliamentary cabinet system too, criticizing Rhee’s dictatorship. By appearing to embrace the opposite party’s suggestion, the Liberal party could evade any criticism upon the amendment which would definitely call it as another scheme of the Liberal party to seize power, and also expect a minimized opposition from the Democratic party. The Liberal party’s proposal was, however, encountered with the party leader Rhee Seung-man’s fierce objection. President Rhee was concerned that the parliamentary cabinet system would undermine his presidential rights. The Democratic party as well, while some of its members did initiate an informal negotiation with the Liberal party, was mostly critical, and accused the ruling party’s scheme as an ’ill political attempt.’ And most of all, the general public was not warm to the idea of the amendment either. The Liberal party’s plan, which initiated a constitutional amendment, eventually failed and led to an unprecedented Presidential election fraud in 1960. As a result, the Rhee regime collapsed during the April Revolution, which was fueled by the people’s intense resistance.